Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Maldives – Foreign relations – India'

India's nonalignment policy attracted the attention of many newly independent countries for it provided an alternative to the existing American and Russian views of the world. This dissertation is an examination of both India's nonalignment policy and the official American reaction to it during the Truman-Eisenhower years. Indian nonalignment should be defined as a policy of noncommitment towards rival power blocs adopted with a view of retaining freedom of action in international affairs and thereby influencing the issue of war and peace to India's advantage. India maintained that the Cold War was essentially a European problem. Adherence to military allliances , it believed, would increase domestic tensions and add to chances of involvement in international war, thus destroying hopes of socio-economic reconstruction of India. The official American reaction was not consistent. It varied from president to president, from issue to issue, and from time to time. India's stand on various issues of international import and interest to the United States such as recognition of the People's Republic of China, the Korean War, the Japanese peace treaty of 1951, and the Hungarian revolt of 1956, increased American concern about and dislike of nonalignment. Many Americans in high places regraded India's nonalignment policy as pro-Communist and as one that sought to undermine Western collective security measures. Consequently, during the Truman and Eisenhower presidencies the United States took a series of diplomatic, military, and economic measures to counter India's neutralism. America refused to treat India as a major power and attempted to contain its influence on the international plane by excluding it from international conferences and from assuming international responsibilities. The Russian efforts to woo India and other nonaligned countries with trade and aid softened America's open resistance to India's nonalignment. As a result, although tactical, a new trend in America's dealings with India was visible during the closing years of Eisenhower's presidency. Therefore, America sought to keep nonaligned India at least nonaligned by extending economic aid.

Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. The methodology employs discourse analysis on five case studies. It will be explored how the two administrations both used nationalism but in the pursuit of contrasting policies: an uncompromising stance to China and a conciliatory approach toward North Korea under the Koizumi administration, a hard-line attitude against North Korea and the rapprochement with China by Abe, accompanied by a friendship-policy toward India. These case studies show how the nationalism is used in the competition between political leaders by articulating national identity in foreign policy. Whereas this often appears as a kind of assertiveness from outside China, in the domestic context leaders use nationalism to reconstruct Japan’s identity as a ‘peaceful nation’ through foreign policy by highlighting differences from ‘other’s or by achieving historic reconciliation. Such identity constructions are used to legitimize policy choices that are in themselves used to marginalize other policy options and political actors. In this way, nationalism is utilized as a kind of political capital in a domestic power relationship, as can be seen by Abe’s use of foreign policy to set an agenda of ‘departure from the postwar regime’. In a similar way, Koizumi’s unyielding stance against China was used to calm discontents among right-wing traditionalists who were opposed to his reconciliatory approach to Pyongyang. On the other hand, Abe also utilized a hard-line policy to the DPRK to offset his rapprochement with China whilst he sought to prevent the improved relationship from becoming a source of political capital for his rivals. The major insights of this thesis is thus to explain how Japan’s foreign policy is shaped by the attempts of its political leaders to manipulate nationalism so as articulating particular forms of national identity that enable them to achieve legitimacy for their policy agendas, boost domestic credentials and marginalize their political rivals.

The overall aim of this thesis is to explore what emigration state power means in relation to the rules that govern international migration. This thesis challenges the conventional view that within a bilateral migration relationship the migrant-sending state is a 'rule-taker' compelled to accept the consequences of the migrant-receiving state's immigration and integration policies. Using India-Canada migration relations as its empirical case, this thesis examines how diaspora populations can serve as a transnational resource for the sending state to mitigate power asymmetries with the receiving state in bilateral migration relations. Part I of this thesis examines the Indo- Canadian diaspora's use of Canadian tribunal, electoral and lobby channels to advance immigration and integration policy outcomes that further both the interests of the diaspora and the Indian state. Part II considers the diffuse and ideational mechanisms through which the Indian state influences the diaspora's political mobilisation abroad. The diaspora's political activities in the host state, combined with the sending state's transnational influence over facets of diaspora identity, interests and organisational capacity, register important effects on Canadian migration policy that bear on the distribution of power between sending and receiving states. These effects cannot be explained on a purely inter-state model of migration relations, but are accounted for by the framework developed and applied in this thesis. The Conclusion addresses the scope conditions under which this thesis' theoretical framework and conclusions derived within it from the single-case study may allow for a wider comparative approach across other cases in future research.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Este trabalho analisa como a interação entre Brasil e Índia nos anos 2000 tem relação com as trajetórias autonomistas dos dois países. Apoiado no construtivismo para execução do desenvolvimento do estudo, as políticas internacionais de cada um dos países são apresentadas, inicialmente, no decorrer de um longo período, incluindo o da Guerra Fria, onde se percebem os princípios, ideias e identidades autonomistas e críticas à estruturação do poder mundial. Na mesma perspectiva, a análise caminha para a exposição de posturas e atuações de Brasil e Índia, no mundo pós-Guerra Fria, e demonstra perante as mudanças das políticas internacionais de cada um, a preservação de posturas autonomistas, a defesa do multilateralismo e a participação dos países em desenvolvimento nas instâncias decisórias internacionais. Por fim, são expostas as principais formas de interações entre Brasil e Índia e suas posturas concertadas sobre grandes temas da agenda internacional. Argumenta-se que a aproximação entre Índia e Brasil, nos últimos anos, advém do conhecimento que cada país tem um do outro, da defesa de valores dos países em desenvolvimento, ou seja, a convergência de identidades que alavancam novas idéias e interesses. Estes elementos, então, contribuem para a reconfiguração da identidade sul no mundo pós-Guerra Fria
Abstract: This paper analyzes how the interaction between Brazil and India in the 2000s is related to the autonomous trajectories of the two countries. Based on the constructivism as to execute the development of the study, the international policies of each country are presented, initially, over a long period, including the Cold War, in which we can meet the principles, ideas, autonomous identities and some critics to the structuring of world power. Under the same perspective, the analysis moves to the exposure of Brazil and India postures and performances in the post-Cold War context and it demonstrates before the changes of the international policy of each one the preservation of autonomy postures, the defense of multilateralism and the developing countries participation in international decision-makers. Finally, it exposes the main forms of interactions between India and Brazil and their postures, arranged within major topics of the international agenda. It is argued that the nearness of India and Brazil in recent years comes from the knowledge each country has from one another, from the defense of values in developing countries, i.e. the convergence of identities that leverage new ideas and interests. These elements then contribute to the reconfiguration of southern identity in the post-Cold War era
Doutorado
Ciencia Politica
Doutor em Ciência Política

