Journal articles on the topic 'Male rape victims Attitudes'
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1
Javaid, Aliraza. "Masculinities, sexualities and identities: Understanding HIV positive and HIV negative male rape victims." International Sociology 32, no. 3 (March 18, 2017): 323–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580917696387.
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This empirical article focuses on how HIV intersects with male rape, and how the virus challenges and weakens male rape victims’ sense of masculinity. Drawing on hegemonic masculinity to elucidate the different ways in which men as victims of rape cope with their disease, the article argues that male victims handle the effects of rape themselves to keep their masculinity intact. Drawing on interviews with HIV positive and non-HIV positive male rape victims ( N = 15), it is argued that male victims of rape not only often struggle to manage their HIV status in a social sphere, but also may suffer contradictions in relation to embodying hegemonic masculinity. In addition to such struggles, male rape victims sometimes attract victim blaming attitudes, such as ‘he asked for it’, indicating that male rape victims are blamed for both contracting HIV and for being raped. HIV positive and non-HIV positive male rape victims question their masculinity while stigma develops through social relations with other people, particularly other men. Male rape myths are present in western society. This article seeks to open up a dialogue surrounding the salient issues associated with male rape, including HIV and male rape myths, while attempting to eliminate such harmful myths. It is important to tackle male rape myths because they can contribute to the underreporting of male rape and can compound male rape victims’ reluctance to seek help for their HIV, emotional and psychological suffering.
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Javaid, Aliraza. "Male Rape Myths: Understanding and Explaining Social Attitudes Surrounding Male Rape." Masculinities & Social Change 4, no. 3 (October 21, 2015): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/mcs.2015.1579.
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<p>This paper provides a critical review of the literature surrounding male rape, aimed at exploring how male rape myths shape society’s responses and attitudes to male victims of rape and integrates the literature from a theory driven perspective. In doing so, this theoretical paper reveals information relating to the barriers to recognition of male rape. These barriers are male rape myths that prevent male rape victims from coming forward and seeking the support that they merit. There has been a lack of research on male rape myths, although some research has documented such myths to be present in practice. These myths could be harmful because they may influence societies’ opinions of male rape victims, so this could affect the treatment and responses toward such victims. To understand and explain such myths so some attempt can be made at eradicating them, this paper will explore common male rape myths that seem to be prevalent in Western society. This paper will examine male rape myths in the areas of media, incarcerated settings, and the wider community, focusing on England and Wales, UK. This is important to do to recognise which myths are harmful and are facilitating the under-reporting of male rape. This paper will help raise awareness of male rape myths and not only attempt to tackle them, but also encourage male rape victims to come forward to report and seek the help that they merit. It will also address the gaps in the literature and areas ripe for research, so further empirical research can be conducted on male rape, highlighting ideas for future research and providing guidance in areas most needed in research on male rape. </p>
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Gotovac, Sandra, and Shelagh Towson. "Perceptions of Sexual Assault Victims/Survivors: The Influence of Sexual History and Body Weight." Violence and Victims 30, no. 1 (2015): 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.vv-d-12-00168.
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The intersection between a woman’s body weight and sexual history and the victim blaming attitudes of future health care providers was investigated. University undergraduate students (N = 91) enrolled in programs associated with the provision of health care read 1 of 4 patient files of a woman reporting a rape as well as 2 distracter files. Results showed that, for overweight rape victims/survivors, study participants’ antifat attitudes were correlated with victim blaming attitudes. Male participants held the attacker significantly less responsible than did female participants if the victim/survivor had several previous sexual partners. Findings suggest that body weight should be considered as a contributing factor in attitudes toward rape victims/survivors, and the gender of the health care provider can be a factor in the post-assault treatment of overweight rape victims/survivors.
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Burczyk, Katherine, and Lionel Standing. "ATTITUDES TOWARDS RAPE VICTIMS: EFFECTS OF VICTIM STATUS, SEX OF VICTIM, AND SEX OF RATER." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 17, no. 1 (January 1, 1989): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.1989.17.1.1.
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Attitudes towards rape victims were investigated as a function of the rater's sex, the rated individual's sex, and victim versus non-victim status. Student subjects (72 male, 72 female) were given a disguised questionnaire, and required to rate a profiled person (John' or `Carol on 12 evaluative traits (both positive and negative) using a 7-point scale, under male profile/female profile and victim/non-victim conditions. The subjects also rated themselves on 60 sex role traits, using the Bem Sex Role Inventory. Finally, they indicated briefly their perception of the major influence controlling the rated individual's life situation. The results showed three main trends: (1) a `sympathy effect' (i.e. more positive rating of the profiled person) occurred for female victims, with both male and female raters; (2) masculine and undifferentiated raters showed a sympathy effect whereas feminine and androgynous subjects did not; (3) victims were attributed an internal locus of causality significantly more often than were non-victims, especially by male raters.
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Anderson, Michelle J. "Diminishing the Legal Impact of Negative Social Attitudes Toward Acquaintance Rape Victims." New Criminal Law Review 13, no. 4 (2010): 644–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2010.13.4.644.
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Rape law often condemns females who are not chaste and excuses males who act with sexual entitlement. Rape law has been a significant site for the valorization of female chastity and constraint, on the one hand, and male prowess and freedom, on the other. It continues to reflect the sexism of a culture resistant to ceding male control over sexuality. Legal reform of rape law over the past forty years has greatly helped those who experience stranger rape that includes violence extrinsic to the rape itself. However, this generation of reform did not sufficiently help those whose experiences are more common: those raped by acquaintances without extrinsic violence. To tackle this larger problem, the law must undergo another generation of renewal, one that works affirmatively to diminish the legal impact of negative social attitudes toward acquaintance rape victims. Tis article proposes a range of legal reforms to that end.
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Duff, Simon, and Amy Tostevin. "Effects of gender, rape myth acceptance, and perpetrator occupation on perceptions of rape." Journal of Criminal Psychology 5, no. 4 (November 2, 2015): 249–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcp-12-2014-0019.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to assess the impact of gender-stereotypical beliefs and associated factors (gender, level of rape myth acceptance (RMA), and occupation) on public attitudes towards rape victims with the aim of establishing whether participant and perpetrator characteristics have effects on individuals’ attitudes towards rape victims. With regards to participants, gender, age, occupation, and the extent to which an individual endorses rape myths were investigated. The authors also considered whether participants’ attitudes were influenced by the occupation of a rapist as described in a vignette looking at occupations deemed to be stereotypically male or female. Design/methodology/approach – In total, 185 individuals participated in the study and were randomly assigned to one of three conditions based on the rapist’s occupation (stereotypically male occupation, gender-neutral occupation or stereotypically female occupation). Participants completed an online survey consisting of a RMA questionnaire, read a short vignette depicting a rape scenario (where they were also informed of the perpetrator’s occupation) and completed a further questionnaire on their attitudes towards rape victims. Results were examined by regression. Findings – The results indicate that both participant occupation and level of RMA significantly contributed to attitudes towards rape victims, however, a statistically significant effect for rapist occupation was not found. Originality/value – Findings are discussed in terms of implications for individuals working within services supporting victims of rape and the potential consequences of holding stereotypical beliefs for rape victims and perpetrators. It is important that research identifies those factors that might bias decision making in the legal system and thus impact upon outcomes for victims and offenders.
