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Journal articles on the topic 'Maldon'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 January 2023

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1

Davies, Matthew W., and David P. Farrington. "An examination of the effects on crime of switching off street lighting." Criminology & Criminal Justice 20, no. 3 (December 19, 2018): 339–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748895818818861.

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Prior reviews suggest that improving street lighting leads to a decrease in offending, but little is known about the effects of switching off street lighting. The present research investigates the effects of switching off street lighting in Maldon, Essex, by comparing police-recorded crime rates before and after, in Maldon and in the adjacent area of Braintree, Essex. After street lighting was switched off, burglary and vehicle crime increased relatively in Maldon, but criminal damage did not change, and violence decreased relatively in Maldon. Since violence is a costly crime, switching off street lighting in Maldon was not followed by an increase in the costs of crime. Possible explanations of these findings are discussed, including the fact that switching off street lighting in Maldon might have deterred people from going out at night.

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2

ROGERS, H. L. "THE BATTLE OF MALDON:." Notes and Queries 32, no. 2 (June 1, 1985): 147—b—155. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/32-2-147b.

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3

Valentine, Virginia. "Offa’s the Battle of Maldon." Explicator 44, no. 3 (April 1986): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00144940.1986.11483921.

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4

GETTY, MICHAEL. "Differences in the metrical behavior of Old English finite verbs: evidence for grammaticalization." English Language and Linguistics 4, no. 1 (May 2000): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674300000137.

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This paper deals with the metrical behavior of a class of verbs in Old English whose descendants became the syntactically distinct auxiliaries of the modern period (have, be, may, will, shall, and associated forms). Contrasting two poems from the Old English period (Beowulf and The Battle of Maldon), I show that while the verbs in question show consistently stressed metrical placement in Beowulf, in Maldon they show a pronounced tendency to be placed in unstressed metrical positions, while verbs outside the eventual class of auxiliaries differ indiscriminately. In this way, the poetry suggests a phonological difference between pre-auxiliaries and other verbs perhaps centuries before corresponding morphological and syntactic differences fully emerged in the Middle and early Modern English periods.

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5

Williams, David J., and Donald Scragg. "The Battle of Maldon AD 991." Yearbook of English Studies 23 (1993): 306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3507987.

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6

Stork, Nancy Porter. "Maldon, the Devil, and the Dictionary." Exemplaria 5, no. 1 (January 1993): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/exm.1993.5.1.111.

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7

HOUGH, CAROLE. "ODDA IN THE BATTLE OF MALDON." Notes and Queries 45, no. 2 (1998): 169–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/45.2.169.

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8

HOUGH, CAROLE. "ODDA IN THE BATTLE OF MALDON." Notes and Queries 45, no. 2 (June 1, 1998): 169–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/45-2-169.

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9

Kightley, Michael R. "Communal Interdependence inThe Battle of Maldon." Studia Neophilologica 82, no. 1 (June 9, 2010): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00393271003795228.

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10

Hough, Carole. "The Battle of Maldon Line 191b." ANQ: A Quarterly Journal of Short Articles, Notes and Reviews 13, no. 3 (January 2000): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08957690009598105.

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11

Kucha, H., and I. R. Plimer. "Gold in organic matter, Maldon, Victoria, Australia." Economic Geology 94, no. 7 (November 1, 1999): 1173–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2113/gsecongeo.94.7.1173.

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12

Edbury, Peter W., and Janet Cooper. "The Battle of Maldon: Fiction and Fact." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 27, no. 1 (1995): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052674.

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13

Hough, C. "Note. The Battle of Maldon line 33." Review of English Studies 49, no. 195 (August 1, 1998): 322–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/49.195.322.

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14

Carruthers, Leo Martin. "Héros et poètes à Brunanburh et à Maldon." Bulletin des anglicistes médiévistes 35, no. 1 (1989): 533–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bamed.1989.1854.

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15

Jones, Bill. "One of Howard’s: The life and times of John Howard, Maldon shipwright 1849–1915 and a history of shipbuilding in Maldon." Mariner's Mirror 107, no. 2 (April 3, 2021): 242–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2021.1903750.

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16

Spencer, E. "JON STALLWORTHY, Survivors' Songs: From Maldon to the Somme." Notes and Queries 59, no. 4 (November 27, 2012): 617–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjs204.

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17

GRIFFITH, MARK. "DIALECT AND LITERARY DIALECT IN THE BATTLE OF MALDON." Notes and Queries 45, no. 3 (1998): 272–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/45.3.272.

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18

Stanley, E. G. "Scragg, D. (ed.), The Battle of Maldon AD 991." Notes and Queries 39, no. 1 (March 1, 1992): 79–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/39.1.79.