This thesis studies the implications of the selection of empirical evidence underpinning reported interpretations and conclusions about US foreign policy towards India. US-India relations have been investigated by a number of scholars whose work has been reported in well-regarded books and journal articles. Their studies typically rely for empirical evidence on official documents, and occasionally on interviews. In spite of their qualities, none of these studies provides explicit rational for their selection of US and Indian primary sources and about the procedures and the criteria used to identify relevant information from these sources. This shortcoming poses a risk for the validity of their conclusions. To assess the nature of this risk, this thesis reports a fresh study of US foreign policy towards India in which all publicly available US documents are used. These documents are the basis of a Qualitative Content Analysis (QCA), the results of which feed into the subsequent analysis. The substantive results of this research are compared with those in the existing literature. This comparison reveals, in addition to obvious similarities, important differences that can be attributed to unsystematic and incomplete use of empirical material in the existing literature. These differences, that emanate from a more explicit and systematic approach to evidence, provide grounds for a reassessment of the significance of many factors influencing US foreign policy towards India. This study identifies relevant factors that have so far been overlooked in the existing literature, and that need to be included in accounts to understand widely documented changes in this area of US foreign policy. Substantively, this thesis highlights the vital importance of the Clinton period in understanding the foreign policy of the United States, a period which had not been examined in sufficient detail by existing studies. Contrary to what most of the existing literature suggests, elements of continuity between the Clinton and the Bush administrations are particularly important to explain the evolution of US foreign policy towards India. In spite of the change in the presidency from Democrat to Republican, President George W. Bush (hereafter Bush) continued to hold the same level of commitment shown by his predecessor in developing closer strategic ties with India, making it a priority of his foreign policy. This aspect is particularly important to furthering a more thorough understanding of US relations with India.

International Relations widely assumes that states pursue status, which may provide both emotional and strategic benefits. However, IR’s existing status literature frequently renders the desire for status as a constant that cannot explain varying policy outcomes, and in many cases is overly focused on the connection between status concerns and war. The importance of status as a causal factor in IR may be better understood by considering that if states normally aspire to valued status roles, then threats to those roles can cause states to change policy settings to protect them. States with aspirations to the most prized status roles, notably major power status, should be especially prone to this. This thesis considers three case studies involving major power aspirants, where key foreign policy decisions have been widely attributed to status concerns. As the epicentre of today’s power transition, the Asia-Pacific region is the focus of the empirical analysis. The cases all take place during the immediate post-Cold War period, where the realignment of international polarity threw into question many established status roles. These were: Japan’s 1992-93 bid for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council; China’s 1996 signing of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty; and India’s 1998 Pokhran II nuclear tests. The project involved interviews with experts with close knowledge of the cases in each of the three countries, with a view to assessing leadership self-perceptions regarding national status at the moments in question. The thesis outlines a three-phase approach to understanding status concerns and advances the central argument that the middle “status crisis” phase acts as the causal driver of policy change. There is generally a phase of normal status-seeking, during which a state accumulates prestige to win recognition for valued status roles; unexpected events may cause a status crisis, forcing a revaluation of the state’s status position; and the state embarks on a phase of enhanced prestige-building, narrowing and intensifying its status ambitions. In short, changed status perceptions due to a status crisis can cause change to status-seeking policies, which become more provocative or risky than before. The case studies highlight examples of status-seeking involving material power, legitimacy, and institutional roles. The thesis makes two contributions to the literature. First, the argument extends existing theories of status by better operationalising the concept. It adds to social identity theory by explaining the circumstances when states may adopt specific strategies to win status recognition, and it reinforces arguments that efforts to gain status recognition need not be conflictual or disruptive to the status quo. Second, the research enriches our understanding of the historical cases, some of which are mired in long-running debates about causal factors, and it offers ways for IR scholarship to account for the role of status in these episodes. With ongoing power shifts in the Asia-Pacific and beyond, status will continue to be a key concept in IR and this thesis provides us with new ways of understanding the relationship between status concerns and policy change.

