Journal articles: 'Maldives – Foreign relations – India'

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Fernando, Sithara N. "China’s Relations with Sri Lanka and the Maldives." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 285–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600309.

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China’s contemporary relations with both Sri Lanka and the Maldives have been described as ‘models of good relations between small and big countries’. China has been an important trading partner for Sri Lanka, with a large and growing trade surplus in China’s favour in the last few years. At the same time it has also been a significant source of investment and foreign economic assistance to Sri Lanka. Similarly, while China enjoys a large surplus in its trade with the Maldives as well, it is also a significant source of economic assistance and tourism for the Maldives. Given that India is in many ways the preeminent power in South Asia, China’s relations with Sri Lanka and the Maldives in the South Asian regional context have been analysed in terms of two ‘strategic triangles’: China–India–Sri Lanka and China–India–Maldives. What emerges from this analysis is that the sustenance of the cooperative momentum in the China-India relationship is crucial to the improvement of China’s relations with South Asia as a whole.

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Surendra Kumar, S. Y. "China’s Footprints in Maldives: Concern for India?" Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 15, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.39.2.

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China has, in the recent decades, has consolidated its interests in the South Asian region. This change in China’s foreign policy, from a focus on the North-East and South-East Asia, hints at an attempt to sustain China’s own peaceful rise. India, on the other hand, has emphasised on a ‘Look East’ foreign policy in the recent times. Both India and China share an important diplomatic relationship with Maldives. However, China’s growing influence in Maldives might be a serious strategic concern to India. This article is an exploratory study of the relationship that China shares with Maldives and its implications to India.

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Deori, Navaneeta. "Rethinking India-Maldives Relations in the 21st Century." Journal of Politics and Governance 6, no. 2 (2017): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2456-8023.2017.00004.3.

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Ghosh, P. K. "Maritime Security Trilateralism: India, Sri Lanka and Maldives." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 15, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.39.1.

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India perceives the entire Indian Ocean region (IOR) as its strategic backyard and regards itself as a “security provider” in the region. This view, of course, is not shared by many, mainly by the Chinese who often state “the Indian Ocean is not India’s backyard.” To reinforce its own perceptions and stem its eroding influence in the region - India has stepped up its efforts in enhancing its relations in general and on maritime security in particular with its island neighbours, an aspect that is being extended to the entire South Asian neighbourhood incrementally. The importance of the Mahanian concept of utilising Sea Power for the achievement of national objectives has led to the realisation amongst a normally ‘sea blind’ Indian bureaucracy to become more proactive. This article explores the maritime policy of India with regard to its neighbouring littoral states in the Indian Ocean.

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K.P., Pushia, Jain Jacob, and Jayesh G. "INDIAS TRADE RELATIONS WITH SAARC - SPECIAL REFERENCE TO SAFTA." International Journal of Advanced Research 9, no. 03 (March 31, 2021): 385–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/12595.

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India played a proactive role in determining the of South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) due to its economic strength. This study highlights recent trends in Indias total trade relationship with SAFTA economies in general, and with each trade bloc members particularly during the period, from 2010 to 2019.The paper employs the compound annual growth ratetechnique to find out the growth rate of Indias exports and imports. Also, a trend analysis has been made on Indias exports and imports, total tradebalance of trade with south Asian countries. The trend shows that in general both imports and exports were increasing over time except a negative export and total trade balance with Pakistan and import trade balance with Maldives. Bhutan and Bangladesh were the leading trade partners of India in south asian region. However, depending up on the economic and political conditions of the trading countries exhibit a characteristic trend unique to their own country in trading with India.

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Routray, Bibhu Prasad. "India-Myanmar Relations :." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 1 (October 1, 2011): 299–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i1.22.

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The article is an analysis of India-Myanmar foreign relations which are marked by both paranoia and bonhomie. Myanmar is strategically important for India, especially in achieving its objective of a Look-East Policy. India has to maintain a cordial relationship with Myanmar’s non-democratic military junta to extend its influence in Southeast Asia and due to internal security concerns of its north-eastern states which are under continuous threat from various insurgent groups. This article discusses the pragmatic shift of India’s stand on Myanmar where the growing presence of China in Myanmar and India’s quest for energy are the major drivers. In economic terms, China is a major investor in Myanmar and its military relations with Myanmar are causes for concern in India. The article also discusses concerns raised about India’s Myanmar policy, keeping in view widespread scepticism about its military junta.

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Bhanumurthy, N. R., and Lokendra Kumawat. "Financial Globalization and Economic Growth in South Asia." South Asia Economic Journal 21, no. 1 (March 2020): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1391561420909007.