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Perenc, Lidia, Justyna Podgórska-Bednarz, Agnieszka Guzik, and Mariusz Drużbicki. "Selected Correlates of Attitudes towards Rape Victims among Polish Medical Students." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 10 (May 12, 2022): 5896. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19105896.
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Sexual violence against women, including rape, is a serious public health issue in many countries. Rape victims often meet health professionals in medical institutions for a range of health problems. The aim of this research was investigation of attitudes towards rape victims among medical students. Methods: The study sample consisted of 1183 university students who represented various medical disciplines. The average age of the respondents was 23.3 years. The Attitudes toward Rape Victims Scale (ARVS) was used in this study. Results: Higher scores in men indicate that they held less sympathetic attitudes towards rape victims than women (61.6 vs. 52.6, p = 0.0000). Given the univariate interaction, social environment, and religious commitment did not significantly differentiate the respondents in this respect. Students of the medical faculty obtained the lowest results (medicine 49.7 vs. midwifery and nursing: 54.1, other fields: 54.4, p = 0.0008), showing much understanding and empathy for rape victims. Conclusions: The surveyed medical students presented moderately positive attitudes towards rape victims, among them men somewhat negative than women who made more pro-victim judgments. Among all medical field of study, medicine was distinguished by higher empathy. Religion and social environment independently do not differentiate respondents in this respect.
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Rich, Karen, and Patrick Seffrin. "Police Interviews of Sexual Assault Reporters: Do Attitudes Matter?" Violence and Victims 27, no. 2 (2012): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.27.2.263.
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Sexual assault is underreported in the United States. Survivors are often reluctant to make police reports for various reasons; one is fear of revictimization by criminal justice professionals. Conversely, police officers often lack skills for interviewing crime victims. Posttraumatic stress reactions among victims can exacerbate the problem. Although some victims prefer female interviewers, it is not known whether they are more skilled. A sample of 429 police officers completed a written survey testing their rape myth acceptance and knowledge of how to interview rape reporters. A significant relationship between rape myth acceptance and interviewing skill was discovered. Although officer gender was related to interviewing skill, the effect was mediated by rape myth acceptance. Specific officer behaviors related to high rape myth acceptance were identified. Implications for selection of police to conduct victim interviews were discussed.
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Hetu, Vibha. "Reflections on the society’s reaction towards rape victims in Delhi City." Temida 17, no. 3 (2014): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem1403003h.
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In general, most people display stronger beliefs in ?aggravated rape? or ?real rape?; including victims of such rape cases who often identify themselves as ?rape victims? than the victims of ?simple rape?, where none of the aggravating circumstances are present. Despite myths to the contrary these ?simple rape? cases in fact make up the majority of cases. This article considers the implications of ?real rape? and demonstrates how notions about what a ?typical rape? should be, in the form of rape myths, directly impact on societal attitudes towards rape victims and how the media continue to reinforce and perpetuate the notion of real rape through their selective reporting of ?serial rape?, ?stranger rape? or especially ?violent rapes?.
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Rimmer, Beth, and Philip Birch. "Exploring factors affecting attitudes towards rape survivors: the role of sexuality and religiosity." Journal of Forensic Practice 21, no. 2 (May 13, 2019): 139–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfp-01-2019-0004.
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Purpose Contemporaneously, the crime of rape has experienced an increase in reporting. The majority of rape survivors continue to experience, however, extensive victimisation due to biased attitudes held by many people and organisations within the general population. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach In a quantitative study with a sample of 176 participants, this research aimed to explore sexuality and religiosity as factors that affect attitudes towards survivors of rape. Findings Results indicated that negative attitudes towards rape survivors could be predicted by rape myth acceptance. While the sexuality of the victim affected attitudes towards rape survivors and negative attitudes towards survivors were also found to be predicted by high religiosity scores, analyses concluded that both males and females perceived gay male victims with more negative attitudes in comparison to lesbian rape survivors. Male participants demonstrated, overall, more negative attitudes towards rape survivors than their female counterparts. In sum, sexuality and religiosity were concluded to be crucial factors in explaining blame attributions. Practical implications This study indicates: (1) the effect of social correlates other than gender on rape myths; (2) the effect sexuality has on the perception of rape myths; and (3) the effect religiosity has on the perception of rape myths. This study also reveals implications for the reporting, prosecution and conviction of rape cases that may be subject to bias and discrimination due to victim characteristics other than gender. Originality/value Attitudes towards rape survivors based on social correlates other than gender have received little attention within existing literature and research. This paper adds to this discussion by considering the affects of sexuality and religiosity which have implications for the reporting of such a crime.
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Javaid, Aliraza. "‘Poison ivy’: Queer masculinities, sexualities, homophobia and sexual violence." European Journal of Criminology 15, no. 6 (April 5, 2018): 748–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477370818764834.
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This paper critically engages with notions of sexualities and male rape, using the concepts of heteronormativity and the social construction of sexualities to make sense of male sexual victimization. It offers primary data, which were collected via qualitative interviews and qualitative questionnaires involving police officers and practitioners working in voluntary agencies ( N = 70). The theoretical framework of heteronormativity is used to elucidate the data, drawing on issues and notions of sexualities that shape the ways in which state and voluntary agencies perceive, respond to and deal with male victims of rape. The aim of this paper, then, is to explore how notions of sexualities affect British state and voluntary agencies’ understanding of male rape and their views of men as victims of rape. I argue that state and voluntary agencies see male rape solely as a homosexual issue. As a result, heterosexual male rape victims, in particular, fear that societies will see them as homosexuals potentially drawing in homophobic reactions, responses or appraisals from others because rape challenges men’s heterosexual identity and sense of self as a ‘real’ man. Owing to the myth that male rape is a homosexual issue, and owing to heteronormativity, rape between men is seen as ‘consensual’ because anal penetration is considered to be an activity for gay men. Thus, sexist, homophobic and disbelieving attitudes emerge.
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Javaid, Aliraza. "‘Walking on egg shells’." Police Journal: Theory, Practice and Principles 90, no. 3 (November 18, 2016): 228–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032258x16677357.
