Journal articles on the topic 'Malaya History Malayan Emergency'

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1

Malhi, Amrita. "Race, Space, and the Malayan Emergency: Expelling Malay Muslim Communism and Reconstituting Malaya's Racial State, 1945–1954." Itinerario 45, no. 3 (November 24, 2021): 435–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115321000279.

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ABSTRACTThis article analyses the physical and discursive displacement of Malay Muslim advocates of a cosmopolitan and multiracial form of Malayan citizenship from the arena of “legitimate” national politics between the Second World War and the mid-1950s. It discusses the trajectory of the Malayan Left during this period, with a special focus on the work of Abdullah C. D., a Malay Muslim leader of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP). Abdullah's work included helping to build the Malay Nationalist Party of Malaya (PKMM) under the MCP's United Front strategy from 1945, creating the MCP's Department of Malay Work in 1946, and establishing the Tenth Regiment of the Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA) in 1949. This work was essential to the MCP's outreach to Malay Muslims after Malaya's failed national revolution, which collapsed into racial conflict without achieving independence for the British colony. The Malayan Emergency was declared in 1948, and its military and social campaigns eliminated or displaced the MCP's leadership and much of the MNLA, including Abdullah and the rest of the Tenth Regiment, to Thailand by 1954. Despite his continued engagement with political movements in Malaya, Abdullah's vision for a new politics for Malay Muslims was effectively displaced into the realm of nostalgia. His ideas, outlined in MNLA pamphlets and periodicals like Tauladan (Exemplar), never made significant inroads in Malaya, whose racial state the Emergency re-established, using race to manage the threat to its interests posed by leftist politics.
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2

Fong, Leong Yee. "The Impact of the Cold War on the Development of Trade Unionism in Malaya (1948–57)." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 23, no. 1 (March 1992): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400011292.

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In the aftermath of World War Two, Malaya saw the emergence of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) and its attempt to mobilize labour support against the returning British colonial government. The Pan Malayan General Labour Union (PMGLU), later renamed the Pan Malayan Federation of Trade Union (PMFTU), was established as a front organization to harness multiracial labour support and to work in close liaison with other left-wing political groups. Trade unions that mushroomed after the War were invariably dominated by the PMGLU and used as tools for the realization of communist political objectives in Malaya.
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3

Hack, Karl. "“Iron Claws on Malaya”: The Historiography of the Malayan Emergency." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 30, no. 1 (March 1999): 99–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400008043.

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This article addresses the historiography of the Malayan Emergency (1948–60). It does so by challenging two archetypal works on the conflict: those of Anthony Short and Richard Stubbs. These argue the Emergency was locked in stalemate as late as 1951. By then, a “population control” approach had been implemented — the so-called Briggs Plan for resettling 500,000 Chinese squatters. The predominantly Chinese nature of the Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA) had also ensured that most Malays — who constituted nearly half the 1950 population of five million — opposed the revolt. The several thousand strong Communist-led guerrillas thus laboured under severe limitations.
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4

HING, LEE KAM. "A Neglected Story: Christian missionaries, Chinese New Villagers, and Communists in the Battle for the ‘hearts and minds’ in Malaya, 1948–1960." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 6 (April 22, 2013): 1977–2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000741.

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AbstractDuring the Malayan Emergency (1948–1960), the colonial authorities resettled an estimated half a million rural dwellers, mainly Chinese, from the fringe of the jungle, to cut them off from contact with armed members of the Malayan Communist Party. The re-location led to political alienation among many resettled in the nearly 500 New Villages. Winning their support against the insurgency therefore was urgent. At this juncture, foreign missionaries were forced to leave China following the communist takeover in October 1949. Many of these missionaries were Chinese-speaking with medical or teaching experience. The High Commissioner of Malaya, Sir Henry Gurney, and his successor, Sir Gerald Templer, invited these and other missionaries to serve in the New Villages. This paper looks at colonial initiatives and mission response amidst the dynamics of domestic politics and a changing international balance of power in the region.
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5

Rice, Tom. "Distant Voices of Malaya, Still Colonial Lives." Journal of British Cinema and Television 10, no. 3 (July 2013): 430–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2013.0149.

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Through the example of the Crown film Voices of Malaya (1948), this article examines interrelated postwar shifts in colonial history and British documentary cinema. Produced over three tumultuous years (1945–8) – in Malaya and England, with local film-makers and British documentarians – Voices of Malaya is a hybrid text torn between traditions of British documentary cinema and an emerging instructional, colonial cinema; between an international cinema for overseas audiences and a local cinema used within government campaigns and between an earlier ideal of empire and a rapidly changing, late liberal imperialism. The article challenges the traditional decline and fall narrative of the British documentary movement, as I examine the often overlooked ‘movement overseas’ of film-makers, practices and ideologies into the colonies after the war. In charting the emergence of the Malayan Film Unit, I examine the role of the British documentary movement in the formation of local postcolonial cinemas.
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6

HACK, KARL M. "The Malayan Emergency." Twentieth Century British History 4, no. 3 (1993): 302–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/4.3.302.

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7

Deery, Phillip. "The Terminology of Terrorism: Malaya, 1948-52." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 34, no. 2 (June 2003): 231–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463403000225.