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19

GRIFFITH, MARK. "DIALECT AND LITERARY DIALECT IN THE BATTLE OF MALDON." Notes and Queries 45, no. 3 (September 1, 1998): 272–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/45-3-272.

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20

Kirby, I. J. "In Defence of Byrhtnoth." Florilegium 11, no. 1 (January 1992): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.11.005.

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This paper has one occasion, one cause, and one objective. The occasion is the recently-commemorated millennium of the battle of Maldon, an appropriate time to review not only the events of August 991 but also the critical responses to them, including those of the millennial year. The cause is the all-too-prevalent scholarly opinion, expressed as often in the last decade as in previous ones, that Byrhtnoth cannot escape censure for the English defeat, whether that censure be gentle or virulent. My objective is to demonstrate that this opinion is mistaken.

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21

Pakis, Valentine A. "Insults, violence, and the meaning of lytegian in the Old English Battle of Maldon." Understanding Historical (Im)Politeness 12, no. 1-2 (May 23, 2011): 198–229. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhp.12.1-2.09pak.

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The history of impoliteness — of which insults are a part — and violence are intertwined. In medieval Germanic cultural history, this link manifests itself in historical-pragmatic contexts such as sennur, whettings, and flyting-to-fighting scenarios, which are surveyed in this paper. The ethological origins of such interactions are called into question with reference to the Freudian death drive. Based on the connection between insults and violence, a novel definition of Old English lytegian in the Battle of Maldon is offered, namely ‘jeer, insult’, with comparative support from Icelandic.

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22

Griffith, Mark. "The Battle of Maldon: the Guile of the Vikings explained." Notes and Queries 63, no. 2 (March 31, 2016): 180–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjw050.

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23

BREEZE, ANDREW. "SORROWFUL TRIBUTE IN ARMES PRYDEIN AND THE BATTLE OF MALDON." Notes and Queries 47, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 11–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/47-1-11.

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24

BREEZE, A. "SORROWFUL TRIBUTE IN ARMES PRYDEIN AND THE BATTLE OF MALDON." Notes and Queries 47, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 11–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/47.1.11.

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25

Woolf, A. "The Return of the Vikings: The Battle of Maldon, 991." English Historical Review CXXIV, no. 506 (February 1, 2009): 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen422.

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26

NORTH. "GETTING TO KNOW THE GENERAL IN "THE BATTLE OF MALDON"." Medium Ævum 60, no. 1 (1991): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/43629379.

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27

Fu, Bin, Terrence P. Mernagh, Alison M. Fairmaid, David Phillips, and Mark A. Kendrick. "CH4-N2 in the Maldon gold deposit, central Victoria, Australia." Ore Geology Reviews 58 (April 2014): 225–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.oregeorev.2013.11.006.

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28

Thayer, James Dyas. "Loss and recovery: A note on “The Battle of Maldon”." ANQ: A Quarterly Journal of Short Articles, Notes and Reviews 32, no. 1 (April 18, 2018): 9–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0895769x.2018.1462690.

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29

Ryner, Bradley D. "Exchanging battle: Subjective and objective conflicts inThe Battle of Maldon." English Studies 87, no. 3 (June 2006): 266–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00138380600610076.

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30

Locherbie-Cameron, Margaret A. L. "Some things the Maldon poet did not say." Parergon 13, no. 1 (1995): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.1995.0044.

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31

Gunter, Gavin C., Edward Robinson, and Simon F. Mitchell. "A new species of <i>Omphalocyclus</i> (Foraminiferida) from the Upper Cretaceous of Jamaica and its stratigraphical significance." Journal of Micropalaeontology 21, no. 2 (December 1, 2002): 149–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/jm.21.2.149.

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Abstract. The orbitoidal larger foraminifer Omphalocyclus maldonensis n. sp. is described from the Maldon Inlier of northwestern Jamaica, being the first record of this genus from the island. The limestone in which it occurs contains the Upper Cretaceous (Upper Maastrichtian) Titanosarcolites rudist fauna, together with larger foraminiferal specimens identified as Orbitoides megaloformis Papp & Küpper. The new species differs from Omphalocyclus macroporus, the only other widely recognized species, in possessing a much smaller nucleus. At least some of the earlier records of Omphalocyclus from the Upper Cretaceous of Venezuela and Cuba should probably be referred to O. maldonensis.

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32

Neidorf, Leonard. "The Battle of Maldon: War and Peace in Tenth-Century England." English Studies 102, no. 5 (May 26, 2021): 630–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0013838x.2021.1924975.