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The aim of this present work is to explore police officers’ experiences and views in respect of male rape. I critically examine the role of the police, and their experiences and perceptions of handling male rape cases. This study presents detailed, in-depth, and rich data from the police in England. The findings are generated from the police, male rape counsellors, male rape therapists and voluntary agency workers. The participants were interviewed and filled out qualitative questionnaires, which were kept anonymous. I ensured that those who were interviewed did not also fill out a questionnaire, as each method addresses issues in a different form. To inform the development of the semi-structured interview schedule and the qualitative questionnaires, I drew on Abdullah-Khan (2008) in order to shape the types of questions that I asked. Overall, this study gained a sample size of 70 participants. In this paper, I solely focus on state agencies’ responses and attitudes toward male rape. From the findings, five distinct themes emerged: (1) level of communications between officers and victims; (2) perpetuation of male rape myths and stereotypes by judges and juries; (3) lack of evidence in male rape cases; (4) attrition in male rape cases; and (5) issues of consent in male rape cases. There are serious concerns in terms of how the criminal justice system deals with male rape victims, resulting not only in poor treatment of the victims, but also increasing the attrition rate and decreasing the conviction rate in male rape cases. I attempt to tackle poor police practice herein.
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Rumney, Philip N. S. "Gay male rape victims: law enforcement, social attitudes and barriers to recognition." International Journal of Human Rights 13, no. 2-3 (June 2009): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642980902758135.
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Anderson, Irina, and Alison Quinn. "Gender differences in medical students' attitudes towards male and female rape victims." Psychology, Health & Medicine 14, no. 1 (December 11, 2008): 105–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13548500802241928.
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Kassing, Leslee R., Denise Beesley, and Lisa L. Frey. "Gender Role Conflict, Homophobia, Age, and Education as Predictors of Male Rape Myth Acceptance." Journal of Mental Health Counseling 27, no. 4 (October 1, 2005): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17744/mehc.27.4.9wfm24f52kqgav37.
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The relationship of homophobia and gender role conflict to male rape myth acceptance was investigated using a sample of 210 adult men from a Midwestern community. A hierarchical multiple regression analysis was conducted to determine the ability of certain variables to predict adherence to male rape myths. Those variables were homophobia; success, power, and competition attitudes; restrictive affectionate behavior between men; restrictive emotionality; and conflicts between work and family relationships. Results indicated that greater adherence to rape myths was related to homophobia and more success, power, and competitive attitudes. Additionally, older participants and participants with lower levels of education were more likely to endorse greater adherence to rape myths. Implications of this research include the necessity for more research on male rape myth acceptance, for implementation of educational programs and changes in the socialization process to help dispel these myths, and for mental health counselors to provide unbiased and gender-responsive treatment modalities to male victims who seek help.
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Rich, Robert F., and Robert J. Sampson. "Public Perceptions of Criminal Justice Policy: Does Victimization Make a Difference?" Violence and Victims 5, no. 2 (January 1990): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.5.2.109.
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In this paper we examine public perceptions of criminal justice policy and public attitudes toward victims. We are particularly interested in exploring the relationship between the use of social science data and the adoption of public policy affecting victims of crime. To do this we analyze a representative sample of over 450 residents of the Chicago metropolitan area in 1983. The specific issues examined include attitudes toward rape (e.g., whether caused by victim’s behavior), prosecution of marital rape, plea bargaining, sentencing of predatory offenders, and the relative importance and efficacy of rehabilitation, incapacitation, and retribution as goals of punishment. Overall, the results suggest that age and education have the most important influence on public attitudes regarding these criminal justice policies. Surprisingly, victimization status does not emerge as a salient predictor of criminal justice perceptions. We conclude with a call for greater use of social science surveys as information input into local and federal decision making on criminal justice policy.
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Sleath, Emma, and Ray Bull. "A Brief Report on Rape Myth Acceptance: Differences Between Police Officers, Law Students, and Psychology Students in the United Kingdom." Violence and Victims 30, no. 1 (2015): 136–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.vv-d-13-00035.
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A common perception is that police officers hold very negative attitudes about rape victims. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to establish whether police officers do accept stereotypical rape myths at a higher level compared to members of other populations. There were 3 comparison samples, composed of police officers, law students, and psychology students, that completed the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance scale. Male and female police officers accepted “she lied” myths at a higher level than the student samples. Student samples were found to accept 2 types of rape myths (“she asked for it” and “he didn’t meant to”) at a higher level compared to police officers. No significant differences were found in the other 4 subfactors. Therefore, the pattern of results suggests that police officers do not adhere to stereotypical myths about rape victims more than do other populations.
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Abolade, Falana, and Tolulope Falana. "THE SOCIO-LEGAL ATTITUDE TOWARDS RAPE VICTIMS IN NIGERIA DURING COVID-19 PANDEMIC." International Journal of Innovative Research in Social Sciences and Strategic Management Techniques 9, no. 1 (January 9, 2022): 12–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ijirsssmt.v9.i1.02.
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Rape has long been a brutal part of the- human history of forceful sexual intercourse against a person who is weakened, unconscious or powerless of giving valid permission. The documented rise in sexual violence in Nigeria especially people with poor socio-economic legislators and status is not only to attributed to excessive drinking and indecent dressing but men superiority or the support of culture and beliefs that rape is a sign of maleness the fear of stigmatization, extortion from law enforcement, and lastly lack of confidence in the judicial system. However, there is paucity of literature on how socio-legal attribute on rape victims in Nigeria. Hence, this study investigated the effect of socio-legal attitude toward rape victims in Nigeria. The study employed survey research design. A self-administered questionnaire was distributed to 1000 respondents to obtain information on relevant issues through the aid of Google. Results from the study show that majority of the respondents had a negative attitude towards rape victims. There was an effect on gender differences in the attitude of Nigerians to male rape victims based on gender differences with a p-value < 0.05 (0.000, X2 = 197.307). Therefore, we failed to reject the alternate hypothesis. There was an effect in the attitude of Nigerians to female rape victims based on gender differences with a p-value < 0.05 (0.000, X2 = 18.955). Therefore, the null hypothesis is rejected.In conclusion, there is a need for public health education on rape and as well encouragement of victims to report cases with an assurance of their safety. Specialized women’s right organizations that should provide capacity building support and logistics services to youths and students in higher institutions and more studies should be carried out to identify the perception of gender-based rape among specific regions in the country and assessment of rape myths and factors that make them.
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Shechory-Bitton, Mally, and Lea Jaeger. "The role of sexual orientation in differentiating between perceptions of rape myths, gender role stereotypes and social distance: The case of Israel." Temida 23, no. 1 (2020): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem2001003s.