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Although Cold War propaganda is now the subject of close scholarly scrutiny, the main method by which it was communicated – language – has been overlooked. The Malayan Emergency illustrates how the British government grappled with the issue of political terminology within the broader context of anti-communist propaganda. This article will analyse the use of political language; the change from ‘bandit’ to ‘communist terrorist’; and the problems of delineating the Malayan from the international audience.
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8

Stockwell, A. J. "‘A widespread and long‐concocted plot to overthrow government in Malaya'? the origins of the Malayan emergency." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 21, no. 3 (September 1993): 66–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086539308582907.

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9

Harper, T. N. "The Politics of Disease and Disorder in Post-War Malaya." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 21, no. 1 (March 1990): 88–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400001971.

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It has become a commonplace of Malayan historiography that the period following the end of the Pacific War witnessed the establishment of a pattern of political life which has persisted in its main features into the present decade. Existing accounts have focused around the restructuring of the British presence in Malaya under a military administration and the introduction of, and opposition to, the Malayan Union scheme in 1946 and the Federal structure which succeeded it in April 1948. These years saw the emergence of an ethnically based nationalist movement and the defeat of a radical challenge to its predominance. The communal and insurrectionary violence which was a feature of the period has been represented as a constraint to subsequent political action — as a limit to what the structure of Malaya's pluralism could tolerate — and the constitutional struggles as a lost opportunity to effect its transformation. Whilst it is hard to exaggerate the importance of these events in shaping the landscape of Malaysian politics, there is a sense in which the sophistication of these political and constitutional preoccupations suggests uneven development within the historical writing as a whole. The social context which stimulated change, and the breadth of the local response which dignified it, has been marginalized in many accounts. There has been a tendency to conceive the state system and the colonial presence in Malaya within the bounds of a paradigm governed by the constitutional settlement, and the various phases of insurrection and political change as primarily the products of the subversive or nationalist imagination.
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10

Hack, Karl. "The origins of the Asian Cold War: Malaya 1948." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 471–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463409990038.

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From the 1970s most scholars have rejected the Cold War orthodoxy that the Malayan Emergency (1948–60) was a result of instructions from Moscow, translated into action by the Malayan Communist Party (MCP). They have instead argued that local factors precipitated violence, and that the MCP was relatively unprepared when the Emergency was declared. This article puts the international element back into the picture. It shows that the change from a ‘united front’ to a ‘two camp’ international communist line from 1947 played a significant role in deciding local debates in favour of revolt. It also demonstrates how the MCP had plans for a graduated build-up to armed revolt before an Emergency was declared. This article therefore offers a model for a dynamic, two-way relationship between the international and local levels of Cold War.
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Deery, Phillip. "Malaya, 1948: Britain's Asian Cold War?" Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.1.29.

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In 1948, at a time of severe economic austerity, the British Labour government committed itself to a costly and protracted campaign against a Communist foe in the Far East, despite not having any U.S. support for the endeavor. Clement Attlee's government in Britain argued that the Malayan Emergency (1948–1960) was necessary to counter Soviet attempts to use the local Communist party in support of Moscow's expansionist designs. Subsequently, many commentators and historians accepted this judgment, at least to some degree. In reality, the rebellion, far from being carefully coordinated or meticulously organized, was inadequately planned and poorly executed. The 1948 insurrection cannot be understood without recognizing the influence of indigenous pressures and internal developments, which were more crucial than the external Cold War dimension.
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12

Comber, Leon. "The Malayan special branch on the Malayan–Thai frontier during the Malayan emergency (1948–60)." Intelligence and National Security 21, no. 1 (February 2006): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684520600568352.

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13

Ferguson, Jonathan S. "Operational Trials of the E.M. 2 Automatic Rifle in Malaya, 1952–1953." Armax: The Journal of Contemporary Arms VII, no. 1 (2021): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52357/armax80009.

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This article outlines the little-known field trials carried out with the British E.M. 2 advanced prototype assault rifle during the Malayan Emergency. It introduces the E.M. 2 rifle (accepted for service in 1951 as Rifle, 7 mm, No. 9, Mk. I) and the ‘Operational Trial’ as a part of the period British small arms procurement process. It then outlines the different trials carried out during the period in question and the military units involved, as well introducing some of the key personnel. Surviving examples of the E.M. 2 rifles used in these trials—today held in the Royal Armouries collection—are also identified and their known history elucidated. The implications for the ongoing development of the E.M. 2 after the trials period are then explored.
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14

Tarling, Nicholas. "‘Some Rather Nebulous Capacity’: Lord Killearn's Appointment in Southeast Asia." Modern Asian Studies 20, no. 3 (July 1986): 559–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00007861.

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In 1941–42 Japan destroyed the empire of the British in Southeast Asia. They were determined to return and, with the assistance of the US, they were able to do so in 1945. The plans they developed in preparation for their return were unrealistic. Rightly they took account of some of the weaknesses of their prewar régimes in Burma, in Malaya, in Borneo. But the policies they developed for dealing with them required an assumption of authority that, with their comparatively diminished power and their devastated economy, the British were unable to sustain in the immediate postwar years, and took too little account of the changes that had taken place since they left. They adjusted their policies with some success. Their essential aims were security and stability, the conditions for economic revival. The re-establishment of colonial régimes was one means to such ends: other means might have to serve. If Burma's leaving the Commonwealth promised stability more than attempts to keep it in, then that course could be accepted. If a Malayan Union seemed to promise division rather than consensus, greater weakness rather than greater strength, it must be replaced by Federation. The choices may still not have been right: Burma virtually collapsed; the Emergency began. But they were the only ways the British could perceive of achieving their aims in the circumstances in which they found themselves.
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15

Bonura, Carlo. "The What-Has-Been and the Now of a Communist Past in Malaya in the Films of Amir Muhammad." positions: asia critique 29, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8722769.