"June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270. This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Africa’s rising international profile and geopolitical significance as well as the continent’s relatively ‘under-exploited markets’ have been pull factors for many emerging economies. Globally, the developing and emerging economies of the world for the first time captured more than half of all global FDI in 2011. Changes in the global investment regime are a clear indication of the changing dynamics in the global economy. Since India and China’s FDI liberalisation processes began to gather steam in the 1990s, they have been amongst the most aggressive of the emerging economy investors. This study appraises the role of the government in facilitating investment by Indian and Chinese firms abroad, specifically Sub-Saharan Africa. The study analyses the motivations for such outward foreign direct invest flows, the sectoral trends, and the entry mode differences of Indian and Chinese firms’ investments in Sub-Saharan African markets. Yet, there is a lack of studies that focus on both Indian and Chinese investments in Sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing from theoretical constructs from political economy, International business /economics and International Political Economy - a framework is provided to assess the influence of these investments. The methodology is interpretive and qualitative and draws largely on secondary material from international organisations, government agencies, academic literature and the media. The study finds that the role of New Delhi and Beijing in facilitating and financing outward investments is strategic and pragmatic. These policies greatly influence firms, and the locations and types of their investments. South-South cooperation provides India and China with a framework for long-term political and economic investments and development cooperation with African states. India and China’s engagements in Sub-Saharan Africa share similar and dissimilar forms and motivations for FDI. Markets and resources are primary motivations for these two countries’ firms to invest in the region. India and China’s growing commercial activities in Sub-Saharan Africa provide the region with opportunities for further international market integration and development.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Afrika se ontluikende internasionale profiel en geopolitieke belang tesame met die vasteland se relatief ‘onderbenutte’ markte is ’n trekfaktor vir baie ontluikende ekonomieë. Terwyl vloeie uit buitelandse direkte investering (BDI) na Afrika, wat ’n hoogtepunt in 2008 bereik het, in 2010 steeds afgeneem het, was die ontwikkelende en ontluikende ekonomieë van die wêreld vir die eerste keer in besit van meer as die helfte van alle wêreldwye BDI in 2011. Veranderings in die internasionale beleggingsregime is ’n duidelike aanduiding van die veranderende dinamika in die wêreldekonomie. Sedert Indië en China se liberaliseringsprosesse met betrekking tot BDI in die 1990’s begin ontwikkel het, is hulle van die aggressiefste beleggers onder opkomende ekonomieë. Die gebrek aan streekstudies wat op Indiese en Chinese beleggings fokus, verg egter verdere aandag. Die doel van die studie is om die rol van die regering in die fasilitering van Indiese en Chinese maatskappye om in die buiteland te belê te ontleed. Die fokus val veral op Afrika suid van die Sahara, en op die motiverings vir hierdie BDI-vloeie, die sektortendense en wyse van toetreding van Indiese en Chinese maatskappye se beleggings in Afrikamarkte. Bestande uit teortiese konstakke uit internasionale sakestudie, internasionale politieke ekonomie en politieke ekonomie, word ‘n raamwerk waarin die invloed van hierdie beleggings op wat assesseer word is interpritiet en kwalitatiet en stan op sekondêre materiaal en data van regeringsagentskappe, akademiese literatuur en die media. Die gebruik van ’n veelsoortige teoretiese raamwerk wat ekonomiese en politieke beleggingsverskynsels uitbeeld, illustreer die versoenbaarheid van politiek, ekonomie en sakegebaseerde akademiese gebiede en die moontlikheid om grondliggende uitkomste uitkomste vir navorsing oor beleggingstendense en -strategieë in ontluikende ekonomieë te bied. Die studie bevind dat die rol van New Delhi en Beijing in die fasilitering en finansiering van buitelandse beleggings strategiese en pragmaties is, en dat beleide maatskappye grootliks beïnvloed ten opsigte van waar hulle belê en watter soort beleggings hulle maak. Verder, verskaf Suid–Suid-samewerking, ‘n raamwerk vir verbintenis langtermyn- politieke en ekonomiese beleggings en ontwikkelingsamewerking met Afrikastate. Indië en China se betrokkenheid in Afrika toon ooreenstemmende en verskillende vorme en motiverings vir BDI, en markte en hulpbronne is primêre motiverings vir hierdie twee lande se maatskappye in die streek te belê.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O IBAS, que passou a ser conhecido por G-3, é um Fórum de Diálogo fundado em junho de 2003, em Brasília, e que reúne as três potências intermediárias: Índia, Brasil e África do Sul. Com o fim da Guerra Fria, os Estados Unidos aparecem como o ator principal, sem contar a posição estratégica e influente da União Européia e do Japão, enfim, do verdadeiro e velho Ocidente sobre os países do Sul global. Contudo, apesar dessa influência constituir ainda algo presente e notável, pode se constatar o surgimento de cooperações por parte de alguns países periféricos e semiperiféricos (na classificação de Immanuel Maurice Wallerstein), principalmente dos que podemos chamar de system-affecting (países que podem influenciar o prosseguimento de determinados motes da política internacional, a partir do momento em que haja uma junção entre os seus recursos - em princípio razoáveis - e a sua atuação internacional ativa), no intuito de fomentar o multilateralismo e plurilateralismo. Nessas duas últimas décadas, tanto a mudança de governo em alguns desses países (política externa ativista), bem como a permanência da postura hegemônica e inflexível dos países centrais no sentido de obstaculizar o desenvolvimento dos países do Sul global, impulsionaram estes à procura de novas parcerias estratégicas e técnicas entre si e mais espaços de atuação, a fim de defender os seus interesses econômico-políticos. A linha básica deste trabalho é analisar as possibilidades e os limites da Cooperação Sul-Sul (CCS) Índia/Brasil/África do Sul (IBAS) implementada num momento em que o fortalecimento das relações multilaterais entre os países do Sul global vislumbra como um fator propulsor do reordenamento do sistema internacional
Abstract: IBSA, or known as G-3, is a Dialogue Forum established in June 2003 in Brasilia that brings together the governments of India, Brazil and South Africa. With the end of the Cold War, the United States appear as the main actor, not to mention the strategic position and influence of the European Union and Japan on the countries of the global South. Even though this influence is still present and noticeable, one can see the emergence of cooperation between some peripheral and semi-peripheral countries (according to Immanuel Maurice Wallerstein's classification), especially between the "system-affecting" countries (those that can influence the continuation of certain motes of international politics, since there is a merging of their resources - in principle reasonable - and its international position) in order to promote multilateralism and plurilateralism. In the last two decades, both the change of governments in these South countries (activist foreign policy) and the persistence of hegemonic and inflexible politics of the central countries against them ended up driving the demand for new strategic and technical partnerships, as well as more space for action in order to defend their economic and political interests. The central line of this study is to analyze the possibilities and limits of that South-South Cooperation (SSC) between India, Brazil, and South Africa (IBSA) implemented at a time when the strengthening of multilateral relations among these countries appears as an impulsive factor reordering the international system
Doutorado
Ciencia Politica
Doutor em Ciência Política

The thesis addresses the role of national oil companies and their overseas engagement in the foreign policy decision-making process of states. Over the past 40 years, national oil companies have gained importance in the international oil industry and currently control around 90 per cent of the global oil reserves. A number of political and economic factors – depleting domestic reserves, economic growth – have resulted in an increasing expansion of Asian national oil companies to Africa. Through the use of two Asian national oil companies – Malaysia's Petronas and India's Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) – and their overseas engagement in Sudan and South Sudan as case studies, the thesis assesses three aspects: factors and motives that influence the relationship between government institutions and Petronas and ONGC, the connection between this domestic relationship and the overseas engagement of both companies, and the implications of the overseas engagement of Petronas and ONGC in both Sudans for the foreign policy decision-making process of Malaysia and India. This set of questions is analysed through a comparative case study design that is supported by in-depth interviews and based on Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), proposing a four-level theoretical framework. This thesis thus seeks to demonstrate how FPA can help assess the connection between the domestic decision-making process and the international engagement of the companies. In doing so, it not only argues that process and engagement are in fact connected, but also critically addresses conventional assumptions about the overseas engagement of national oil companies. Furthermore, this thesis questions the idea that government institutions and national oil companies act in a coherent and coordinated manner when operating abroad.

This dissertation aims to provide an understanding of the historical and contemporary dynamics of India’s foreign policy towards Israel within the context of religious identity from 1947 to 2015. A historical analysis of the relationship between India and Israel exhibits the ways that religious identity has served as a primary factor impeding as well as facilitating relations between the two nations. The analysis was done within the context of the historical Hindu-Muslim relationship in India and how the legacy of this relationship, in India’s effort to maintain positive relations with the Arab-Muslim world, worked to inhibit relations with Israel prior to normalization in 1992. However, the five years leading up to normalization, and thereafter, the dynamic is reversed with this legacy playing an increasingly progressive role in India-Israel relations via the social construction of shared meanings and identities between India’s Hindu majority with Israel’s Jewish majority. Social construction of shared meanings and identities are based, in part, within an historical/modern-day context of conflict with a minority, religious Other (Islam), and through bridges of connection based in other historical, cultural, social, and religious areas. Formal interviews, archival primary-source analysis of government documents, and secondary-source review were methods employed in the evaluation of the role of religion in India’s foreign policy towards Israel. In conclusion, this dissertation demonstrates the normative and functional effects that religious identities have played, and continue to play, in determining India’s foreign policy towards Israel given the fundamental role religious identity has historically played in the structuring of social perceptions, interactions and worldviews within Indian society up and through the present-day.