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The purpose of the current study was to explore the relationships between Israeli gender role stereotypes, rape myths toward male and female victims, and social distance from sex crime victims and sex offenders, according to the observer?s sex and sexual orientation (gay men, lesbian women, and heterosexual men and women). The data was collected during the end of 2016 and included 401 Israeli participants. A multivariate analysis of variance, as well as series of Pearson analyses, were used to examine the differences between groups as well as to examine the correlations between research variables. Results broadly conformed to predictions, with men generally more negative than women. However, people with a same-sex orientation endorse more liberal gender role attitudes than heterosexuals. In addition, overall, participants expressed greater willingness to maintain social contacts with victims than with offenders. Nonetheless, only among heterosexuals significant negative correlations between rape myths and willingness to maintain social contacts with victims were found.
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Saunders, Daniel G., Ann B. Lynch, Marcia Grayson, and Daniel Linz. "The Inventory of Beliefs about Wife Beating: The Construction and Initial Validation of a Measure of Beliefs and Attitudes." Violence and Victims 2, no. 1 (January 1987): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.2.1.39.
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Although attitudes and beliefs about wife beating have been regarded as important for understanding the factors that cause and perpetuate woman abuse, researchers have not had adequate instruments to measure these attitudes and beliefs. This article reports on the construction of a scale of attitudes about wife beating and an assessment of the scale’s dimensionality and validity. Data were collected from 675 students, 94 residents of a mid-western city, 71 men who batter, and 70 advocates for battered women. Five reliable subscales were derived, and seven tests of validity were supported. Sympathetic attitudes toward battered women were related, as predicted, with liberal views of women’s roles and sympathetic attitudes toward rape victims. Abusers and advocates were the most dissimilar in their attitudes. Male and female students also differed significantly. Many of the results are analogous to those in studies of attitudes toward rape. Several possible uses of the measure are described.
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Warner, Kate. "Sentencing in cases of marital rape: towards changing the male imagination." Legal Studies 20, no. 4 (November 2000): 592–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.2000.tb00161.x.
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The failure of rape law to convict more men and to protect more women appears to be attributable to the fact that underlying, and assumed by, the law is a male dominated conception of aggressive and possessive male sexuality and a misunderstanding of the real wrong of rape. The sentencing stage of criminal proceedings offers courts the opportunity to challenge these attitudes. Court of Appeal sentencing decisions in cases of marital and relationship rape are analysed and sentencing principles and practice which endorse and reinforce a male dominated conception of sexuality and the wrong of rape are criticised. So, it is argued, an intimate relationship between the offender and the victim should not be a mitigating factor. Nor should forgiveness be a special mitigating factor in cases of marital rape. And attempts to mitigate rape by explaining it in terms of emotional stress, an excess of seductive zeal or other ways that treat aggressive male sexual behaviour and female passivity as the norm, should not be countenanced. Instead, sentencing guidance should foster attitudes which conceive of sexuality as an expression of equal and sharing relationships.
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Adolfsson, Kerstin, Leif A. Strömwall, and Sara Landström. "Blame Attributions in Multiple Perpetrator Rape Cases: The Impact of Sympathy, Consent, Force, and Beliefs." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 35, no. 23-24 (July 20, 2017): 5336–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260517721171.
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Victims of multiple perpetrator rape (MPR) have been found to be an especially vulnerable group. This study examined effects of MPR and perpetrators’ use of force on attributions of victim and perpetrator blame. In two large experiments (total N = 2,928), Swedish community members read scenarios depicting an MPR and subsequently made several ratings of blame, rape myth acceptance (RMA), just world beliefs, sympathy for the victim, perception of consent, and trust in the legal system. Data were analyzed with a multianalytical approach using both analyses of variance as well as exploratory analyses. In Experiment 1, more blame was attributed to a victim of MPR than a victim of a lone perpetrator rape (LPR). In Experiment 2, no effect of used force was found on levels of attributed blame. In both experiments, hierarchical multiple regression analyses indicated that four components, identified through principal components analyses, explained substantial shares of the variance in both victim and perpetrator blame. The best individual predictors were participants’ perception of consent, sympathy for the victim, and RMA. The study shows the importance of studying participants’ beliefs and attitudes about rape and that victim-blaming research needs both theory development and greater methodological awareness. Implications for victim support services are also discussed.
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Fischer, Gloria J. "Cognitive Predictors of Not-Guilty Verdicts in a Simulated Acquaintance Rape Trial." Psychological Reports 68, no. 3_suppl (June 1991): 1199–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1991.68.3c.1199.
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Cognitive predictors, such as relatively accepting attitudes toward forcible date rape, helped identify self-reported sexually coercive college students and were expected to help identify students voting not guilty in a simulated acquaintance rape trial. To test this hypothesis college students self-administered in random order (1) an anonymous sex survey measuring attitudes toward forcible date rape, attitudes toward women, sexual experience, including victimization, sexual permissiveness, and sexual knowledge and (2) a trial survey based on a simulated acquaintance rape trial. Only gender and cognitive variables from the trial (e.g., being male, tending to blame the victim, and uncertainty about one's verdict) identified not guilty verdicts above chance expectancy. Thus, the hypothesis that the cognitive predictors measured here would help identify students voting not guilty in a simulated acquaintance rape trial was not supported.
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Cowan, Gloria, and Wendy J. Quinton. "Cognitive Style and Attitudinal Correlates of the Perceived Causes of Rape Scale." Psychology of Women Quarterly 21, no. 2 (June 1997): 227–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1997.tb00110.x.
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This study examines the relations between beliefs about the causes of rape and attitudinal and cognitive style (the tendency to think about social problems systemically, the view of people as complex and changeable, and an intellectual personality) measures in a sample of 270 community-college students. The Perceived Causes of Rape (PCR) Scale included the following subscales: Male Dominance, Society and Socialization, Female Precipitation, Male Sexuality, and Male Hostility. Beliefs about the causes of rape varied on three dimensions: individual versus sociocultural causes of rape, those causes that focus on the perpetrator versus those that focus on the victim, and rape myths versus feminist beliefs. The causes of rape identified as rape myths were associated with male sexuality stereotypes, a version of Burt's (1980) Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, attitudes toward feminism, and self-identification as a feminist. Agreement with the sociocultural causes of rape was associated with cognitive style measures and age. We suggest that belief in sociocultural causes of rape may require a predisposition to think systemically as much as an ideological stance.
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Zack, Emma, John T. Lang, and Danielle Dirks. "“It must be great being a female pedophile!”: The nature of public perceptions about female teacher sex offenders." Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal 14, no. 1 (October 25, 2016): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741659016674044.