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This article considers two films by the Malaysian filmmaker Amir Muhammad, The Last Communist of 2006 and the Village People Radio Show of 2007. Both films are focused on the Malayan Emergency and the lives of a small group of Malayan communists. Through an engagement with Walter Benjamin’s essay “The Storyteller,” the analysis in this article examines the aesthetic forms that structure Amir’s films, namely nonlinear narratives, intertextuality, and the use of images and stories as comparative frames. This article argues that Amir’s films enable audiences to recognize how the truth of a communist past in Malaysia, both of its politics and suppression, inflects the present. The films provide an opening to recognize how the absence of communism today is the effect of the ideological clearing of all leftism that became the hallmark of the end of the British Empire in Malaysia. Communism is made meaningful in Amir’s films both as a lived experience and as a displacement that is absent from the postcolonial everyday.
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16

Ucko, David H. "Counterinsurgency as armed reform: The political history of the Malayan Emergency." Journal of Strategic Studies 42, no. 3-4 (December 4, 2017): 448–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2017.1406852.

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17

Poon, Angelia. "Transcultural Aesthetics and Postcolonial Memory: the Practices and Politics of Remembering in Tan Twan Eng’sThe Garden of Evening Mists." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 3, no. 2 (March 9, 2016): 185–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2016.4.

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AbstractThe tension between the use of postcolonial memory to bear witness to the past and the aestheticization of memory lies at the center of Malaysian-born writer Tan Twan Eng’s second novel,The Garden of Evening Mists(2012), a work that features the Japanese occupation of Malaya during World War II and the postwar period of the Malayan Emergency. The main protagonist is a former judge named Yun Ling who, faced with the prospect of eventual memory and speech loss, is moved to record her past experiences including the time she was a prisoner of war interred and when she was an apprentice to the gardener, Aritomo. In this article, I examine the novel’s self-conscious musings about the nature of memory and the ways in which memory may be represented and preserved. Tan’s novel attempts to provide a meditation on the transcultural mediation and aestheticization of memory by deliberately intermingling and overlaying various cultural features, artistic traditions and ethno-cultural subjectivities when it comes to processes of remembering. The attempt to transculturally aestheticize memory is on one level a metafictional and ostensibly inclusive move to affirm the plurality of stories and multiple perspectives. Yet, this is undermined by the novel’s very strategies of aestheticization, which run the risk of making memory an artistic object so “precious” and rarefied as to counter the more avowedly political function of memory—that of bearing witness to history.
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18

ARFARA, KATIA. "Unlearning History: Mark Teh and the Spectres of Baling." Theatre Research International 47, no. 1 (February 18, 2022): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030788332100050x.

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Held in December 1955, the Baling talks represented a unique attempt to end the Malayan emergency through a negotiated peace between the British colonial government and the Malayan Communist Party, but it also marked the beginning of the Cold War in Asia. This paper focuses on Mark Teh's long-term investigations, as a researcher and theatre director for the Five Arts Centre in Kuala Lumpur, into this historically significant Cold War event and its representation. Teh's performance Baling is examined as an exemplary collaborative project that expands Western definitions of the documentary theatre, while highlighting the continuing efforts of South East Asian artists to contest cultural regionalism and colonial knowledge systems. Drawing on Brechtian aesthetics and postcolonial theory, Teh appropriates diverse forms of politically engaged art in order to question the role of history and the archive in the solidification of nationalist ideologies and identity binaries in the post-war era.
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Musa, Mahani. "Women in the Malayan Communist Party, 1942–89." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 44, no. 2 (April 22, 2013): 226–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463413000052.

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Women's involvement in the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) since its establishment in 1930 until they laid down their arms in 1989 contributed much to the strength of the party. Women in the MCP have been presented largely as nurses, cooks, seamstresses, couriers, and wireless/radio operators, but they went through hardship and danger and fought the same battles as the male guerrillas. A few even climbed to the top party posts through hard work, intelligence and personal sacrifice. This paper recovers the role of women in the Malayan communist movement during the Second World War, the Emergency and after by tracing the careers and lives of party heroines / female role models as well as some ordinary cadres. Major questions include the motivations of women who joined the MCP and the challenges they faced in their roles as propagandists, comrades, guerrilla fighters and in the communist villages. This investigation provides more insight into how the revolutionary struggle transformed these Malayan women.
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He, Yanqing, Kee Cheok Cheong, and Ran Li. "Revisiting the Malayan Emergency: the China factor in the Baling peace talks." Cold War History 19, no. 4 (February 13, 2019): 529–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1555242.

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21

Phee, Tan Teng. "Oral History and People’s Memory of the Malayan Emergency (1948–60): The Case of Pulai." Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 27, no. 1 (2012): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/sj27-1c.

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22

Ucko, David H. "The Malayan Emergency: The Legacy and Relevance of a Counter‐Insurgency Success Story." Defence Studies 10, no. 1-2 (March 2010): 13–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702430903377944.