Since its inception, Israel has wrestled with attempts by adversaries to keep her politically isolated in the international arena. To garner more friends and expand diplomatic reach, Israeli leaders initiated a strategy of sharing specialized knowledge with other nations. The technologies and knowledge shared were based on the experience gained from Israel’s distinctive security and developmental struggles. The transfer of technology developed into a foreign policy instrument in Israel’s overall international relations. Technical cooperation became part of a broader foreign relations drive that sought to deliver greater diplomatic recognition for Israel. This strategy, which continues to present times, was born mostly out of two major necessities for the young struggling state. The first, to boost Israel’s political stature in international forums. The second, to counterbalance efforts by Israel’s rivals to keep the Jewish State isolated in the Middle East and the rest of the world. In the early years of the initiative, the technology transfers were mostly confined in fields related to agriculture and the military. In more recent years, the rise of Israel’s hi-tech industry has attracted worldwide attention creating new opportunities for Israeli foreign policymakers to widen the scope of technologies to be offered as part of international partnerships. The dissertation examines the interplay of technology/knowledge transfers as a source of soft power for Israel in efforts to advance relationships even with seemingly unlikely partner nations. It explores the usefulness of know-how sharing in the making, growing and maintaining Israel’s relationships with two influential Asian countries. The study considers the multiple factors including the convergence of interests as drivers of Israel’s ties to India and China in both secretive and open relationships. Over the span of five decades, the Jewish State’s international cooperation efforts have grown in scope of expertise in areas like agriculture, defense, anti-terrorist training, and disaster relief. The study explores the weight of Israel’s technology transfers as tools of diplomacy in terms of propping up trade ties, gaining more favorable policies towards Israel in the context of the conflict with Palestinians and boosting bilateral exchanges in the form of official visits and treaties.

Les attentats du 7 juillet 2005 à Londres ont causé un choc et un effroi dans la société britannique non seulement à cause du nombre important des victimes mais aussi en raison de la citoyenneté britannique des kamikazes. A l’exception de Germaine Lindsay qui était d’origine jamaïcaine, les autres membres de la cellule – Mohammed Siddiq Khan, Shehzad Tanweer et Hussib Hussain - étaient tous d’origine pakistanaise. Les kamikazes du 7 juillet 2005 n’étaient pas les seuls Britanniques d’origine pakistanaise impliqués dans des actes de terrorisme. Avant 2005, ils étaient nombreux à aller combattre auprès d’organisations djihadistes pakistanaises au Cachemire ou à commettre des tentatives d’attentat sur le sol britannique, comme ce fut le cas de la cellule de Luton en 2004. Après 2005, d’autres cellules, comme celle de Birmingham en 2011, ont essayé de commettre des attentats à une plus grande échelle. L’origine pakistanaise des auteurs, leur intérêt pour le conflit au Cachemire et leur entrainement paramilitaire dans les camps d’organisations djihadistes pakistanaises sont autant d'éléments communs qui nous ont conduit à nous interroger sur la nature de la radicalisation violente en Grande-Bretagne. Cette thèse examine la dimension pakistanaise de la radicalisation islamiste violente en Grande-Bretagne en se basant sur la théorie des mouvements sociaux, notamment le modèle de Quintan Wiktorowicz, selon lequel la radicalisation est le fruit de griefs politiques, socio-économiques et d’idéologie. Elle s’appuie sur dix études de cas : trois organisations djihadistes pakistanaises (Lashkar e-Toiba, Harakat ul-Mujahideen et Jaish e-Mohammed), trois organisations extrémistes transnationales (Hizb ut-Tahrir, Al-Muhajiroun et Supporters of Sharia) et quatre mouvements de l’islam sud-asiatiques (Ahl e-Hadith, déobandi, Tablighi Jamaat et Jamaat e-Islami). La thèse démontre qu’il y a une dimension spécifiquement pakistanaise de la radicalisation islamiste violente en Grande-Bretagne en raison de l’histoire coloniale, le conflit au Cachemire, la « guerre contre la terreur » et l’intervention militaire en Afghanistan
The 7 July 2005 London bombings caused shock and awe in the British society not only because of the important number of casualties, but also due to the British citizenship of the bombers. With the exception of Germaine Lindsay, who was of Jamaican descent, all the other members of the cell - Mohammed Siddiq Khan, Shehzad Tanweer and Hussib Hussain - had Pakistani background. The London bombers were not the only British Pakistanis who were involved in acts of terrorism. Before 2005, many went to fight alongside the Pakistani jihadi organisations in Kashmir or plotted against Britain such as the Luton cell in 2004. After 2005, other cells, like the one in Birmingham in 2011, planned attacks on a bigger scale on British soil. The Pakistani origin of the perpetrators, their interest in Kashmir and their paramilitary training in camps belonging to Pakistani jihadi organisations were common features that have raised questions about the nature of violent radicalisation in Britain. This thesis examines the Pakistani dimension of violent radicalisation in Britain by building on social movement theory, especially on Quintan Wiktorowicz’ model, according to which radicalisation is the result of political, socio-economic grievances and ideology. This research is based on ten case studies: three Pakistani jihadi organisations (Lashkar e-Toiba, Harakat ul-Mujahideen and Jaish e-Mohammed), three extremist transnational organisations (Hizb ut-Tahrir, Al-Muhajiroun and Supporters of Sharia) and four South-Asian Islamic mouvements (Ahl e-Hadith, Deobandi, Tablighi Jamaat and Jamaat e-Islami). The thesis shows that there is specifically a Pakistani dimension to the violent islamist radicalisation in Britain due to the colonial history, the conflict in Kashmir, the ‘’war on terror’’ and the military intervention in Afghanistan