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The article examines relationship between financial globalization and economic growth in South Asian countries namely Bhutan, Bangladesh, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. Following the framework of Bekaert et al. (2005) and with the help of Panel VAR and Panel causality (in GMM framework) models the study concludes that the causation from financial globalization to growth in the region appears to be weak. There appears reverse causation running from growth to financial globalization. We found that domestic macroeconomic policies such as fiscal prudence act as pull factors for foreign capital. The article has some interesting results at individual country level. JEL: C33, F21, F36, F65

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Ranjan, Amit. "THE MALDIVES’ GEOPOLITICAL DILEMMA: INDIA-CHINA RIVALRY, AND ENTRY OF THE USA." Asian Affairs 52, no. 2 (March 15, 2021): 375–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2021.1911159.

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Vinh, Vo Xuan. "India in Vietnam’s Foreign Policy." Strategic Analysis 44, no. 1 (December 25, 2019): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2020.1699997.

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INOGUCHI, TAKASHI, and ZEN-U. LUCIAN HOTTA. "Quantifying Social Capital in Central and South Asia: Are There Democratic, Developmental, and Regionalizing Potentials?" Japanese Journal of Political Science 7, no. 2 (June 23, 2006): 195–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810990600226x.

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This paper aims to apply the methodology used in Inoguchi's former paper (2004c) and build on to the findings concerning social capital in Asia. The previous paper used ten Asian countries from the AsiaBarometer 2003 survey; this time we are using the 14 Central and South Asian countries – Kazakhstan, India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Maldives, Bhutan, Mongolia, Nepal, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan – from the AsiaBarometer 2005 survey.

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Nzomo, Maria. "Foreign Policy and Diplomacy in India–East African Relations." Insight on Africa 6, no. 2 (July 2014): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087814535427.

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Jha, Prem Shankar. "China–India Relations under Modi." China Report 53, no. 2 (April 21, 2017): 158–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517696630.

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The sweeping changes in the foreign policy of Narendra Modi’s government in India reflect several departures from previous year. Most prominent shift was from non alignment that was designed to steer India clear of involvements that could harm the country by diverting its resources from development and social consolidation into militarisation and war. Another shift is from the policy of equidistance which was not a refusal to get involved but an assertion that India would choose when, where and how to get involved, reflecting the rise of India’s soft power. These shifts have ramifications on bilateral relations of India and China and carry substantial impact on future trends of engagements between the two.

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Mostyn, Trevor. "The Cambridge encyclopedia of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan and the Maldives." International Affairs 68, no. 1 (January 1992): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620562.

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Misra, K. P. "Foreign Policy Planning Efforts in India." Strategic Analysis 34, no. 4 (June 23, 2010): 652–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2010.480893.

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Garver, John W. "The Indian Factor in Recent Sino-Soviet Relations." China Quarterly 125 (March 1991): 55–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000030307.

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Chinese foreign policy is typically a complex mix of bilateral, regional and global considerations shaped by the perceptions and domestic political concerns of various participants in China's decision-making process. One significant factor shaping Chinese foreign policy over the past decade which has not been given adequate attention is Chinese consideration of South Asia, and especially India. India's size, substantial aggregate national power, central geographic position in South Asia, prominent role in the Third World/Non-Aligned Movement, and the determination of its leaders to establish India as the pre-eminent power in South Asia, have given India significant weight in Chinese foreign policy calculations. This includes, I will argue, Beijing's calculations regarding China's relations with the Soviet Union and the United States.

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Dalal, K. L. "Book Review: The Foreign Policy of India." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 45, no. 1 (January 1989): 96–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848904500106.

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Plagemann, Johannes, and Sandra Destradi. "Populism and Foreign Policy: The Case of India." Foreign Policy Analysis 15, no. 2 (December 3, 2018): 283–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/ory010.

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AbstractWhat kind of foreign policy do populists execute once in power? Based on the existing literature, we conceptualize populism as a set of ideas whose two core elements are anti-elitism and antipluralism. From this we develop a set of hypotheses regarding both substantive aspects of foreign policy as well as foreign policy–making processes of populist leaders in government. An analysis of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's foreign policy record serves as a first plausibility probe of our hypotheses. We find that our concept of populism carries most explanatory value in the procedural aspects of foreign policy making as well as in its communication, less so in those aspects relating to the goals or substance of foreign policy. Whereas foreign policy under Modi's populist leadership is highly centralized and personalized, the traditional foreign policy establishment, including most notably the Ministry of External Affairs, has lost some of its previous authority. Engaging the Indian diaspora abroad emerged as another characteristic of populist foreign policy making. By contrast, the case of India does not confirm our hypothesis regarding a preference of bilateralism over multilateralism, nor does populism necessarily preclude investing in global public goods.

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Hiep, Tran Xuan, Nguyen Tuan Binh, Tran Hoang Long, Duong Quang Tra, and Nguyen Quang Son. "India - Myanmar Relations (1948 - 1992): From “Idealism” to “Realism” in India’s Foreign Policy towards Myanmar." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, no. 3 (May 10, 2021): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2021-0073.