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23

Comber, Leon. "“The weather ... has been horrible”: Malayan communist communications during “the emergency” (1948–60)." Asian Studies Review 19, no. 2 (November 1995): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539508713055.

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24

Newsinger, John. "Book Review: Emergency and Confrontation: Australian Military Operations in Malaya and Borneo 1950-1966." War in History 7, no. 1 (January 2000): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096834450000700119.

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25

Wilson, Hugh. "Hearts and Minds in Guerrilla Warfare: The Malayan Emergency, 1948-1960, by Richard StubbsHearts and Minds in Guerrilla Warfare: The Malayan Emergency, 1948-1960, by Richard Stubbs. Don Mills, Ontario, Oxford University Press, 1989. xiv, 286 pp. $41.95." Canadian Journal of History 25, no. 3 (December 1990): 459–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.25.3.459.

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26

Elder, Catriona. "Domesticating International Military Engagements: Everyday Internationalism Through the Prism of the Malayan Emergency." Journal of Australian Studies 43, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 495–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2019.1690547.

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27

Stubbs, Richard. "The Malayan Emergency: The Commonwealth's Wars 1948–1966. By Robert Jackson. London: Routledge, 1991. vii, 156 pp. $64.50." Journal of Asian Studies 50, no. 04 (November 1991): 994–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911800044338.

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28

Hack, Karl. "‘Devils that suck the blood of the Malayan People’: The Case for Post-Revisionist Analysis of Counter-insurgency Violence." War in History 25, no. 2 (April 2018): 202–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344516671738.

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This article addresses the ‘revisionist’ case that post-war Western counter-insurgency deployed widespread, exemplary violence in order to discipline and intimidate populations. It does this by using the Malayan Emergency of 1948–60 as a case study in extreme counter-insurgency ‘violence’, defined as high to lethal levels of physical force against non-combatants’ (civilians, detainees, prisoners, and corpses). It confirms high levels of such violence, from sporadic shooting of civilians to the killing of 24 unarmed workers at Batang Kali. Yet it also demonstrates that there were more varieties of and nuances in extreme force than is sometimes realized, for instance with multiple and very different forms of mass population displacement. It also concentrates more effort on explaining how such violence came about, and shows a marked trend over time towards greatly improved targeting, and towards methods that did not cause direct bodily harm. This case study therefore suggests the need for a ‘post-revisionist’ form of counter-insurgency analysis: one that can take into account the lifecycles of multiple types of violence, and of violence-limitation, and emphasize explanation for extreme violence over its mere description. Such a post-revisionist analysis need not necessarily imply that there was more, or less, violence than suggested by previous accounts. Instead, it requires a more nuanced and contextualized account, clearly differentiated by technique, place, and period.
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Belogurova, Anna. "The Chinese International of Nationalities: the Chinese Communist Party, the Comintern, and the foundation of the Malayan National Communist Party, 1923–1939." Journal of Global History 9, no. 3 (October 13, 2014): 447–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022814000205.

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AbstractIn the global ideological movements of the early twentieth century, notably communism, new political concepts moved across different cultures. Together with the process of internationalization, this led to problems concerning the translation and interpretation of linguistic terms. Based on little-studied sources deposited in the Comintern archive in Moscow, this article shows that, although the members of the newly formed Malayan Communist Party (1930) were virtually all Chinese, it became the first organization to discuss directly the possibility of a multi-ethnic Malayan nation within the borders of the Malay Peninsula. As the Comintern encouraged the establishment of ‘national’ communist parties, the ambiguity of the Chinese wordminzuresulted in the emergence of a discourse regarding the Malayan ‘nation’, which would be liberated from colonialism under communist leadership.
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Baughan, Emily. "Rehabilitating an Empire: Humanitarian Collusion with the Colonial State during the Kenyan Emergency, ca. 1954–1960." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 1 (January 2020): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2019.243.

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AbstractDuring the Kenyan Emergency of 1952–1960, one of the most violent episodes in the history of the British Empire, humanitarian organizations colluded with the colonial state to shore up British power. This article examines how aid agencies that claimed to exemplify the progressive internationalism of the postwar period participated in colonial violence. Far from condemning the brutality of the imprisonment and torture during the Kenyan Emergency, aid organizations were deeply implicated in parallel projects for women and children that sought to achieve the same objectives: the remaking of Kikuyu hearts and minds and the weakening of anticolonial resistance. Far from acting as a check on colonial violence in an era of burgeoning rights discourses in 1950s Kenya, self-proclaimed “impartial” internationalist organizations, while claiming to uphold values of universal humanity, worked as auxiliaries to the colonial counterinsurgency. Taking their cue from military counterinsurgency in 1950s Malaya, humanitarians sought to win “hearts and minds” and undertook material provision for imprisoned anticolonial activists and their families on behalf of the colonial state. They did so by importing new humanitarian expertise developed in wartime Europe and adapting it to fit within racist, colonial norms. In providing this allegedly impartial expertise, humanitarian organizations lent credence to the myth that rehabilitation in Kenya was a progressive program enacted by a liberal empire to modernize its subjects, rather than a ruthless attempt to stymie anticolonial resistance by any means necessary. In this case, postwar humanitarian internationalism did not challenge colonial brutality but enabled it.
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De Koninck, Rodolphe. "Wessex Estate: Recollections of British Military and Imperial History in the Heart of Singapore." Asian Journal of Social Science 31, no. 3 (2003): 435–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853103322895333.