Depuis 2001 et la recomposition des équilibres de puissance, l'Inde s'affirme comme l'un des acteurs qui compte dans un espace international de plus en plus multipolaire. Les mouvements de fond actuels provoquent une redistribution de cette puissance imposant de nouvelles alliances et de nouveaux jeux de pouvoirs. L'Inde n'est pas étrangère à cette tendance et encore plus depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir, en 2014, de l'actuel Premier ministre, Narendra Modi. Ce dernier conduit une politique extérieure ambitieuse pour que son pays accède à un statut de puissance mondiale. C'est dans ce cadre que se pose notre problématique qui est de savoir dans quelle mesure la place de l'Afrique dans la politique étrangère indienne permet-elle justement à l'Inde de parvenir à se hisser à ce statut de puissance. Pour y répondre, cette thèse investigue trois directions. D'abord, la place de l'océan Indien dans la relation indo-africaine doit rendre compte du rôle de l'Afrique dans la volonté indienne de faire de cet océan un espace pacifique et sécurisé sur lequel l'Inde puisse être un acteur incontournable face à des acteurs politiques puissants et hétérogènes. Ensuite, cette thèse s'attache à déterminer le rôle que l'Afrique joue dans la volonté de l'Inde d'être une puissance ayant une capacité d'influence politique sur la scène internationale au travers des instances internationales, de ses relations bilatérales avec les États africains et de la diaspora indienne installée dans ces pays. Enfin, cette recherche de statut passe par le champ économique et la nécessaire évaluation de l'empreinte économique que l'Inde souhaite imprimer en Afrique pour mieux asseoir ses capacités d'influence. Cette étude doit permettre de donner un éclairage sur la politique extérieure indienne à l'heure où les États-Unis réévaluent leur implication dans l'océan Indien, où la Chine met en place la « One Belt, One Road » et où l'Inde et le Japon viennent de s'unir pour proposer un nouveau partenariat à l'Afrique
Since 2001 and the reshuffling of the balance of power, India has become one of the influential actors in an increasingly multipolar international context. The current groundswells are reshuffling powers between Nations in shaping new alliances and new power games. India is, more than ever, involved in this trend since the current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, came to power in 2014. He conducts an ambitious foreign policy as a means to make his country a global and respected power. The context of the issue detailed in this document is: to what extent does Africa's place in India's foreign policy enables India to reach this status of power? This thesis investigates the following three themes: Firstly, the Indian Ocean's place in the Indo-African relationship should reflect Africa's role in India's will to make the Indian Ocean region a peaceful and secured space in which India is a decisive player in front of powerful and heterogeneous political actors. Secondly, this thesis focuses on assessing Africa's role in India's initiatives to be an influential player on politics on the international agenda through international bodies, its bilateral relations with African states and the Indian diaspora settled down in these countries. Thirdly, India's search for that particular status goes through the economic area and the assessment of India's economic footprint in Africa to better establish its influence on that Continent. This study tries to shed the light on India's foreign policy while the United States are reassessing their involvement in the Indian Ocean, and while China is setting up its "One Belt, One Road" and India and Japan have just come together to propose a new partnership to Africa

India’s foreign policy behaviour often challenges conventional theories of international relations (IR). Why for instance, did India wait 24 years after its first nuclear test to conduct another test? In the wake of its nuclear tests, why did the political leadership highlight the scientific achievements more than the military implications and why did it characterise India’s nuclear program as being unique in terms of its restraint and its commitment to total disarmament? Why did India engage in a discourse of friendship with China rather than adopt the anti-communist stance of other democratic states? These are just some of the questions that cannot be adequately explained by the positivist and ahistorical traditions of IR that down-play the connection between state identity and foreign policy or analyse foreign policy as the product of pre-existing realities, subjectivities and interpretive dispositions. An approach that takes into account the historical and cultural context of the construction of state identity however, offers a fuller understanding of India’s foreign policy behaviour. Using genealogy and the idea of identity performativity, this thesis analyses India’s foreign policy discourse as a representational practice which, through various codings of sex, gender and race, enacts India’s postcolonial identity. The thesis uses the findings of five case studies – India’s relationship with China, its nuclear politics, its relations with its South Asian neighbours and its interventions in Pakistan and Sri Lanka – to suggest that a deep ambivalence toward Western modernity lies at the heart of India’s postcolonial identity and, therefore, the foreign policy discourse that enacts it. This ambivalence arises because, on the one hand, Indian nationalists accepted colonial narratives in which the backwardness of ‘Indian civilisation’ led to its degeneration, but on the other hand, they recognised the need to advance a critique of Western modernity and its deep imbrication with colonialism. The result is a striving for a postcolonial modernity that is not only imitative but strives to be distinctly different and superior to Western modernity by being culturally and morally grounded. Thus, India is fashioned as a postcolonial civilisational-state that brings to international affairs a tradition of morality and ethical conduct which it derives from its civilisational heritage. This thesis argues that in order to comprehend the apparently inexplicable aspects of Indian foreign policy it is crucial to understand this self-fashioning.
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2008

There is a complex set of variables influencing a country's potential for economic growth. One of these is investment, and in order to attract foreign capital flows a country needs, amongst other things sound macro-economic policies and solid financial institutions. Solid financial institutions must be coupled with an attention on integration of a country's financial markets. Through the building of these institutions and a focus on integrating its financial markets a country is likely to become more attractive in the eyes of the investors. The reason for this being important is that investment carries with it promises of economic growth and the subsequent social upliftment. Therefore, closer cooperation between the IBSA members is likely to offer great opportunities for India, Brazil and South Africa. It has been highlighted that a closer integration of their financial markets might lead to them also becoming competitors in the quest for the attention from the investors of the North. However, the loss in terms of competition is likely to be outweighed by the benefits found in not having to face unilateralism as separate entities. New Regionalism stresses the importance of regionalisation as a counter measure to the harmful effect of globalisation for the marginalised countries of the world, and the topic of investment aptly illustrate this point. Furthermore, a closer collaboration between the IBSA members as well as a continuous focus on further integrating their financial markets into the world economy could offer great benefits. Moreover, the trickledown effect could also broaden the scope of these benefits to include other emerging markets. Because of this, investment is, amongst other very important sub-sectors of focus in terms of IBSA cooperation, one of the most important one - both in terms of benefits for the individual countries, but also due to what a successful cooperation could come to mean for the developing world in general. The next chapter, the conclusion, will draw together the various discussion of this thesis in order to highlight the arguments put forward and to suggest ways forward for the IBSA coalition, as well as possible fields of further study
Political Science
M.A. (International Politics)