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India and Myanmar are two neighboring countries that share the border of nearly 1.500km and have the relationship on history, politics, culture, ethnic... from over 2.000 years to present. India officially established diplomatic relations with Myanmar, just after this Southeast Asian country gained independence (1948). From 1948 to 1992, the bilateral relationship was influenced by India’s foreign policy towards Myanmar, especially the impact of “idealism” and “realism” in India’s policy. “Idealism” succeeded in India’s foreign policy towards Myanmar from 1948 to 1962; however, it was not effective in the period 1962 - 1988, which made India’s position severely decrease, contrary to the rise of China’s position in Myanmar. For this reason, India must innovate the foreign thought, moving from “idealism” to “realism”, which have more pragmatic quality to Myanmar in the years 1988 - 1992 when the international and regional contexts have many changes. On the basis of the reference sources, this research’s aim focuses on analyzing the foreign policy adjustment of India, especially this study will focus on the issue of India - Myanmar relationship (1948 - 1992) was dominated by the “idealism” and “realism” in the planning of foreign policy of India towards Myanmar. The scope of this research is the relationship between India and Myanmar from 1948 to 1992 under the influence of “idealism” and “realism” in India’s foreign policy. From the early 90s of the 20th century, India’s foreign policy towards Myanmar has been more realistic than in the previous period, especially since 1992, when India implemented its new foreign policy, the Look East Policy. Received: 4 February 2021 / Accepted: 9 April 2021 / Published: 10 May 2021

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Gottschlich, Pierre. "New Developments in India–Myanmar Bilateral Relations?" Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 34, no. 2 (August 2015): 139–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341503400206.

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The article deals with bilateral relations between India and Myanmar. It argues that the current transformation processes offer a unique opportunity for a major readjustment of India's foreign policy towards Myanmar. In taking on India's perspective, it assesses the history, current state of and prospects for the relationship between New Delhi and Naypyidaw in six policy areas: democratization and stability; security in India's Northeast region and illegal migration; trade and infrastructure; energy security; development cooperation; and the role of China.

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Hussain, Zakir. "Rene Rieger, Saudi Arabian Foreign Relations :." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 5 (December 1, 2021): 69–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i5.81.

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Sitting on the largest oil reserve, and being the largest oil producer and economy in the Arab world, Saudi Arabia’s role in maintaining regional peace and stability becomes decisive. The global powers such as the US, European countries, China and India also look upon Riyadh to undertake regional responsibilities and work towards stabilizing the region. Over the period, Saudi Arabia has evolved and tested some of the tools and approaches to handle international and intra-regional problems. Partially, this is shaped by its own national objectives and partially by its determination and ambition to play a role in global and regional affairs. However, most of the region experts believe that the Middle East will remain under turmoil till at least three issues remain at the helm; first, the region continues to be the top supplier of modern fuel and keep influencing the hydrocarbons driven lifestyle in the world; second, Israel-Palestine issue remains unsolved; and third, continuation of the non-representative government in the region.

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Mansoor, Abdul. "Bearing the Brunt: The Effect of Terrorism on the Foreign Direct Investment in South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Nations." University of Wah Journal of Social Sciences 5, no. 1 (June 8, 2022): 167–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.56220/uwjss2022/0501/10.

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The current state of terrorism has posed serious challenges to macroeconomic environment stability by causing the dislodgment of foreign direct investment (FDI). This study aims to find the impact of terrorism along with other important policy variables such as FDI, Terrorism, law and order, Tariff, and Government regulation in the SAARC member nations, namely, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Maldives, and Sri Lanka. Utilizing a panel econometric estimation model on annual data from 1990-2019, the results of the study show a significant negative impact of terrorism and law and order situations in the SAARC countries. Whereas the magnitude of FDI is technology-driven in Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan where there is a deep focus on the physical structural transformation. This empirically establishes the fact that terrorism is a serious threat to FDI and economic growth for the economies in this region. Key Words: FDI; Terrorism; Tariff, SAARC

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Poudel, Purushottam. "Book Title: Nepal India China, Relations in the 21st Century." Asian Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2021): 192–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ajia.v1i1.44766.

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Kathet, Gunja. "Mutual Interdependency between China, India and Nepal." Interdisciplinary Journal of Management and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 32–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijmss.v2i2.42598.

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Due to geographical proximity and historically long multi-faceted linkages between China, India and Nepal their foreign policy with each other is not distinctly independent but is mutually interdependent. This paper argues that Nepal's foreign policy has always prioritized maintaining balanced relation with these two nations for safeguarding its national interests, integrity and independence. While doing so it will also shed light upon how Nepal has age old and deep rooted relations between both China and India whereupon Nepal-China and Nepal-India relations have evolved through different circumstances, stages and periods till date.