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Although the island Republic of Singapore has been submitted to a systematic territorial revolution since the 1960s, some of its urban heritage has been preserved. This is the case with Wessex Estate, a quiet residential neighbourhood located in the low hills extending on the western flank of the central urban area. Made up of less than a dozen bungalows and 26 small blocks of flats, Wessex Estate is of no particular architectural interest, but it does represent a heritage through the names borne by the blocks of flats. Clearly printed on the façades of the 26 blocks of flats, these names all refer to military feats of British history. The study locates and briefly describes these events, several of which took place on European fronts, as far back as the early 18th century (such as Ramilies, Blenheim), others throughout the British Empire, starting from the middle of the same century (such as Plassey, Quebec, Khartoum, Pegu). Built just prior to or just following WWII, it seems that the flats housed non-commissioned British officers during the Malayan Emergency (1948–1960). Their names refer to battles or theatres of war in all of which a given British regiment, the 67th or South Hampshire Regiment, might have been involved. Whatever the case, it remains somewhat remarkable that so many reminders of the colonial past, even a good number with "no natural connection" to Singapore, have remained prominent in this city-state otherwise apparently prone to sever "colonial apron strings".
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32

Lau, Albert. "Malaysia/Singapore - The Malayan Emergency: The Commonwealth's War, 1948–1966. By Robert Jackson. New York: Routledge, 1991. Pp. vii, 156. Appendices, Bibliography, Index." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 26, no. 2 (September 1995): 449–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400007293.

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33

Ma, Shaoling. "Pauses, Cuts, and Static Interference." positions: asia critique 28, no. 4 (November 1, 2020): 841–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8606574.

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The mergers and separations that shaped the decolonizing third world also made media history. Singapore’s separation from Malaysia on August 9, 1965, after two tumultuous years of union was no exception. Radio and television, which broadcasted the seminal moments, embodied the mergers and separations of media forms—this is a fact overlooked in both national histories and regional media scholarship. Reconfigured with the complex, shifting intersections of radio and television, the otherwise familiar account of merger and separation in the “Singapore Story” emerges anew with static noises, pauses, iterations, and interruptions. The technical effects of cuts and jumps in early radio and television editing undergird and thereby challenge the politics of representation in studies of decolonization. At the same time, technological transfer and adaptation in the former British colonies open the provincial confines of media theory to a more global, materialist trajectory. This article connects the televised broadcast of Singapore’s independence in 1965 to early enthusiasm for radio’s disembodied voice during the colonial, interwar period. The discussion then examines how Amir Muhammad’s 2007 independent documentary Village People Radio Show (Apa khabar orang kampung) recovers radio’s forgotten role in the Second Malayan Emergency, also known as the Communist Insurgency War (1967–89).
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Milner, A. C. "Colonial Records History: British Malaya." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 4 (October 1987): 773–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009318.

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Although often well-written and carefully researched, many recent studies of the political history of Colonial Malaya seem dated. This is not to say that they are generally pro-British; nevertheless, when considered alongside historical work on many other areas of Southeast Asia, the ‘British Malayan’ histories appear ‘colonial’ in their preoccupations and perspectives. Why does so much Malayan history have this character? One cannot point to a lack of talent.
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35

Kheng, Cheah Boon. "Malaysia - Hearts and Minds in Guerrilla Warfare: The Malayan Emergency, 1948–1960. By Richard Stubbs. Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1989. Pp. xiv, 286. Map, Bibliography, Index." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 22, no. 2 (September 1991): 427–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400004185.

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36

Lei, Kuan Cheok, and Xiaohua Douglas Zhang. "Conservation analysis of SARS-CoV-2 spike suggests complicated viral adaptation history from bat to human." Evolution, Medicine, and Public Health 2020, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 290–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/emph/eoaa041.

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Abstract Background The current coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS)-CoV-2, has become the most devastating public health emergency in the 21st century and one of the most influential plagues in history. Studies on the origin of SARS-CoV-2 have generally agreed that the virus probably comes from bat, closely related to a bat CoV named BCoV-RaTG13 taken from horseshoe bat (Rhinolophus affinis), with Malayan pangolin (Manis javanica) being a plausible intermediate host. However, due to the relatively low number of SARS-CoV-2-related strains available in public domain, the evolutionary history remains unclear. Methodology Nine hundred ninety-five coronavirus sequences from NCBI Genbank and GISAID were obtained and multiple sequence alignment was carried out to categorize SARS-CoV-2 related groups. Spike sequences were analyzed using similarity analysis and conservation analyses. Mutation analysis was used to identify variations within receptor-binding domain (RBD) in spike for SARS-CoV-2-related strains. Results We identified a family of SARS-CoV-2-related strains, including the closest relatives, bat CoV RaTG13 and pangolin CoV strains. Sequence similarity analysis and conservation analysis on spike sequence identified that N-terminal domain, RBD and S2 subunit display different degrees of conservation with several coronavirus strains. Mutation analysis on contact sites in SARS-CoV-2 RBD reveals that human-susceptibility probably emerges in pangolin. Conclusion and implication We conclude that the spike sequence of SARS-CoV-2 is the result of multiple recombination events during its transmission from bat to human, and we propose a framework of evolutionary history that resolve the relationship of BCoV-RaTG13 and pangolin coronaviruses with SARS-CoV-2. Lay Summary This study analyses whole-genome and spike sequences of coronavirus from NCBI using phylogenetic and conservation analyses to reconstruct the evolutionary history of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS)-CoV-2 and proposes an evolutionary history of spike in the progenitors of SARS-CoV-2 from bat to human through mammal hosts before they recombine into the current form.
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37

Kaur, Amarjit. "Hewers and Haulers: A History of Coal Miners and Coal Mining in Malaya." Modern Asian Studies 24, no. 1 (February 1990): 75–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00001177.