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33

Thomas, Daniel. "Landes to fela: Geography, Topography and Place in The Battle of Maldon." English Studies 98, no. 8 (March 24, 2017): 781–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0013838x.2016.1254476.

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34

Cavill, Paul. "Interpretation ofthe battle of Maldon,lines 84–90: A review and reassessment." Studia Neophilologica 67, no. 2 (January 1995): 149–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00393279508588158.

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35

Matto, Michael. "A War of Containment: The Heroic Image in The Battle of Maldon." Studia Neophilologica 74, no. 1 (January 2002): 60–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00393270252956197.

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36

Hillman, Richard. "Defeat and Victory in “The Battle of Maldon”: The Christian Resonances Reconsidered." ESC: English Studies in Canada 11, no. 4 (1985): 385–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/esc.1985.0050.

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37

Pons-Sanz, Sara M. "Norse-derived Terms and Structures in The Battle of Maldon." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 107, no. 4 (October 1, 2008): 421–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20722661.

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38

GORE, DEREK. "The Return of the Vikings: The Battle of Maldon 991 By Donald Scragg." History 93, no. 311 (July 2008): 416–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2008.431_20.x.

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39

Lavender, N. J., S. Browne, J. Evans, H. J. Major, and C. R. Wallace. "A Late Iron Age Burial Enclosure at Maldon Hall Farm, Essex: Excavations 1989." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 57, no. 2 (1991): 203–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00004564.

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This report describes the total excavation of a small, rectangular ditched enclosure measuring 23.5 m by 15 m. It was shown to have been a cemetery enclosure (probably that of a small family group), belonging to the second half of the 1st century BC. Three vessels containing cremation burials were found in pits within the enclosed area, along with nine other funerary bowls, urns and jars. Whilst cremation burials of this date are fairly common, this is the first published example of such a cemetery enclosure from Essex.

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40

Williams, David J., and Hans Erik Andersen. "'The Battle of Maldon': The Meaning, Dating and Historicity of an Old English Poem." Modern Language Review 89, no. 4 (October 1994): 959. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3733906.

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41

Neidorf. "II Æthelred and the Politics of The Battle of Maldon." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 111, no. 4 (2012): 451. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jenglgermphil.111.4.0451.

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42

Härke, Heinrich. "IV. The Use of the Shield: Combat and Display." Archaeologia 110 (1992): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261340900028150.

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Very little work has been done on the use of the shield, and it is the aim of this chapter to demonstrate how this aspect may be approached using archaeological evidence. Although the use of the shield is easier to infer from written and pictorial sources, written evidence on this aspect is few and far between, and pictorial evidence is generally later than the period dealt with here. Archaeological evidence that can be adduced includes sizes and shapes of shield boards and bosses, damage and repairs, decoration and some board fittings. Weapon combinations in burials do not give much straightforward information on fighting practices involving the shield (see p. 67). The archaeological record is also unlikely to throw any light on the use of the shield in battlefield tactics, such as the ‘shield wall’ referred to in several sources (Beowulf, line 3118; Battle of Maldon; and the Battle of Brunanburh in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, AD 937).

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43

Mentxakatorre Odriozola, Jon. "Ofermod y heroísmo humilde: sobre la interpretación de Tolkien." Revista de Filología de la Universidad de La Laguna, no. 43 (2021): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.refiull.2021.43.09.

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This paper studies Tolkien’s interpretation of German heroism, taking as a starting point his essay-poem «The Homecoming of Beorhtnoth Beorhthelm’s Son» on The Battle of Maldon. Through academic texts on Beowulf and Sigurd, as well as his own legendarium, his reading and contribution are explored, placing the latter in dialogue with the latest research, and detailing the lines and scope of his ideas. After locating the inflection point that Tolkien marked around the word ofermod(e), the historical, literary and religious components that base Tolkien’s interpretation will be explained, in line with the Anglo-Saxon poetic and heroic tradition. Through this, it will become clear that the humble heroism of the subordinate who faces the fatal fate to which his master has led him is rooted in clear examples of Old English literature, and that the darkness brought by the terrible enemy has a mythical dimension, which refers to the shadow and to hell. Finally, in light of the latest contributions, Tolkien’s interpretation will be reaffirmed and enriched, opening new research perspectives on his work

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44

Mary R. Bowman. "Refining the Gold: Tolkien, The Battle of Maldon, and the Northern Theory of Courage." Tolkien Studies 7, no. 1 (2010): 91–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tks.0.0074.

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45

Ciobanu, Cristiana L., William D. Birch, Nigel J. Cook, Allan Pring, and Pascal V. Grundler. "Petrogenetic significance of Au–Bi–Te–S associations: The example of Maldon, Central Victorian gold province, Australia." Lithos 116, no. 1-2 (April 2010): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lithos.2009.12.004.