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Bhardwaj, Sanjay. "Bangladesh foreign policy vis‐a‐vis India." Strategic Analysis 27, no. 2 (April 2003): 263–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160308450087.

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Sadibekova, Bibisora, and Muqaddas Turdieva. "FEATURES OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF CHINA-INDIAN TRADE RELATIONS." INNOVATIONS IN ECONOMY 4, no. 3 (April 30, 2020): 97–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9491-2020-4-12.

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The article devoted to study the trade relations between China and India,analyzing the foreign trade policy of two countries and their relationship. China -India relations also called Sino-Indian relations,refers to the bilateral relationship between the People's Republic of China and the Republic of India

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Tiwari, R. S. "Book Review: Foreign Resources and Development in India." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 45, no. 1 (January 1989): 119–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848904500114.

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Mahmudur, Mahmudur. "India-Bhutan Relations: A Small State’s Quest for Freedom." Research in Economics and Management 7, no. 2 (June 18, 2022): p29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/rem.v7n2p29.

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Bhutan is located on the eastern ridges of the Himalayas between the Assam-Bengal Plain of India to the south and the Plateau of Tibet of southwestern China to the north. In British India the colonial administration established a classical hegemonic relationship with the remote kingdom. In the Treaty of Punakha (1910) the sovereignty of the Bhutanese Royal government was recognized in exchange for submitting control of foreign relations to the British. In independent India, the Himalayan Kingdoms were sandwiched between India and China, facing an uncertain future about their political sovereignty. India concluded a new Treaty with Bhutan (the India-Bhutan Treaty of Peace and Friendship) in 1949, which was designed to remain in force “in perpetuity,” consolidating the essence of the British hegemonic policy of controlling smaller neighbors, with India being the new imperial power. Bhutan became a member state of the UN in 1971 after India finally agreed to sponsor its application, but the small state has limited authority to conduct foreign relations without prior consent from India, and it does not even enjoy formal diplomatic relationship with any of the five permanent members in the United Nations. Bhutan’s quest to wield control over its own affairs free of the influence of India remains unfulfilled.

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Verma, Renu, and Jaidev Dubey. "What Does Gravity Model Reveal About SAFTA?" Journal of Global Economy 6, no. 3 (September 30, 2010): 185–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1956/jge.v6i3.60.

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During last decade, the stalemate in multilateral trade negotiations under the framework of World Trade Organization (WTO) regime has provided impetus to the signing of regional trade agreements world over .South Asia is not an exception to this trend and has been involved in setting up its own bilateral and Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs). Most commonly cited cooperation agreements are Agreement on Trade and Commerce between India and Bhutan(1972), India-Nepal Bilateral Trade and Transit Treaties(1991), Indiaâ€“Sri Lanka Bilateral Free Trade Area(1998) Bangkok Agreement (1975),Â Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Thailand Economic Cooperation (BIMST-EC-2004) and the Indian Ocean Rim Association of Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC-1997). One ofÂ the most significant stepsÂ towards regional economic cooperation in the history of South Asian countries, was taken with signing of The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) formed in 1985 with the objective of exploiting â€œaccelerated economic growth, social progress and cultural development in the regionâ€ for the welfare of the peoples of South Asia. And then seven South Asian countriesâ€”Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lankaâ€”initiated a framework for region-wide integration under the South Asian Preferential Trade Agreement (SAPTA) in 1995. In order to further cement the regional economic relations and overcome some impediments of SAPTA, the South Asia Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA) was signed in early 2004, which came into force on 1st July 2006. The SAFTA is a parallel initiative to the multilateral trade liberalization commitments of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) member countries. SAFTA aims to reduce tariffs for intraregional trade among the seven SAARC member countries. It has been agreed that for the South Asian countries, Pakistan and India will eliminate all tariffs by 2012, Sri Lanka by 2013 and Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives and Nepal by 2015. The current paper is an attempt in assessing the potential trade in the region with latest datasetÂ with Gravity model approach.

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Freeman, Carla P. "China’s ‘regionalism foreign policy’ and China-India relations in South Asia." Contemporary Politics 24, no. 1 (December 19, 2017): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2017.1408168.

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Pant, Harsh V. "India: Domestic Politics, Foreign Relations and Cooperation with the United States." Asian Affairs 44, no. 2 (July 2013): 308–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2013.795301.

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Gayantha, M. R. K. "The Analysis of Indo- British -US Relations During the Period 2009-2019." Vidyodaya Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 07, no. 02 (July 1, 2022): 192–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.31357/fhss/vjhss.v07i02.14.