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The history of coal mining in Malaya is synonymous with the history of Malayan Collieries and Batu Arang town since coal was only ever economically mined in this small area in Ulu Selangor. The town of Batu Arang, the Malayan Collieries and the mines left an indelible mark on Malayan history. Previous accounts of the history of coal mining are restricted to mentions in general works on labour and the labour unrest of 1936–37 and 1946–47. This paper outlines the role of coal mining in the Malayan economy in the first half of the twentieth century. It also focuses on the history of labour at the collieries and the significant role that labour played in the development and growth of industrial activism in Malaya.
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38

Ramakrishna, Kumar. "‘Transmogrifying’ Malaya: the impact of Sir Gerald Templer (1952–54)." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2001): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463401000030.

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This article rebuts recent attempts to diminish Sir Gerald Templer's role in the Malayan Emergency. It contends that the revisionists overlook the decisive psychological impact of Templer's Malayan sojourn. Fundamentally, through very deliberate words and deeds, he gave both government and Malayans confidence that the communists could and would be beaten.
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39

WHITE, NICHOLAS J. "Capitalism and Counter-insurgency? Business and Government in the Malayan Emergency, 1948-57." Modern Asian Studies 32, no. 1 (February 1998): 149–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x98002996.

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Contemporary critics argued that counter-insurgency in Malaya represented more than the defeat of militant communism. Britain's campaign against the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) was seen as resulting from British government collaboration with British capitalists to maintain profits at the expense of the legitimate aspirations of Malayan workers. More recently, it has been argued that the declaration of the emergency in June 1948 was a pre-emptive strike intended to ‘resolve the problem of political control’ and prevent the ‘radical nationalist forces organized around the MCP’ from gaining a nation-wide following. According to this view, government strategy was to ‘manage nationalism’ and ‘control’ decolonization so as to preserve the position of British capital in Malaya. For marxists, the emergency is seen as part of the process of establishing ‘neo-colonialism’. Even for less determinist models, the general complicity between British government and British business in colonial counter-insurgency campaigns is apparently clear. In primary-producing territories like Malaya, the harmony of interests between ‘gentlemanly capitalist’ officials and unofficials (centred on the City of London) ensured that after 1945 ‘coercion tended to be the first resort of policy’. The majority of scholarly output on the emergency has focused on official and guerrilla strategies leaving aside the role of business interests. As a result, the relationship between British business and British government has not been explored in depth. The present article seeks to fill this historiographical gap by reassessing official and commercial interaction in politically disturbed Malaya.
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40

KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 162, no. 4 (2008): 523–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003665.

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I Wayan Arka, Malcolm Ross (eds); The many faces of Austronesian voice systems; Some new empirical studies (René van den Berg) H.W. Dick; Surabaya, city of work; A socioeconomic history, 1900-2000 (Peter Boomgaard) Josiane Cauquelin; The aborigines of Taiwan: the Puyuma; From headhunting to the modern world. (Wen-Teh Chen) Mark Turner, Owen Podger (with Maria Sumardjono and Wayan K. Tirthayasa); Decentralisation in Indonesia; Redesigning the state (Dorian Fougères) Jérôme Samuel; Modernisation lexicale et politique terminologique; Le cas de l’Indonésien (Arndt Graf) Nicholas J. White; British business in post-colonial Malaysia, 1957-70: neo-colonialism or disengagement? (Karl Hack) Chin Peng; Alias Chin Peng; My side of history; As told to Ian Ward and Norma Miraflor (Russell Jones) C.C. Chin, Karl Hack (eds); Dialogues with Chin Peng; New light on the Malayan Emergency (Russell Jones) Saw Swee-Hock; Population policies and programmes in Singapore (Santo Koesoebjono) Domenyk Eades; A grammar of Gayo; A language of Aceh, Sumatra (Yuri A. Lander) Derek Johnson, Mark Valencia (eds); Piracy in Southeast Asia; Status, issues, and responses (Carolyn Liss) Niclas Burenhult; A grammar of Jahai (James A. Matisoff) Ann R. Kinney, Marijke J. Klokke, Lydia Kieven (photographs by Rio Helmi); Worshiping Siva and Buddha; The temple art of East Java (Dick van der Meij) Ruben Stoel; Focus in Manado Malay; Grammar, particles, and intonation (Don van Minde) Pamela J. Stewart, Andrew Strathern (eds); Expressive genres and historical change; Indonesia, Papua New Guinea and Taiwan. (Dianne van Oosterhout) Johszua Robert Mansoben; Sistem politik tradisional di Irian Jaya, Indonesia; Studi perbandingan (Anton Ploeg) Timothy B. Barnard (ed.); Contesting Malayness; Malay identities across boundaries (Nathan Porath) Joel Bradshaw, Francisc Czobor (eds); Otto Dempwolff’s grammar of the Jabêm language in New Guinea (Ger Reesink) Jon Fraenkel; The manipulation of custom; From uprising to intervention in the Solomon Islands (Jaap Timmer) Clive Moore; Happy isles in crisis; The historical causes for a failing state in Solomon Islands, 1998-2004 (Jaap Timmer) Peter Burns; The Leiden legacy; Concepts of law in Indonesia (Bryan S. Turner) Terry Crowley; Bislama reference grammar (Kees Versteegh) REVIEW ESSAY Matthew Isaac Cohen; Transnational and postcolonial gamelan Lisa Gold; Music in Bali Margaret J. Kartomi; The Gamelan Digul and the prison camp musician who built it; An Australian link with the Indonesian revolution Marc Perlman; Unplayed melodies; Javanese gamelan and the genesis of music theory Ted Solís (ed.); Performing ethnomusicology; Teaching and representation in world music ensembles Henry Spiller; Gamelan; The traditional sounds of Indonesia Andrew N. Weintraub; Power plays; Wayang golek theater of West Java REVIEW ESSAY Victor T. King; People and nature in Borneo Tim Bending; Penan histories; Contentious narratives in upriver Sarawak Rajindra K. Puri; Deadly dances in the Bornean rainforest; Hunting knowledge of the Penan Benalui, 2005 Reed L. Wadley (ed.); Histories of the Borneo environment; Economic, political and social dimensions of change and continuity In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde no. 162 (2006), no: 4, Leiden
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41