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Although female sex offenders have received increased scholarly attention in recent years, and have also gained widespread media attention, minimal research has focused specifically on public perceptions of their behavior. This study explores the nature of public perceptions of a group of offenders on which the media often focus—female teachers who assault adolescent male students—by examining reader comments posted on five Huffington Post articles published from November 2010 to November 2013. Using a thematic coding methodology to analyze over 900 online comments, we found that most comments recognize a current double standard in the sentencing process for female teacher sex offenders compared to their male counterparts. Comments also rely on traditional sexual scripts and/or gender role expectations to either acknowledge or deny a victim’s presence. Contrary to existing research that examined public perceptions and found that more punitive attitudes were expressed toward male sex offenders, these results suggest that the public believes in equality in sentencing for all sex offenders, regardless of gender. These results also confirm prior studies that find that the public perceives adolescent male victims of rape by older women “lucky.”
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Tal-Or, Nurit, and Yariv Tsfati. "Does the Co-Viewing of Sexual Material Affect Rape Myth Acceptance? The Role of the Co-Viewer’s Reactions and Gender." Communication Research 45, no. 4 (July 28, 2015): 577–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093650215595073.
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While media research has long ago acknowledged that watching TV is a social activity, only a few studies have examined the effects of co-viewing on adult reactions to a televised text. In the current investigation, we used social-cognitive theory combined with previous research on the intra-audience effect, audience identification, transportation, and attitude change to develop hypotheses connecting co-viewers’ reactions, co-viewers’ gender, and viewer’s post-exposure attitudes. Participants watched a movie segment that ended in a rape scene. We manipulated their confederate co-viewers’ displayed reaction (enthusiastic or bored) and gender, and subsequently measured perceived co-viewers’ attributions of responsibility for the rape, the viewers’ transportation, identification with the male protagonist, and acceptance of the rape myth (the tendency to attribute responsibility for sexual violence to the victim). Results demonstrated that for those participants who correctly perceived the engagement manipulation, the effect of the confederate co-viewer’s engagement manipulation on rape myth acceptance was positive and significant. In addition, both manipulations had an indirect effect on rape myth acceptance, sequentially mediated through transportation and identification.
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Adhiambo Oguda, Benta G., George Vikiru, and Christine Wasanga. "Effect of Viewing Emotionally Laden Paintings on Attitudes of Male Sex Offenders." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 8, no. 2 (February 25, 2021): 504. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v8i2.2461.
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Creative arts are overly caricatured as non-essentially flossy and unmerited luxury particularly when executed in a jail setting. However, research suggests that art-based prison programs can significantly bear upon the lives of offenders. In this paper the authors make reference to this connotation in order to investigate the potential for an art-based prison program involving repeated viewing of emotionally laden paintings to influence attitudes towards crime among male sex offenders. Towards this goal the authors used a one group pretest-posttest quasi experimental design to assess the participants’ general attitudes to offending (G scale), anticipation of re-offending (A scale), victim hurt denial(V scale) and evaluation of crime as worthwhile(E scale). Rape and defilement convicts aged 18-45 years from Nairobi West Prison participated in sessions that were facilitated three times a week during the 5 week program. A paired T- Test showed statistically significant improvements between post-test1 and pre-test (t=-3.117, p-value=0.003) and between post-test2 and pre-test (t=-2.161, p-value=0.035). Positive results were found for three attitude measures; G scale, A-scale and E-scale. The findings suggest that participation in art prison programs involving repeated viewing of emotive artwork can be an effective intervention resulting in attitude change among male sex offenders.
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Федоришин, Галина. "Gender stereotypes as a driver of domestic violence." Збірник наукових праць: психологія, no. 22 (December 10, 2018): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/psp.22.26-32.
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Society pressures men and women into playing certain roles, prescribed by the community and passed down from generation to generation. Gender stereotypes are the most persistent among all social stereotypes. They are a set of conventional generally accepted rules and attitudes in respect to male and female status, codes of conduct, motives behind their actions and need patterns. They consolidate prevailing gender differences and relations. Destructive impact of gender stereotypes can be observed at the family level in various forms of violence against men or women, especially in rural regions. It is mostly women who fall victims to spousal abuse. The range of violations of women's rights is fairly broad, including female trafficking, rape, marital violence, child sexual abuse, cultural practices and traditions directed against female reproductive and sexual health.
Studies of both domestic and foreign researchers give grounds for arguing that it is patriarchal attitudes and beliefs concerning the functional and role structure of the family imposed on Ukrainians over the past centuries that account for gender-based violence in the family. However, not all men with such attitudes commit violence in intergender relations. Economic factor seems rather significant in this regard, that is unemployment, wages (victims usually earn less), family budget allocation and some other victimologic character traits (dependent, psychasthenic personality traits, learned helplessness syndrome, etc.), as well as lower education, unhealthy and immoral lifestyle. Biological causes of such violence can be handicaps, health problems or disability.
This paper analyses the nature of gender stereotypes, their components and varieties. We explore particular impact of gender stereotypes on acts of domestic violence against men and women and suggest ways to challenge gender stereotypes.
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Mkhize, Sazelo Michael, Khanyisile Berlinda Majola, and Sogo Angel Olofinbiyi. "Toward a Pervasive Understanding of Rape Culture: The Extent of its Existence on the University Campuses." Oriental Anthropologist: A Bi-annual International Journal of the Science of Man 20, no. 2 (October 5, 2020): 387–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0972558x20952987.
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Sexual violence has been highlighted as a global scourge. Rape culture being a phenomenon derived from the plight of sexual violence injustices, has addressed the normalization of actions which produce the issues surrounding sexual violence. Rape culture is an old concept, which, however, has been newly campaigned today as the crisis of sexual violence has risen. Women are at the forefront of this issue as they are the most affected; however, this is not to say that men do not fall victim. Experiencing sexual violence can demonstrate physical and genuine harm to survivors. Furthermore, academic performance and social interactions can be contrarily affected by a rape understanding, particularly when survivors face negative social responses and lack of help from college assets. University culprits of sexual assault seem to impart a few attributes to one another (e.g., psychopathic propensities, explicit compulsion strategies, and rape-supportive attitudes), proposing that some male understudies are bound to commit rape against one another. The propagation of rape culture crosswise over campus grounds eventually prompts an extreme underreporting of assault episodes and far-reaching falsehood with respect to rape. University institutions ought to require observer mediation preparing to teach understudies about rape, increment attention to college systems in regard to rape examinations, and change the present demeanor toward rape survivors and culprits. Tertiary institutions in South Africa have made many pledges that fight against violence that is gender-based, especially sexual violations. The findings indicate that rape culture is prevalent at a considerably high rate on university premises. Based on the findings obtained, the normalization of rape culture is a concept that students learn through home-indoctrinated practices, peer-group pressure, as well as through the influence of social media.
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Crawley, Karen, and Olivera Simic. "Telling stories of rape, revenge and redemption in the age of the TED talk." Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal 15, no. 2 (May 14, 2018): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741659018771117.