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India is a major power in the Asian continent and hegemonic power in the south Asian region. India is a Strong member of International organizations such as SAARC, Commonwealth organization, the shanghai cooperation and BRICS. Manmohan Sing was the 13th prime minister of India. his second term was from 2019 may 22 to 2014 may 26. He is member of the Indian congress party. The leader of congress party was Sonia Gandhi. Narendra Modi was 14th prime minister of India. His first term was from 2014 may 26 to 2019 may 30. Britain and USA are India most friendly nations. This research seeks to comparatively analyze Indo-British- USA relations during 2nd term of Singh prime minister and the 1st term of Modi prime minister. The author evaluates to research objectives. The researcher will conduct research based on dual research objectives. First, studying of foreign policy of PM Singh & Modi. Second, studying of Indo-British-USA relations during the second term of PM Singh & first term of PM Modi. The author evaluates to broad research questions. First, What are the o foreign policies of PM Singh & Modi? . Second, What are the Indo-British-USA relations during the second term of PM Singh & first term of PM Modi? This research is study based an qualitative data. The researcher used to the secondary data for this research. This study utilized the secondary data from libraries and internet. The researcher used Neo classical realism theory for this research. Studies the country foreign policy and decision making process using Neo classical realism Theory. Recent research on India foreign policy has been minimal. This research is important for those studying Indian political and foreign policy.

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Islam, Mohammad Mohidul. "Remittance Inflows and Economic Development in SAARC Region." International Journal of Economics, Business and Management Research 06, no. 11 (2022): 231–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51505/ijebmr.2022.61118.

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Developing countries having a stable population growth or experiencing population dividend have been earning foreign currencies by exporting manpower with varying levels of skills including skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled labors abroad. The inflow of foreign currencies from the expatriates, known as remittance, can play an important role in the economic development and might be considered as a major source of international reserves in comparison with export earnings from goods and FDI inflows respectively. Considering the importance of wage remittances in socioeconomic development in the developing economies, this study tries to investigate the impact of wage remittances on the economic development of the SAARC countries (Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka) using panel data for the period 2011 to 2020. The empirical analysis is performed employing the econometric techniques of panel data regression approach in order to examine whether the relationship between remittances and economic growth in these countries are significant or not. The findings of the study reveal that wage remittances have significant positive influence on economic development in the SAARC region, but the impact is not substantial because the remittances are mostly spent for bearing household expenditures rather than savings and domestic investments.

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Hathaway, Robert. "India transformed: parsing India's “new” foreign policy." India Review 2, no. 4 (October 2003): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736480412331307132.

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Bastos, Maria. "Geopolitical Modernity and Pakistan Foreign Relations: How relevant?" Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 17, no. 2 (July 2014): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2014.17.2.25.

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The article discusses the importance of geopolitical and spatial dimensions, as part of modernity, on Pakistan’s foreign relations. Drawing on the context of modernity, the article argues that in order to think Pakistan foreign relations in alternative to mainstream IR theories, the concept of space, with its social dimensions is a useful concept. Since Pakistan’s inception in 1947, foreign relations, particularly with India, have been marked by tensions, which on its turn are grounded on space issues. By resourcing to historical events, the article shows the importance of space in Pakistan’s formation, and how foreign relations have also been consequently shaped. The article concludes that the concept of space plays an important role when analysing foreign relations, also opening the possibility for the analysis of Pakistan foreign relations away from mainstream IR theories.

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Dhawan, Ranjit Kumar. "Korea’s ‘New Southern Policy’ Towards India: An Analysis." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 24, no. 1 (February 23, 2020): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598420906248.

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The Moon Jae-in administration in South Korea (hereafter Korea) initiated the ‘New Southern Policy’ in 2017 to foster closer relations with ASEAN and India and bring them at par with the four major powers—the United States of America (USA), China, Russia and Japan, which have traditionally played a dominant role in Korea’s foreign affairs. Korea’s strategy through this new policy has been to diversify its foreign relations and lessen dependence on these four major powers of the Northeast Asian region. In this policy shift India is projected as one of the key partners for Korea. However, there has not been much progress in Korea’s relations with India in the last 2 years. The New Southern Policy is also not compatible with US-led ‘Indo-Pacific strategy’ in which India is an integral component. This article argues that Seoul’s New Southern Policy toward New Delhi shall remain limited and would largely focus on developing economic relations rather than building security cooperation between the two countries.

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Rahmany, Gulab Mir. "Social Development Through International Relations." Khazanah Sosial 3, no. 1 (February 22, 2021): 22–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ks.v3i1.10711.