Huff, W. G. "Boom-or-Bust Commodities and Industrialization in Pre–World War II Malaya." Journal of Economic History 62, no. 4 (December 2002): 1074–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050702001651.

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This article links the terms of trade, money supply, labor market, and money and credit markets to explore a puzzle in Malayan economic history: why, despite rapid growth and high per capita income, did pre–World War II Malaya industrialize so little? A range of data is drawn together to show how for Malayan manufacturers economic boom was accompanied by precipitate deterioration in the real exchange rate, while in a slump credit contracted sharply and with it the size of the Malayan market for manufactures. Analysis of Malayan experience may be relevant for understanding slight industrialization elsewhere in Southeast Asia.
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42

Walker, Anthony R. "Malaysia - The Importance of the Orang Asli in the Malayan Emergency 1948–1960. By John Leary. Clayton, VIC: Working Paper 56, The Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1989. Pp. ii, 41. Illustrations, Notes." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 22, no. 1 (March 1991): 205–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400005890.

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43

Yong, C. F. "Origins and Development of the Malayan Communist Movement, 1919–1930." Modern Asian Studies 25, no. 4 (October 1991): 625–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010787.

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Communism as an ideology was first introduced to Malaya by Chinese anarchists, and not by Kuomintang Left, Indonesian communists or Chinese communists as claimed in existing scholarship.1 A handful of Chinese anarchists arrived in British Malaya during the First World War to take up positions as Chinese vernacular school teachers or journalists. These Chinese intellectuals harboured not only anarchism but also communism, commonly known then as anarcho-communism.
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44

Sulaiman, Nor Ibrahim. "HELICOPTERS AS AN INSTRUMENT OF WAR DURING THE MALAYAN EMERGENCY 1948-1960." Journal of Nusantara Studies (JONUS) 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol2iss2pp188-197.

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Helicopter as an instrument of war in counter insurgency warfare in Malaysia had its origin during the Malayan emergency 1948-1960. Three helicopters, the Dragonfly, made an entry into Malaya in March 1950 at the request of the Commander-in-Chiefs Committee of the Far East Land Forces on 8 March 1949. The primary role of these helicopters then was for casualty evacuation of wounded troops sustained during operations against the communist terrorists (CTs). Their ability to operate from unprepared areas expanded their roles as an ideal platform for air mobility of troops, supplies, and search and rescue. The flexibility of transporting the troops made the CTs no longer invincible in their own safe havens. More importantly, the morale of the troops was kept high knowing that they would be evacuated fast for medical treatment in the event they were wounded. This article discusses the roles of helicopter during the Malayan emergency. Most of the references are records from the Royal Air Force (RAF), books, and online information. This paper highlights the contributions of helicopters towards the successful ending of the emergency. Keywords: Counter insurgency, Commander-in-Chief of Far East Land Forces, communist terrorists, Malayan emergency, Royal Air Force helicopter squadronsCite as: Sulaiman, N.I. (2017). Helicopters as an instrument of war during the Malayan emergency 1948-1960. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 2(2), 188-197.
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45

STOCKWELL, A. J. "‘The Crucible of the Malayan Nation’: The University and the Making of a New Malaya, 1938–62." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 5 (September 2009): 1149–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x08003752.