Situated within the framework of power transition theory - which traditionally examines the relationship between a dominant power and the rising powers beneath it, but which often fails to take into account how the relationships between these rising powers also affect the international system this thesis presents a new conception of the Sino-Indian relationship, moving away from traditional ideas of rivalry as the sole driver of the relationship. From the time a long-running colonial border dispute flared into the 1962 Sino-Indian War, rivalry - political, economic and military - has been the main prism through which the China-India relationship has been viewed. This type of analysis was most clearly articulated by John W. Garver in his 2001 book Protracted Contest: Sino-Indian Rivalry in the Twentieth Century. In the ten years since Garver's book was published, however, both China and India have built on the successes of their reform and opening policies to become more prominent players in international politics and economics, and this has in tum affected their bilateral relationship. Although the Sino-Indian relationship remains significantly asymmetrical, with China currently exhibiting far more power and influence than India, how the two countries relate to each other is beginning to have an interesting effect on the international system. Rivalry undoubtedly remains one of the driving forces in the relationship, particularly in regard to military and strategic issues such as naval activities in the Indian Ocean or nuclear weapons proliferation, but selective cooperation between the two countries, such as at the 2008 World Trade Organisation Doha Trade Round of trade talks or the 2009 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change summit in Copenhagen, is beginning to shape how global governance organisations conduct themselves. This will become even more apparent if and when India succeeds in its bid for permanent membership of the UN Security Council. It is therefore time to re-evaluate the framework in which the Sino-Indian relationship is viewed, taking into account these new complexities and moving away from the traditional characterisation of pure rivalry. Based in large part on seven months of fieldwork interviews with diplomats, analysts, academics and journalists from both countries, as well as some archival material and an extensive survey of literature, this research provides a broad overview of the contemporary Sino-Indian relationship in several spheres. These include local military rivalry (and occasional conflict) over the disputed border and within the greater context of China-India-Pakistan-US relations in South Asia; some economic and political rivalry for influence and energy resources in Central Asia and among the ASEAN nations, particularly Burma; and increasing cooperation in certain global governance organisations such as the WTO and the UN Climate Change Summit. In doing so, it aims to move away from the traditional construction of rivalry as the dominant driving force in the relationship, and paint a more complex picture of SinoIndian interactions and the way the relationship has evolved since the 1962 border war.

A thesis submitted in fulfilment to the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Faculty of Humanities, School of Social Sciences, University of the Witwatersrand, 2018
One of the key challenges facing the international community in the 21st Century is the shift of the global balance of power from West to East. The rise of the “Emerging Powers” of China and India, as well as the increasing importance of energy security globally, have converged to make the security of the sea lane of communication across the Indian Ocean crucial to the maintenance of international peace and security. South Africa as a littoral state to the Indian Ocean, sitting on a key trade route, namely the Cape of Good Hope sea lane, and with a viable navy, will be affected by these shifts as they take place, as will the rest of the Indian Ocean region’s states. As a new balance of power emerges, states will need to decide whether it is in their national interests to align against the global superpower, the United States of America, or to bandwagon with them. However, this is not simply a choice between the established status quo power of the United States and the new emerging global powers of India and China. The choice is complicated by the emerging geopolitical competition between China and India as each struggle to assert their vision for the regional integration of the Indo-Pacific on the region. While neutrality is currently an option, should the regional tensions result in a conflict between India and China, that may be a luxury that states littoral to the Indian Ocean, such as South Africa, can ill afford
MT 2019

The focus of this research is on the analysis of relations between Israel and India from 1948 to 2005. The State of Israel was established in 1948 but only on 18 September 1950 did India recognise Israel. Eventually, the two countries finally established full diplomatic relations on 29 January 1992. The research covers three specific timeframes and aims to clarify the factors that have affected and effected the relations between the two countries in terms of levels of analysis. The first timeframe (from 1948 to 1991) pertains to bilateral relations between the two countries before the establishment of diplomatic relations, including preindependence relations. India's foreign policy towards Israel reflected its selfinterest in the Middle East as well as its traditional sympathy with the Arabs and had been influenced by India's commitment to the Non-aligned Movement and the sentiments of the Indian Muslims. Eventually it was transformed into an anti- Israeli foreign policy. In the second timeframe, the change in bilateral relations between Israel and India in 1992 and the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries are analysed by the Aggregative Model of Bilateral Foreign Relations Strategic Change. This analysis deals with the operational environment within which the Indian systemic foreign policy changed towards Israel. In the third timeframe, the evolving bilateral relations between India and Israel from 1992 to 2005 are analysed in terms of the Oscillated Diplomacy Model. Consecutive Indian governments in power had an influence on the volume of Indian diplomacy towards Israel as well as the direction of the relations between the two countries. Furthermore, three types of mutual national strategic interests, namely, joint strategic interests, common strategic interests and discrepant strategic interests, influenced the operational diplomacy of both countries. In essence, Israeli-Indian relations from 1948 to 1991 were characterised by partial and consistent pro-Arab and anti-Israeli foreign policy. In 1992, a significant diplomatic change occurred when India and Israel established full diplomatic relations. Since then bilateral relations have evolved continually in a positive manner concentrating on the convergence of strategic interests of the two countries.
International Politics
D.Litt. et Phil. (International Politics))

This thesis exammes the consequences of nuclear proliferation on South Asia, specifically whether India and Pakistan are moving towards a stable nuclear balance. The thesis uses comparative case study methods to examine the role of nuclear weapons in crises and the lessons learnt from those crises. The thesis argues that nuclear weapons have played the dual role of crisis instigator and crisis manager in South Asia. That is, nuclear weapons have contributed to the outbreak of crises predominantly by empowering Pakistan to provoke India. However, once these crises were underway, the fear of escalation to nuclear war prompted considerable restraint and hence nuclear weapons can be understood to have also played a role of crisis manager. Furthermore, although India and Pakistan's growing nuclear arsenals, nuclear doctrines and command and control systems have exhibited complexity of deterrence, the evolving nuclear learning in India and Pakistan limits the likelihood of nuclear weapons use during a crisis. The thesis demonstrates that the role of nuclear weapons in South Asia can be best understood through this dual characterisation and that we may exercise sober optimism for the stability of nuclear deterrence in South Asia.

Ethnic interest organizations have not been considered a salience influence on foreign policy. Traditionally, democratic theory suggests foreign policy should be determined by the will of the general population, rather that the limited and segregated interests of minority groups. Specifically in Canadian foreign policy, ethnic groups have also had limited access to decision-makers because of increased centralization of Canadian foreign policy. In contrast, the literature on Canada-India relations suggests there is an important foreign policy impact by the large, economically progressive Indo-Canadian Diaspora which has actively attempted to improve relations between these states. This dissertation addresses this obvious contrast, showing how the community has overcome the challenges traditionally associated with ethnic groups and foreign policy. Centrally, the research finds that Indo-Canadians have been active and successful foreign policy participants, influencing implementation, perceptions-editing and direct foreign policy between the two countries. This is determined by two characteristics: first, the Harper government’s decision to actively improve economic relations with New Delhi has opened important cess points for the Indo-Canadian community. Give their intimate knowledge of India’s business and economic environment, the Diaspora has been involved in various overseas missions, consultations and networking between the Canadian government and various stakeholders. Second, ethnic group influence is determined by the community’s internal organization, including the composition of their membership, financial resources and political strategies. With these characteristics, the dissertation assesses three interest organizations: the Indo-Canada Chamber of Commerce (ICCC), the Canada-India Business Council (C-IBC) and the Canada-India Foundation (CIF). By conducting a within-case analysis, it finds that each organization has a niche role within Canada-India relations – in Diaspora representation (ICCC), business and trade relations (C-IBC) and policy-related advocacy (CIF). Centrally, this dissertation speaks to the evolving relations between the state and society in Canadian foreign policy. It offers a challenge to earlier work in this field, resulting in theoretical, methodological and policy-oriented advancement of a nascent body of literature, suggesting avenues for further investigation.