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With the horrific incident on September 11 in the US, the US armed forces entered Afghanistan to shut the door to terrorism. Now, Afghanistan opens a new page for Afghanistan's internal and external political system. Afghanistan as a country that has pursued regional cooperation from neighboring countries, especially from India. India is the most promising country for Afghanistan's foreign policy and diplomatic relations in areas such as economic, cultural, technical, capacity building, military and other growth. The purpose of this study is to examine the development process of the two countries India and Pakistan in an effort to establish international relations. With a qualitative approach This research resulted in India being one of the countries which, after September 11, 2001, and the leadership of the Taliban, succeeded in gaining more opportunities for the people of Afghanistan. His non-hostile contributions to Middle Eastern and Middle Eastern countries have created a special place for the people of Afghanistan. India after independence in 1947, started friendly relations with Afghanistan two years later, until now, has enthusiastically and dedicably made their contribution to Afghanistan. The people of Afghanistan in this case get many benefits from India's bilateral relations, namely the construction of the Salma Dam in Herat, Delaram Road Development, Allotment of 1000 Afghan Student Scholarships in Human Resource Development per year, the Repair of the Afghan Foreign Minister Complex, the establishment of the Afghan Parliament Building, the Opening of Chabahar Port, Strengthening the Equipment of the Afghan Military Forces, Air Corridors, and India's efforts to get Afghanistan to gain Membership in Regional Cooperation Bodies such as SAARC, BRICS, Asia Heart 'Istanbul Process'.

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Adi Bandono, Avando Bastari, and Okol Sri Suharyo. "The relations concept of Indonesia-India; political, education, and defense perspective." Global Journal of Engineering and Technology Advances 7, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 071–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.30574/gjeta.2021.7.3.0080.

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Indonesia and India see the Indian Ocean as their strategic political, education, defense, and maritime security. Diplomatic relations between Indonesia and India have been established since 1951 and were upgraded to become a Strategic Partnership in the fields of politics, defense, and maritime security aimed at increasing Confidence Building Measures (CBM). This study aims to analyze the perspective of Indonesia's cooperation with India in the fields of politics, defense and maritime security. The development of Indonesia-India relations has included mutual influence between soft power and hard power. Soft power in Indonesian and Indian foreign policy began to shift to strategic thinking or hard power in entering the stages of the development of Indonesian and Indian Education. This development is in line with Indonesia's foreign policy, which embraces free and active politics. Free means not being bound by ideology or by a foreign country's politics or by a specific bloc of nations, or superpowers, while active means a realistic contribution to developing freedom of friendship and international cooperation by respecting the sovereignty of other countries. Commemorating 70 years of Indonesia-India relations is expected to be a momentum to strengthen strategic cooperation between the two countries is neighboring and have the same interests, covering the Indian Ocean, South China Sea, and the Indo-Pacific as part of emerging strategic entities.

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Gupta, Surupa. "Foreign direct investment in India: Policy reform and politics." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 13, no. 2 (January 2006): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2006.9673426.

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39

Gupta, Prasanta Sen. "Book Review: The Defence and Foreign Policies of India." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 45, no. 1 (January 1989): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848904500107.

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Ahmed, S. M. Moin Uddin. "Impact of Natural Disasters on Foreign Direct Investment in South and South-East Asian Countries." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 9, no. 10 (October 31, 2021): 300–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2021.38304.

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Abstract: This paper examines the empirical relationship between natural disasters and FDI in 14 South and South-East Asian countries, 7 from South Asia, are Bhutan, Bangladesh, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka and the rest 7 from South East Asian countries, these are Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam taking panel data from 2000-2011. The two key variables are used in the analysis, foreign direct investment is the dependent variable; the total net inflows of FDI as a percentage of GDP is taken. The second key variable indicates natural disasters, the independent variable. Fixed effects model and Heteroskedasticity-Autocorrelation-Consistent (HAC) standard error are employed to estimate lagged and immediate impact of natural disaster on FDI. The empirical results show that natural disasters have a negative and statistically significant impact on FDI with two years of lag. The results indicate that post disasters management matters for attracting FDI inflow. Post disasters recovery systems and relevant policies should be able to improve the confidence of foreign investors and attractiveness of affected areas by establishing reliable and strong infrastructures and institutions. This would guide the policymakers for better fiscal decisions, mainstreaming the economic impacts of natural disasters in long-term economic planning for attracting FDI inflows and preparedness aftermath of natural disasters. Keywords: Foreign Direct Investment; Natural disasters; Panel data; Fixed effects model; HAC standard error

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Biswas, Bibhuti Bhusan. "Domestic bases of foreign policy: The case of Bangladesh’s policy towards India." Bangladesh Political Science Review 15, no. 1 (October 2022): 255–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.57074/wxcc3705.