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The last few years have witnessed increasing discussion of sexual violence in the mainstream media and public debate in North America and elsewhere, especially with the most recent wave of sexual assault and harassment allegations in entertainment, media and public institutions, called the #MeToo campaign. Despite the view that men must be engaged in this conversation in order to be effective at preventing violence and changing deep-seated patriarchal attitudes, the place of male voices in this ongoing conversation is hotly in question. This article analyzes an unusual and controversial project by Thordis Elva and Tom Stranger, who, 20 years after Stranger raped Elva, produced a TED talk (2016) watched by over 3 million people, and a jointly written book, South of Forgiveness (Elva and Stranger, 2017), detailing their story of forgiveness and redemption. The first part of this article situates this unprecedented victim-rapist enterprise within the history of feminist anti-rape politics and men’s involvement in that politics, arguing that this project both instantiates, and critiques, an appeal to the ‘good man’. The second part analyzes the book South of Forgiveness as a survivor story that is more complex than the highly reductive format of a TED talk allows, and shows how its uneasy fit within the putative frameworks of ‘restorative’ or informal justice (as Elva and others claim it to be) is a function of the unacknowledged dimension to the performance in the form of revenge. The third part of the article turns to Elva’s and Stranger’s public performances that began with the TED talk and book tour, which we attended, to show how this function of revenge played out theatrically and implicates the spectator as bystander and witness. We conclude by reflecting upon the implications of listening to male perpetrators speak against sexual violence against women and our responsibility towards these questions as feminist legal academics.
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Anderson, Alissa, Twila Wingrove, Paul Fox, Kyle McLean, and Erin Styer. "Who Is the Rotten Apple? Mock Jurors’ Views of Teacher–Student Sexual Contact." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 33, no. 9 (November 29, 2015): 1449–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260515618214.
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The present study investigated mock jurors’ ( N = 541) perceptions of a hypothetical case of teacher–student sexual contact. Mock jurors read a brief vignette describing an alleged sexual encounter where the gender and age of both the teacher and student were manipulated. Participants rendered legal decisions (i.e., verdict, degree of guilt, and sentence length), as well as culpability judgments pertaining to both the teacher and the student (i.e., blame, cause, and desire for the sexual contact). In addition, the effects of mock juror gender and attitudes regarding both rape myth acceptance and homophobia were investigated. Teacher gender and both teacher and student age predicted mock jurors’ recommended sentences, with male teachers, older teachers, and younger students leading to greater sentences. Overall, student age was most consistently related to multiple culpability judgments, and the culpability judgments regarding the victim were the most consistently predicted by the independent variables. We did not find any evidence of homosexist attitudes, meaning that same-gender teacher–student contact was not judged any differently than opposite-gender contact. Worth noting, we found an interaction such that male students victimized by female teachers were judged to have wanted the contact more than any other gender combination, especially by male participants. The authors discuss these findings in the context of the child sexual abuse (CSA) literature concluding that many of the findings of more prototypical CSA cases extend to the teacher–student context. We also discuss the implications of these findings in terms of gendered judgments of adolescents who are victimized by teachers, possibly decided by legal professionals, school administrators, and jurors themselves. In particular, the three-way gender interaction can be interpreted in the context of stereotypes regarding sexual development marking sexual contact between adolescent males and older females as a “rite of passage” into adulthood.
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Egan, Rachel, and Janet Clare Wilson. "Rape Victims' Attitudes to Rape Myth Acceptance." Psychiatry, Psychology and Law 19, no. 3 (June 2012): 345–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13218719.2011.585128.
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Boakye, Kofi E. "Attitudes Toward Rape and Victims of Rape." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 24, no. 10 (February 27, 2009): 1633–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260509331493.
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Nagel, Barbara, Hisako Matsuo, Kevin P. McIntyre, and Nancy Morrison. "Attitudes Toward Victims of Rape." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 20, no. 6 (June 2005): 725–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260505276072.
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Aissa, Lina. "“The Girl Who Cried Rape”: An Assessment of Rape Myths in the Moroccan Sociocultural Context." International Journal of Cultural and Religious Studies 1, no. 1 (October 20, 2021): 08–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijcrs.2021.1.1.2.
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Empirical studies have unequivocally and consistently shown that rape myths are integral to the aetiology of sexual coercion and aggression. The present article reviews the literature on rape myth acceptance as an important risk factor in the sexual victimization of women and a precursor for a hostile social attitude towards victims of rape. Through the examination of the verbal reactions of the Moroccan public to the case of rape and torture of Khadija “the tattoo girl” (fata:t lwaʃm) on YouTube, it attempts to assess and debunk specific examples of rape myths present in the Moroccan sociocultural context. Discussion focuses on the social perception of female victims of sexual violence and the measurement and evaluation of its physical and psychological impact on them. Victims' emotional responses and psychic trauma constitute an important part of this discussion. Findings suggest the existence of immanently cultural rape myths, such as “the myth of the willing victim”, “it is impossible to rape a resisting woman”, and “women are prone to make false allegations”, along with deleterious victim-blaming cultural stereotypes, such as “she was asking for it”. Another noteworthy finding this paper presents is the social requirement of conspicuous "psychological/emotional harm" to legitimize the status of the victim.
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Brooksbank, D. J. "Male rape: Support for victims." BMJ 307, no. 6899 (July 31, 1993): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.307.6899.323-a.
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Ellis, Colin Derek. "Male Rape – The Silent Victims." Collegian 9, no. 4 (January 2002): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1322-7696(08)60432-1.
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Javaid, Aliraza. "Making the invisible visible: (un)meeting male rape victims’ needs in the third sector." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 9, no. 2 (April 10, 2017): 106–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-08-2016-0248.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore whether the voluntary sector meets male rape victims’ needs in England, UK. The author’s contribution represents an attempt to piece together some of the voluntary sector’s responses to male rape victims in England, UK and examine whether they meet male rape victims’ needs. Design/methodology/approach The author draws on data collected from semi-structured interviews and qualitative questionnaires with male rape counsellors, therapists and voluntary agency caseworkers (n=70). Findings The findings reveal nuanced themes that have been overlooked in the existing literature of male rape: first, male rape victims are not given a choice of their voluntary agency practitioner (regarding gender) to serve them; second, there is no specific training on male rape in voluntary agencies; third, the impact of limited resources and funding in the voluntary sector means that many male rape victims’ needs are unmet; and finally, there is ageism and discrimination in some voluntary agencies, whereby male rape victims are prioritised in terms of their age. Research limitations/implications Methodologically, the author’s sample size was not considerably large (n=70), making it difficult to generalise the findings to all voluntary agency practitioners in a British context. Practical implications At a time of scarce funding and scant resources for the third sector, the impact of limited resources and funding in the voluntary sector could mean that male rape victims may not receive proper care and treatment. Budget cuts in the third sector are problematic, in that voluntary agencies may be unable to get access to robust training programs for male rape or to resources that can help shape and develop the ways in which they serve male rape victims. The needs of male rape victims, therefore, are unlikely to be met at the local, regional and national levels. Social implications Some practitioners are misinformed about male rape and do not have the tools to be able to adequately and efficiently handle male rape victims. Not only can their lack of understanding of male rape worsen male rape victims’ trauma through inappropriate ways of handling them, but also the practitioners may implicitly reinforce male rape myths, such as “male rape is solely a homosexual issue” or “men cannot be raped”. Originality/value Whilst previous contributions have recognised the third sector’s responses to female rape victims, little work has been done to identify their treatment of male rape victims. The author attempts to fill some of this lacuna. In particular, The author draws attention to some of the issues and dilemmas that arise when voluntary agencies provide services for male victims of rape. The author’s concern is that many male rape victims’ needs may be neglected or ignored because of the rise in neoliberalism, as there appears to be a financial meltdown in the voluntary sector.