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46

Caridi, Francesco, Maurizio Messina, Alberto Belvedere, Maurizio D’Agostino, Santina Marguccio, Letteria Settineri, and Giovanna Belmusto. "Food Salt Characterization in Terms of Radioactivity and Metals Contamination." Applied Sciences 9, no. 14 (July 19, 2019): 2882. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/app9142882.

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The analysis of food salt is very important because of its high consumption by the population, for both medicinal and nutritional use. In this study, nine different samples of food salt (Cyprus black, Himalayan pink, Hawaii red, iodized, hyposodic iodized, Maldon smoked sea, common sea, Breton sea and Persia blue), coming from large Italian retailers and employed by people for different cooking food purposes, were investigated through High Purity Germanium (HPGe) Gamma Spectrometry in order to evaluate the anthropogenic (137Cs) and natural (40K) radioisotopes activity concentration, and used Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometry (ICP-MS) in order to assess any possible metals contamination by a comparison between Cu, As, Cd, Hg and Pb concentrations and the limits set by the Italian Legislation. The evaluation of dose levels due to the salt ingestion for the age category higher than 17 years was performed taking into account the human body daily need of about 10 g of salt, and in the precautionary hypothesis, this need was satisfied from a single type of salt. All obtained results are under allowable levels (1 mSv/year), thus excluding the risk of ionizing radiation effects on humans. Regarding to the metals concentration, experimental results show that it is lower than the contamination threshold values, thus excluding their presence as pollutants.

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47

Jones, Richard H. "Donald Scragg, editor. The Battle of Maldon a.d. 91. Cambridge, Mass.: Basil Blackwell. 1991. Pp1 xiv, 306. $52.95." Albion 24, no. 2 (1992): 297–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050816.

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48

Shapira, Michal. "Jon Stallworthy. Survivors’ Songs: From Maldon to the Somme. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008. Pp. 226. $26.98 (paper)." Journal of British Studies 49, no. 1 (January 2010): 213–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/650630.

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49

Gillingham, John. "Thegns and Knights in Eleventh-Century England: Who was Then the Gentleman?" Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5 (December 1995): 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679331.

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I Shall be considering England during the long eleventh century—from the 990s, the Battle of Maldon and Byrhtferth of Ramsey's ‘life of Oswald’, to the 1130s, die world of Geoffrey Gaimar. I shall do so in the light of a situation where, on the one hand, historians of Anglo-Saxon England commonly refer to gentlemen and gentry in their period but do so casually, as though their presence there is something to be taken for granted, and, on the other, where scholars who regard themselves as historians of the gentry seem reluctant to admit that the phenomenon they study can have existed much before 1200, if then. In the first part of this paper I shall argue that there was a gentry in eleventh-century England, that below the great lords there were many layers of society whose members shared the interests and pursuits of the great, i.e. we should accept the terminology of historians of Anglo-Saxon England from Sir Frank Stenton onwards. I shall also argue that in all probability many vigorous members of die Anglo-Saxon gentry were knights, using the word ‘knight’ to mean the kind of person whom, in the late twelfth century, Richard FitzNigel described as an active knight (strenuus miles), i.e. someone whose characteristic and indispensable possessions were his body armour and the requisite horses

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50

Dodwell, Martin. "Revisiting Anne Line: Who Was She and Where Did She Come From?" Recusant History 31, no. 3 (May 2013): 375–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200013819.

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Anne Line ran a safe-house for Catholic priests in London during the 1590s, a time when such activities were a capital offence. She worked closely with two of the most hunted priests in England, the Jesuit superior Henry Garnet and his fellow Jesuit John Gerard, and was arrested and executed in February 1601. Although seemingly little known, it has been suggested that Shakespeare alludes to her in several works implying that the impact of her life and death on her contemporaries may have been underestimated. This fresh look at the documentary evidence seeks to clarify Anne Line's identity and the circumstances of her life up to the exile of her husband in 1586. Findings include; strong support for the suggestion that Anne Line was indeed the ‘Alice Higham’ who married Roger Line in 1583, the likely location of her childhood home near Maldon in Essex, connections to recusant networks through an aunt also called ‘Anne Line’, and evidence, previously overlooked, that Anne Line was closely related to Giles Aleyn, a Puritan landowner whose demands for increased rent from James Burbage for the site of his theatre in Shoreditch led to the founding of The Globe in Southwark.‘I sent my fellow-prisoner with John Lillie to my house, where Mistress Line, that saintly widow, was in charge’ (John Gerard, Autobiography, p. 137)

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