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Foreign policy is often regarded as an extension of domestic policy. Bangladesh's foreign policy, like that of any other state, is primarily a reflection of its socio- economic and political compulsions within international politics. Therefore, the task of tracing how such domestic factors influence foreign policy poses a significant theoretical challenge. To date, the majority of studies on Bangladesh-India relations have been descriptive, chronological, and devoid of any fresh insights. Furthermore, little systematic effort has been made to study the domestic factors in Bangladesh and their implications for India-Bangladesh relations. The present paper, therefore, constitutes a modest attempt to fill this gap. The focus of this paper is not on providing a complete framework for researching domestic compulsions within Bangladesh foreign policy, but to uncover appropriate explanatory propositions for understanding the domestic roots of Bangladesh's foreign policy with regards to India. The findings of this paper highlight how Bangladesh's foreign policy has often become a device for enhancing the sectional and group interests within the domestic political and factional infighting. Various regimes in Bangladesh have not only used different internal factors to promote their own sustenance and survival but have also internal factors like external relations. Unsurprisingly, successive regimes in Bangladesh have willingly induced a dependency relationship to remain in power or deny power to their political opponents.

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Bragina, Elena A. "Economic Relations of India with the Countries of Southeast Asia – Foreign Trade Aspect." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, no. 1(50) (2021): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-066-072.

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The article examines India's trade policy towards Southeast Asian countries as part of the implementation of India's Look East policy and the foreign policy principle Neighborhood is first. India's foreign trade expansion intensifies the confrontation between the interests of India and the PRC in Southeast Asia. A statistical analysis of the state of trade operations between India and the countries of Southeast Asia for the last five years is given, based on which the author draws a conclusion that the main problem of India in trade with the countries of Southeast Asia is a negative balance, large and stable. Undoubtedly, to eliminate it, or at least reduce it, India will undertake serious efforts in the coming years, primarily aimed at expanding exports to the markets of the Southeast Asian countries of its products.

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BRAGINA, Elena A. "INDIAN-THAI TRADE RELATIONS: A VIEW FROM INDIA." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 1 (54) (2022): 160–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-1-1-54-160-167.

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Neighboring countries India and Thailand, different in territory, population and GDP, are not the main partners for each other in mutual trade, only 1.5–3.1% in the total exports of each of them. However, both countries consider it important to develop trade with their neighboring countries and see mutual interests in many of its positions. India has signed common free trade agreement with ASEAN and regional free trade agreement with Thailand. The article presents an analysis of the development of exports / imports of India and Thailand in 2011-2021, the main commodity flows are presented. The article also noted the aspects of export/import of commercial services representing almost half of the volume of foreign trade are considered, also noted the rapidly expanding e-commerce in volume.

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Bhogal, Parminder S. "Pakistan's India Policy: Shift from Zia to Benazir." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 45, no. 1 (January 1989): 35–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848904500103.

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According to Sajjad Hyder, an ex-Ambassador of Pakistan in India, “The first determinant of our foreign policy is safeguarding Pakistan from India.” 1 Pakistan's India policy occupies a very significant role in Pakistan's overall foreign policy. In other words, Pakistan's foreign policy mainly revolves around its India policy, or is Indocentric. The major reason behind such a trend is the historic background of Indo-Pak relations. It will be apt to say that, “In large measure, Pakistani feeling {and policy) towards India has been a continuation of the political struggle before partition.” 2 Support to the idea of Pakistan among Indian Muslims arose basically from the feeling of fear and insecurity both real and propagandised. The feeling of insecurity was indeed vis-a-vis the majority Hindu community and their certain dominance over India once it became free. This feeling aroused mistrust and hence misunderstanding and this was strengthened by the psychological trauma “resulting from the way the sub-continent was divided between India and Pakistan There was a complete emotional upset of all the people in India and Pakistan because of this.” 3 Such a psychological condition has been a very strong factor behind Pakistan's India-centric foreign policy. As a result, “from the day Pakistan emerged on the world map as a sovereign independent country, the main plank of Pakistan's foreign policy has been to obtain a shield against a possible attack from India.” 4 The calculations of Pakistan's foreign policy-makers, in fact, revolves around the India factor— Pakistan's overriding concern vis-a-vis India, fear of its sheer size and size of the army.” 5 There is a continuing feeling in Pakistan that India has not reconciled to the partition of 1947 and is bent upon destroying and dismembering it. Such a psyche is mainly the result of the deliberate propaganda which was sustained by the statements of some communal leaders in India, as well as by misinterpreting the broad statements on the part of secular Indian leadership like Jawaharlal Nehru. But such a feeling was aggravated after the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. Whatever may be the factors, people in Pakistan do widely believe in this. The leader of the Opposition in the Pakistan National Assembly, Mohammad Aslam Khattak remarked during a debate: It is a fact that India never reconciled herself to the partition of Pah Indian sub-continent. They always cherish this secret desire and dream that partition may be undone one day. The hostility of India has been a nightmare for the foreign policy-makers of this country. 6 (Pakistan National Assembly Debates-1964). Again, as Ambassador Sajjad Hyder puts the same fear in this way: “To us in Pakistan the reason for this malise is our perception that beneath a thin veneer, the Indian leadership and a sizeable segment of its following continue to regard the formation of Pakistan as an historical error forced on India, that given the opportunity they would like in some way to redress the situation and that in their mind, the 1971 War supported this presumption.” Apart from the above aetiology there are a number of other factors also behind the evolution of Pakistan's foreign policy. These include, the psychological need for parity, interests of the ruling elites, the fear of being reduced to a satellite state of India and above all using the existing hostility of bilateral relations to justify and rationalise all kinds of foreign aid from all sources as also to legitimise the creation and existence of Pakistan in the eyes of its own public and the world at large.