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Stachow, Ela. "Conflict-related sexual violence: a review." BMJ Military Health 166, no. 3 (January 29, 2020): 183–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jramc-2019-001376.
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Conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) is a concerning yet prevalent feature of historical and current conflict. The term encompasses any form of sexual violence associated with conflict, including rape, sexual assault and forced marriage or prostitution. Acts of CRSV have been perpetrated by both military personnel and civilians against men, women and children. The aetiology of CRSV is complex and unique to each conflict and circumstance. It may arise as a deliberate tactic of war or as opportunistic criminal acts at times of the relative lawlessness resulting from conflict. CRSV can also be related to certain sociocultural attitudes surrounding conflict.CRSV can result in profound medical, psychological and social sequelae for victims and management requires a holistic approach to address these. The global political response to CRSV has been gaining momentum in recent decades. Although the practical reaction to political stances has been limited at times, some consistent messages have arisen from collaborative work between the United Nations and other multinational bodies. Advances have also been made in the judicial response to CRSV.Due to the widespread nature of the issue, there is the potential for the exposure of Defence Medical Services (DMS) personnel to CRSV. This may occur while operating in a conflict zone or when participating in humanitarian operations. DMS personnel should maintain an awareness of the prevalence of CRSV and of any current political measures in place to tackle it. When appropriate, CRSV should feature in operational medical planning and pre-deployment training to assist personnel in managing any cases they encounter.
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Smit, Denine, and Voet Du Plessis. "Sexual Harassment in the Education Sector." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 14, no. 6 (June 9, 2017): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2011/v14i6a2613.
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Education should safely shape the minds and attitudes of young adults and children, especially with the in loco parentis principle in mind. Young adults who have experienced sexual harassment in the very environment that should have protected them as learners suffer greatly from social problems and from emotional and academic strain. Victims often become future harassers themselves. Sexual harassment should be eradicated from the education sector in toto to ensure a safe learning environment. High incidences of harassment have been found among college students in America, while a very small percentage of such transgressions have been reported. Similar statistics in South African universities are not available, the problem is therefore managed in a void. The position in schools is more alarming. In South Africa it has been found that 30 per cent of girls are raped at school and that male learners and educators are the main culprits. Not only is the magnitude of this problem gravely underestimated, but the effect of sexual harassment on learners has also not been managed properly. The authors argue that the focus is on avoiding legal responsibility and accountability, rather than on being proactive. The historic invisibility of sexual harassment in education can be attributed to the wrongful silencing thereof.
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BEST, CONNIE L., BONNIE S. DANSKY, and DEAN G. KILPATRICK. "Medical Students' Attitudes About Female Rape Victims." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 7, no. 2 (June 1992): 175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088626092007002004.
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Rumney, Philip N. S., and Charnelle van der Bijl. "Rape, Attitudes, and Law Enforcement in South Africa." New Criminal Law Review 13, no. 4 (2010): 826–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2010.13.4.826.
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This article examines the nature of social attitudes toward adult rape in South Africa and the ways in which they may influence the response of criminal justice professionals to cases of rape. Tis article draws on a small study of law students who completed a questionnaire that sought to examine specific beliefs regarding rape victims and their behavior during and following rape. Te questionnaire examines issues that do not appear to have been explored within attitude surveys thus far in South Africa. Te findings from this survey, along with the wider research literature on attitudes toward rape, suggest that rape myths and stereotypes are widespread in South African society and that they are also shared by some criminal justice professionals. Te article also notes some encouraging trends in South Africa. In particular, the judiciary has shown clear disapproval of the institutional failure to protect victims of rape and sexual assault. Te judiciary has also explicitly rejected myths pertaining to the behavior of rape victims, which will be discussed in this article. Although these trends are encouraging, there remains a clear need to address the problem of rape myths and stereotypes both in the general population and within the criminal justice system.
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Christiansen, Dorte, Rikke Bak, and Ask Elklit. "Secondary Victims of Rape." Violence and Victims 27, no. 2 (2012): 246–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.27.2.246.
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Rape is often a very traumatic experience, which affects not only the primary victim (PV) but also his/her significant others. Studies on secondary victims of rape are few and have almost exclusively studied male partners of female rape victims. This study examined the impact of rape on 107 secondary victims, including family members, partners, and friends of male and female rape victims. We found that many respondents found it difficult to support the PV and that their relationship with the PV was often affected by the assault. Furthermore, the sample showed significant levels of traumatization, and it was estimated that approximately one quarter of the respondents suffered from posttraumatic stress syndrome (PTSD). Degree of traumatization was associated with a more recent assault, higher efforts to support the PV, recurrent thoughts about having been able to prevent the assault, a lack of social support for the respondent, and feeling let down by others. The respondents were generally interested in friend-, family-, and partner-focused interventions, particularly in receiving education about how best to support a rape victim.
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Gari, Aikaterini, George Georgouleas, Artemis Giotsa, and Eleni Anna Stathopoulou. "Greek students’ attitudes toward rape." Psychology: the Journal of the Hellenic Psychological Society 16, no. 2 (October 15, 2020): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/psy_hps.23809.
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Literature on sexual harassment and violence against women describes a variety of myths and stereotypes regarding partial or total responsibility of rape victims and their “enjoyment” of sexual violence. Rape stigma and rape myths are aspects of generalized attitudes toward victims of rape and rapists, while it seems that sexual violence remains a taboo in today’s western societies. This study explores Greek university students’ attitudes towards rape. A questionnaire created for the purpose of this study was administered to 950 Greek students at the University of Athens and at the University of Ioannina, divided into three groups: a group of students from the Faculty of Law, a group from Departments orientated to Humanistic and Social Sciences and a group of students from other Faculties and Departments of Applied Sciences. Factor analysis revealed four factors: “Rape victim’s responsibility”, “Defining the concept of rape”, “Rape motivation” and “Rapist’s characteristics”. In line with previous research findings, the results indicated that women were less accepting of conservative attitudestowards rape than men; they also seemed to reject attitudes of “blaming the victim” more, and to hold negative views of rapists. Additionally, the results showed that students of rural origin retain more conservative attitudes with respect to the victim’s responsibility and the rapist’s characteristics than students of urban origin. Finally, students in Law Departments seemed to have accepted more moderate attitudes than the other two groups of students; they mostly disagree with conservative attitudes regarding victim’s responsibilities along with the Social Science students, but they agree more with Applied Sciences students in defining rape.