Foreign aid as an economic policy was previously widely accepted as a way to assist least developed economies to achieve economic growth. Over the years, aid effectiveness has been questioned, whilst aid dependency has continued to rise. To assist in aid reduction, various economists have proposed aid exit strategies that countries could adopt to reduce aid dependency. However, the adoption of these strategies has been rather slow. The purpose of this study was to review and assess the current literature on the different proposed foreign aid exit strategies, in terms of their feasibility and ease of implementation, taking into account the current state of African economies. The analysis focused on the exit strategies recommended by Tandon (2008), Moyo (2009) and Fee (2012). The main finding of this study suggests that the aforementioned exit strategies are feasible, but not necessarily easy to implement, due to the limitations faced by many least developed countries.
Economics
M. Com. (Economics)

This master's thesis sets out to interpret relations of India and Bangladesh and the course of their foreign policies in the light of geographical, geopolitical, demographic, and other realities and new paradigms, which determine forming of their mutual relations. The aim of this thesis is to highlight the geostrategic significance of Bangladesh for India and for the development of the surrounding region. This thesis also portrays the historical role of India in the emergence of Bangladesh and their relations since 1971 until today. It also deals with the key areas of Indian foreign and security policy towards Bangladesh, including economic cooperation, cooperation in the area of defence, legal and illegal migration, local and regional connectivity, energy, and water management. Given the topicality of the subject matter, this thesis draws information primarily from official documents published by governmental agencies, research institutes and think tanks, as well as from publicly accessible agreements, memorandums, arrangements, joint statements, press releases and other reliable sources. To a limited extent, it also sources Indian, Bangladeshi, and other media. Keywords: India, Bangladesh, India-Bangladesh Relations, South Asia, Indian Subcontinent, Neighbourhood First Policy, Foreign Policy

This thesis provides a survey and an analysis of South Africa's relations with the British Commonwealth (Commonwealth of Nations) between the years 1945 and 1961. It outlines and explains the deterioration of this relationship in the context of the crisis in South Africa's foreign relations after World War II. Documentary evidence is produced to throw more light on the relationship with Britain and, to a lesser extent, other Commonwealth countries. This relationship is analysed in the context of political, economic and strategic imperatives which made it necessary for Britain to continue to seek South Africa's co-operation within the Commonwealth. This thesis also describes how the African and Asian influence began to be felt within the Commonwealth on racial issues. This influence was to become particularly important during the crucial period after the Sharpeville incident. The attitudes of Britain and other Commonwealth countries at the two crucial conferences of 1960 and 1961 are re-examined. The attitude of extra-parliamentary organisations in South Africa towards the Commonwealth connection is an important theme of this thesis in addition to the other themes mentioned above. It is demonstrated how Indian and African opinions became increasingly hostile towards what was seen as British and "white" Commonwealth "appeasement" of South Africa. These attitudes are surveyed in the context of an increasing radicalisation of black politics in South Africa. The movement by English and Afrikaans-speaking white South Africans toward a consensus on racial and foreign policy is also examined. Finally, the epilogue to this thesis discusses the return of South Africa to the Commonwealth in 1994. It includes a brief survey of developments in the Commonwealth attitude to South Africa since 1961.
History
D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