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Zongze, Ruan, and Debasish Chaudhuri. "Contemporary International Situation and China-Russia-India Relations." China Report 41, no. 4 (October 2005): 375–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944550504100402.

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The trend of Bush's policy and its impact in international affairs is worth noting during the second presidential term of George Bush. The US, besides persisting in pushing forward its ‘democratisation plan in the greater Middle East’, has been intensifying its attempt to penetrate into Central Asia. For some time now, the main focus of US foreign policy has been Iraq, the Gulf and the Middle East, but it has given equal importance to containing the so-called ‘North Korean nuclear weapon’ and to the ‘Iranian nuclear issue’. There were new developments in China-Russia-India tripartite relations. China and India agreed to establish a strategic partnership, greatly promoting bilateral relations between them. The developmental process in these countries, Russia-China and India, has provided ample scope for strengthening trilateral cooperation among them.

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46

Tomlinson, B. R. "VII. Foreign Investment in India and Indonesia, 1920–1960." Itinerario 10, no. 1 (March 1986): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009025.

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Discussing the issue of foreign investment in colonial economies, such as those of India and Indonesia, in the first half of the twentieth century gives rise to a number of problems. In addition to the obvious difficulties of data collection there are also complex conceptual and definitional issues. The aim of this paper is to set out what we know about the quantities and performance of foreign investment in the two economies, and to use this information to draw more general conclusions about the economic history of the two areas. In analysing the material only those lines which seem to offer a genuinem comparative perspective will be followed. We are interested in those aspects of the history of foreign investment in India which can tell us something about the history of foreign investment in Indonesia, and vice versa. It is convenient to split the subject into two time periods, 1920-38 and 1945-60.

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Hyder, Ghulam. "CPEC: Shifting Sands in Pakistan’s Foreign Policy." South Asian Research Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (February 18, 2022): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.36346/sarjhss.2022.v04i01.008.

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This paper is about the dramatic shifts in Pakistan’s diplomatic stance since its inception. The paper argues that Pakistan is unusual in having to depend upon short-term diplomacy to achieve the stability that other countries enjoy through long-term diplomacy. The article argues that this short-term diplomacy is the result of Pakistan being forced to improvise radically different diplomatic responses in the face of different and severe challenges in its international relations. Whilst the overriding challenge in Pakistan’s international relations has always been the existential threat posed by India, the shifting sands of alliances in its region between the U.S, China, Russia and India, wars and civil strife have prompted Pakistan to pivot alliances alternately between the U.S. and China whilst maintaining a difficult balancing act between them. The China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is the latest shift in the sands of Pakistan’s Foreign Policy in recent times.

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Galistcheva, Natalia V., and Yulia A. Ilicheva. "Special aspects of investment cooperation between India and ASEAN countries in the modern period." RUDN Journal of Economics 28, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 288–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2020-28-2-288-299.

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India examines relations with ASEAN countries as one of the priority vectors of the modern foreign economic strategy South - South. The purpose of the article is to analyze one of the most important aspects of Indian economic relations with the countries of Southeast Asia - investment cooperation. The article covers a wide range of analytical methods: statistical analysis, forecasting, comparison, theoretical generalization, statistical data processing, and also abstract-logical analysis (for systematization and generalization of the main areas of investment interaction). The indicators of Indian foreign direct investment to ASEAN, including country-wise distribution, and the associations foreign direct investment to the republic are analyzed in detail. The authors consider in detail various aspects of intercountry investment interaction. The association is the main focus for Indian investments abroad and a significant investor to the republic, as demonstrated by stable bilateral economic relations. In general, investment cooperation seriously contributes to the development of relations between India and ASEAN.

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Zinkin, Maurice. "Book Reviews : The Cambridge Encyclopedia of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan and the Maldives. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989. 520 pp. £30." International Relations 10, no. 1 (May 1990): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711789001000113.

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Pattanaik, Smrtiti S. "Internal Political Dynamics and Bangladesh's Foreign Policy Towards India." Strategic Analysis 29, no. 3 (July 2005): 395–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2005.12049816.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Maldives – Foreign relations – India'

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