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Javaid, Aliraza. "Theorising vulnerability and male sexual victimisation." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 51, no. 3 (August 4, 2017): 454–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0004865817723955.
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This UK study is about perceptions and constructions of male rape among police officers and agency practitioners. This paper seeks to particularly understand and explain the relationship between vulnerability and male sexual victimisation in the UK. It employs gender and sexualities frameworks to elucidate the connection between vulnerability and male rape, offering primary data (N = 70). The data consist of police officers and voluntary agency practitioners. I aim to make sense of male rape discourse through the participants’ voices since they intimately serve male rape victims/offenders on a one-to-one basis. Because of the lack of male rape research specifically looking at this nuanced area that I seek to explore, this paper will attempt to open up a dialogue regarding male rape not only in an academic context but also in a policy and practice context. This paper also offers suggestions for policy and practice to better deal with male rape victims and to tackle gender inequality and injustice both in a social and criminal justice context. Ultimately, I argue that male rape is often mistakenly considered as a ‘homosexual issue’, so gay and bisexual men who have been raped are regarded as unmasculine or, in other words, not ‘real’ men. Myths and misconceptions of male rape have serious implications for the way societies, the criminal justice system and the voluntary sector view and treat these victims.
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DiPietro, Susan B. "The Effects of Intrafamilial Child Sexual Abuse on the Adjustment and Attitudes of Adolescents." Violence and Victims 2, no. 1 (January 1987): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.2.1.59.
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The purpose of this study was to compare female adolescent victims of sexual abuse and their nonabused adolescent sisters with matched nonvictim control subject sister sets on measures of personality adjustment and attitudes. The study involved 60 girls between the ages of 11 and 21:15 victims of child sexual abuse, 15 nonabused adolescent sisters, and 15 nonvictim control sister sets who were matched to the victim sister sets on age, socioeconomic status, birth order of daughters, number of children in family, and race. This is the first study that has attempted to assess the adjustment of siblings in sexually abusive families. Results of a multivariate analysis of variance revealed no differences among the four groups. Results of 12 paired t-tests revealed only one significant difference between the victim sister and control sister groups. These unexpected findings are discussed, and suggestions for future studies are made.
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Javaid, Aliraza. "The invisible, the alien and the marginal: Social and cultural constructions of male rape in voluntary agencies." International Review of Victimology 25, no. 1 (December 3, 2017): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269758017745614.
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Drawing on a Foucauldian approach and on interview data including male rape counsellors, therapists and voluntary agency caseworkers ( N=70), the author attempts to make sense of the different ways in which male rape is constructed in order to better understand how it is considered and responded to in current English society. The qualitative data herein, which were collected through semi-structured interviews and qualitative questionnaires, are theoretically and conceptually informed. The author argues that male rape is socially and culturally constructed in voluntary agencies in England and shaped by discourse, power and knowledge. For example, discourse on male rape is constructed and reconstructed through social and power relations, and through social interactions between voluntary agency practitioners and male rape victims, accompanied by the attendant social structures and social practices. The implication of these arguments is that the voluntary agency practitioners think about and respond to male rape victims in an inconsistent, unpredictable and variable way, meaning that the practitioners are reliant on different discourses and cultural myths about male rape when providing support and services for male rape victims.
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Huckle, P. L. "Male Rape Victims Referred to a Forensic Psychiatric Service." Medicine, Science and the Law 35, no. 3 (July 1995): 187–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002580249503500302.
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A series of male victims of rape are presented who were identified following referral to a Forensic Psychiatric Service. In addition to being victims they were also offenders in their own right. The 22 male rape victims represent 12.5 per cent of male referrals to the service over a six-month period.
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Basile, Kathleen C. "Attitudes Toward Wife Rape: Effects of Social Background and Victim Status." Violence and Victims 17, no. 3 (June 2002): 341–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/vivi.17.3.341.33659.
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The current literature on wife rape is minimal compared to the published research in areas such as wife battering or date rape, and most of the existent work on attitudes toward wife rape is dated and/or focuses on limited samples (i.e., college populations). Using data from a nationally representative telephone survey, this study examined national attitudes toward wife rape using the following measures: perceptions of the occurrence of wife rape, perceptions of the frequency of wife rape, and perceptions of three rape scenarios. Respondent sex, education, age, race, and female victim status were predictors. Findings reveal that older, non-white respondents were less likely to believe wife rape occurs. Males and the more educated were less likely to believe it occurs frequently. Older and less educated respondents were less likely to believe forced sex scenarios between a husband and wife constitute wife rape. Among women, non-victims of forced sex were significantly less likely than current victims to believe that wife rape occurs.
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Reitz-Krueger, Cristina L., Sadie J. Mummert, and Sara M. Troupe. "Real men can't get raped: an examination of gendered rape myths and sexual assault among undergraduates." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 9, no. 4 (October 9, 2017): 314–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-06-2017-0303.
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Purpose While awareness of sexual assaults on college campuses has increased, the majority of efforts to address it are focused on female victims. The relative neglect of male victims may be due in part to problematic rape myths that suggest men cannot be sexually assaulted, especially by women. The purpose of this paper is to compare rates of different types of sexual assault between male and female undergraduates, and explore the relationship between acceptance of traditional rape myths focused on female victims, and rape myths surrounding male victims. Design/methodology/approach Students at a mid-sized university in Pennsylvania (n=526) answered an online questionnaire about their own experiences of sexual assault since coming to college, as well as their endorsement of male and female rape myths. Findings While women experienced more sexual assault overall, men were just as likely to have experienced rape (i.e. forced penetration) or attempted rape. Acceptance of male and female rape myths was significantly correlated and men were more likely than women to endorse both. Participants were also more likely to endorse female than male rape myths. Research limitations/implications By analyzing sexual assaults in terms of distinct behaviors instead of one composite score, the authors can get a more nuanced picture of how men and women experience assault. Practical implications Campus-based efforts to address sexual assault need to be aware that male students also experience assault and that myths surrounding men as victims may impede their ability to access services. Originality/value This paper contributes to our knowledge of a relatively understudied topic: undergraduate male victims of sexual assault.