W pracy doktorskiej omówiono problem znaczenia i wpływu partii regionalnych na proces tworzenia polityki zagranicznej na przykładzie analizy studium przypadku Indii. Indie jako państwo demokratyczne o strukturze federacyjnej oraz mocarstwo wschodzące, dostarcza informacji o funkcjonowaniu współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych. Indie są najbardziej zróżnicowanym etnicznie, językowo i religijnie państwem w Azji Południowej oraz jednym z najbardziej zróżnicowanych na świecie. Uwarunkowania te wpływają zarówno na politykę wewnętrzną jak i zagraniczną. Dlatego kluczowe jest zbadanie współzależności między systemem wewnętrznym i polityką zagraniczną, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem znaczenia partii regionalnych w kształtowaniu polityki zagranicznej. Przegląd stanu badań nad partiami regionalnymi w Indiach dowodzi, że koncentrują się one nad mechanizmem ich rozwoju i funkcjonowania oraz roli w systemie politycznym Indii. Ma miejsce luka w badaniach o znaczeniu tych partii w formułowaniu i realizacji polityki zagranicznej Indii. Ponadto brak jest prac naukowych, które w całościowy sposób analizowałyby programy polityczne partii regionalnych oraz wystąpienia ich liderów, z uwzględnieniem polityki zagranicznej wobec państw sąsiadujących. Praca doktorska ma wypełnić tą lukę w literaturze przedmiotu. Mając na uwadze przedstawiony cel pracy, stan badań oraz uwzględniając przegląd litera-tury, można postawić następujące pytania badawcze: 1. Jakie czynniki miały wpływ na rosnące zainteresowanie problematyką polityki zagranicznej przez partie regionalne? Jak ta zmiana uwidacznia się w programach wyborczych, wypowiedziach liderów i dokumentach publikowanych przez te partie? 2. Czy ewolucja systemu partyjnego i liberalizacja gospodarki umożliwiły partiom regionalnym uzyskanie większego wpływu na kształtowanie polityki zagranicznej Indii? 3. Jakie są przejawy formalnych i nieformalnych mechanizmów oddziaływania partii regionalnych na decydowanie w polityce zagranicznej Indii? 4. Jakie jest znaczenie partii regionalnych w kształtowaniu polityki zagranicznej Indii od 1991 roku? W rozprawie przyjęto następującą hipotezę badawczą: Partie regionalne po 1991 roku stawały się coraz ważniejszym uczestnikiem procesu decyzyjnego polityki zagranicznej Indii, będąc wyrazicielem interesów lokalnych na szczeblu ogólnokrajowym. Hipoteza została sformułowana na podstawie obserwacji zmian jakie zachodziły w indyjskim systemie partyjnym, gospodarczym, polityce zagranicznej oraz dzięki analizie programów wyborczych partii regionalnych w kontekście tworzenia polityki zagranicznej. Celem udzielenia odpowiedzi na pytania badawcze oraz weryfikację hipotezy została przyjęta strategia indukcyjno – dedukcyjna. Badacz, poprzez wykorzystanie podejścia indukcyjnego, interpretuje zgormadzony materiał empiryczny. Wówczas możliwe jest uogólnienie wniosków oraz konstrukcja ogólnych założeń o charakterze teoretycznym. Oznacza to, że badania o charakterze indukcyjnym stanowią wstępną hipotezę. Hipoteza ta może zostać zweryfikowana poprzez prowadzone badania o charakterze dedukcyjnym. Jest to możliwe dzięki zbadaniu empirycznemu materiału zgromadzonego w toku prowadzonego badania. Ponadto odwołanie się do liberalnej teorii polityki zagranicznej umożliwiło podkreślenie faktu, że działania podejmowane przez państwa w polityce zagranicznej są funkcją działań aktorów wewnętrznych. Teoria ta została wybrana ze względu na założenia ontologiczne i epistemologiczne. Istotne z punktu badanego problemu jest założenie, że aktorzy wewnętrzni, tacy jak: jednostki, partie polityczne, grupy interesu, organizacje pozarządowe, opinia publiczna odgrywają coraz istotniejszą rolę w kreowaniu polityki zagranicznej państw.
The doctoral dissertation discusses the problem of the role of regional parties on the process of foreign policy making - case study: India. India as a democratic state with a federal structure and as emerging power provides information on the functioning of contemporary international relations. India is the most ethnically, linguistically and religiously diverse country in South Asia and one of the most diverse in the world. These conditions affect both domestic and foreign policy. Therefore, it is crucial to examine the interdependence between the internal system, domestic politics and foreign policy, with particular emphasis on the importance of regional parties in the process of foreign policy making. A literature review on regional parties in India shows that scholars focus on the mechanism of parties development and functioning, and on their role in the Indian political system. There is a gap in research about the importance of regional parties in the formulation and implementation of India's foreign policy. Moreover, there are no scientific papers that would comprehensively analyze the political programs of regional parties and the speeches of their leaders, taking into account foreign policy towards neighboring countries. The doctoral dissertation is to fill this gap in the literature on the subject. Bearing in mind presented purpose of the work, the state of research and taking into account the literature review, the following research questions can be asked: 1. What factors influenced the growing interest of regional parties in foreign policy issues? How is this change reflected in election programs, statements by leaders and documents published by these parties? 2. Have the evolution of the party system and the liberalization of the economy allowed the regional parties to gain greater influence in shaping foreign policy? 3. What are the manifestations of formal and informal mechanisms of influence of regional parties on decision-making in Indian foreign policy? 4. What is the importance of regional parties in shaping India's foreign policy since 1991? With regard to the research goal of the dissertation and the formulated research questions, the following research hypothesis was adopted: From 1991 regional parties became an increasingly important participant in the decision-making process of India's foreign policy, expressing local interests at the national level. The hypothesis was formulated on the basis of observation of changes that took place in the Indian party system, economy, foreign policy and thanks to the analysis of the election programs of regional parties in the context of creating foreign policy. In order to answer the research questions and verify the hypothesis, an inductive-deductive strategy was adopted. The researcher, by using the inductive approach, interprets the collected empirical material. Then it is possible to generalize conclusions and construct general theoretical assumptions. This means that inductive research is a preliminary hypothesis. This hypothesis can be verified by conducting deductive research. It is possible thanks to empirical examination of the material collected during the research. Moreover, the reference to the liberal theory of foreign policy as a theoretical tool, made it possible to emphasize the fact that actions taken by states in foreign policy are a function of actions taken by internal actors. This theory was chosen due to its ontological and epistemological assumptions. From the point of view of the problem under study, it is important to assume that internal actors, such as individuals, political parties, interest groups, non-governmental organizations, and the public, play an increasingly important role in shaping the foreign policy of states.

The United States (US) has always used its aid program as a strategic lever in foreign policy. In the early days of aid, it was used to prosecute the Cold War. Now aid supports the United States in its effort to win the war on terror. Aid is used both to pursue short-term or “realist” objectives (e.g., to win support for US foreign policy goals) and long-term or “nation-building” ones (e.g. to strengthen governance). The trade-offs and tensions between these goals have been examined for the Cold War period (e.g., Seitz 2012), but not the post 9/11 one. This research takes a case-study approach and examines US aid to Pakistan. It is based primarily on interviews with the Pakistani and American elite collected in Pakistan between October 2011 and October 2013 and the United States in March 2012. The period of research (2011-2013) is one in which the Obama Administration tried to pivot its relationship with Pakistan away from a focus on realist objectives (principally, the war in Afghanistan) towards nation-building ends, for example, through a much larger civilian aid program to improve Pakistan’s governance and the economy. This thesis examines the success of that pivot, and argues it was limited, on three main grounds First, both groups of elite view Pakistan’s challenges are mostly nation-building in nature, and particularly related to its economy (and, in the case of the Pakistani elite, internal security needs). But both groups nevertheless perceive that the US still primarily wants cooperation on countering terrorism and in Afghanistan. Second, the leverage and goodwill that US aid provides is seen to be undermined by the pursuit of its realist objectives. Third, US aid is seen by many in the elite as targeted at the elite not the masses. Some interesting differences in views between the two groups of elite are observed. In general, more importance was attached to nation-building objectives by US respondents than by Pakistani respondents. For example, US respondents were more likely to think that the US was concerned with trying to improve Pakistani governance and was trying to influence public opinion in Pakistan, whereas Pakistani respondents viewed US aid as much less concerned with governance and more directed to the Pakistani elite. Despite these differences, which are suggestive of at least a genuine US intent to engage in nation-building, the findings of the thesis point to a failure by the Obama Administration to follow through on its nation-building objectives in Pakistan. Nation-building floundered, it is argued, because of ongoing disputes in relation to realist goals, especially in relation to the war on Afghanistan. Several published studies of US-Pakistan relations argue for a further nation-building push. In my interviews, I find considerable support for such a position in the US elite. However, I also find little sympathy for it on the Pakistani side. The Pakistani elite is concerned rather to regain equality in their relationship with the US. They see the need to put their own house in order, but have little appetite for US assistance. This calls into question the likely success of any further nation-building push on the part of the US in Pakistan. The academic contribution of this thesis is to establish the relevance of Cold War aid analysis for the post-9/11 era. The findings are consistent with much of the Cold War literature, though some nuances are provided to earlier conclusions. The policy contribution is to suggest that in cases such as Pakistan where short-term foreign policy goals are of great importance the US should put nation-building on the back-burner.