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AbstractLike so many features of the British Empire, policy for colonial higher education was transformed during the Second World War. In 1945 the Asquith Commission established principles for its development, and in 1948 the Carr–Saunders report recommended the immediate establishment of a university in Malaya to prepare for self-government. This institution grew at a rate that surpassed expectations, but the aspirations of its founders were challenged by lack of resources, the mixed reactions of the Malayan people and the politics of decolonisation. The role of the University of Malaya in engineering a united Malayan nation was hampered by lingering colonial attitudes and ultimately frustrated by differences between Singapore and the Federation. These differences culminated in the university's partition in January 1962. In the end it was the politics of nation-building which moulded the university rather than the other way round.
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46

Kukushkina, Evgeniya. "From the theater of improvisation to the creation of plays: ways of the emergence of dramatic text in Malay literature." Litera, no. 7 (July 2022): 30–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8698.2022.7.38366.

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The subject of the research in the article is the process of the origin of the national drama of Malaysia. The object of the research is information on the history of the Malay and Indonesian city theater and works of Malay literature of the first half of the twentieth century. The author examines in detail the long-term changes that took place in the Malay theatrical tradition and the factors that contributed to the emergence of written dramatic texts.The purpose of the study is to determine the mechanism of transition from the unscripted theatrical tradition to dramaturgy. Particular attention is paid to the changes in the repertoire of the Malay city theater associated with the emergence of a new type of plots. The ways of their penetration into the representations of the city theater are analyzed, their influence on the nature of performances is considered. The emergence of a dramatic text in the theatrical tradition of British Malaya has not yet been studied either in domestic Malaistics or abroad, which determines the novelty of the work. The study uses an integrated approach combining the consideration of data on theater and literature. The cultural-historical method fits the available data into the context of the epoch. The comparative method allows us to determine the results of contacts between related theatrical phenomena of the Malay world (Bangsawan theater and the Istanbul Comedy Theater). The birth of drama is seen as a transition from the existence of unscripted spectacles to the creation of plays. As a theoretical basis for the analysis, the concepts of transitivity are used, which make it possible to present this phenomenon taking into account national specifics. This is the definition of a transitional aesthetic phenomenon as an artistic presystem, introduced by A.V. Lukov, as well as the structural gradation of the literary transition, presented in the work of A. A. Stepanova on the basis of generalization of a number of previously proposed approaches. As a result of the research, the main factor that contributed to the birth of Malay drama is revealed – the appearance of realistic plots in the repertoire of the previously unscripted theater of the transitional type. According to the findings of the study, there were two sources of these plots: external borrowings and the interaction of theater with literature.
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47

Chin, Low Choo. "The repatriation of the Chinese as a counter-insurgency policy during the Malayan Emergency." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 45, no. 3 (September 3, 2014): 363–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463414000332.

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During the Malayan Emergency, British High Commissioner Henry Gurney pushed the policy of repatriating to China thousands of ‘alien’ Chinese detainees suspected of supporting the Malayan Communist Party's guerrilla war. This article traces the stages of this controversial policy, which, despite obstacles, remained a key counter-insurgency strategy until 1953. But the policy ignored the civil war in China and risked jeopardising Sino–British relations. When China closed its ports, the British administration put forth more desperate proposals to continue repatriation, often in the face of Foreign Office objections, ranging from negotiations with the PRC, to dumping deportees on the coast of China, and even approaching the Formosan government. Yet, while the Chinese were the target of both harsh early counter-insurgency techniques and communist violence, when the faltering repatriation policy was replaced by the mass resettlement of ‘squatters’ in Malaya itself, the Chinese were given a path to citizenship, changing their political future and that of the nation.
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48

Mahfood, Siti Zahrah, and Mahani Musa. "PERKEMBANGAN SURATKHABAR DAN MAJALAH DI JOHOR SEBELUM PERANG DUNIA KEDUA." SEJARAH 30, no. 1 (June 28, 2021): 84–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/sejarah.vol30no1.5.

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Johor is often remembered as the state that witnessed the formation of the first Malay political party in this country, UMNO. Of similar significance, something that is often marginalised in Malaysian historiography, is the existence of myriad newspapers and magazines including the first women magazine in Malaya namely Bulan Melayu which was established in 1930. This article aims to examine the history of the emergence of newspapers and magazines in this state and their development before the Second World War. Some of the aspects looked into are the major locations in the publication of newspapers and magazines, the pioneers and factors contributing to its development. The study is using qualitative method and sources used in this research are newspapers and magazines that were published in Johor from the 1920s until 1941, besides official documents and records issued by the British and the Johor government. The findings of the research shows Johor’s involvement in newspapers and magazines before the Second World War was closely related to inspiration from the masses and the state in facing the pressure of British imperialism and as impact of modernisation undertaken by the state since the mid-19 century that witnessed development in the intellectual aspect that involved school teachers, religious schools, administrators and associations in the state.
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49

Xie, Kankan. "Ambivalent fatherland: The Chinese National Salvation Movement in Malaya and Java, 1937–41." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 52, no. 4 (December 2021): 677–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463421000989.

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China's resistance to Japanese aggression escalated into a full-scale war in 1937. The continuously deteriorating situation stimulated the rise of Chinese nationalism in the diaspora communities worldwide. The Japanese invasion of China, accompanied by the emergence of the National Salvation Movement (NSM) in Southeast Asia, provided the overseas Chinese with a rare opportunity to re-examine their ‘Chineseness’, as well as their relationships with the colonial states and the increasingly self-aware indigenous populations. This research problematises traditional approaches that tend to regard the NSM as primarily driven by Chinese patriotism. Juxtaposing Malaya and Java at the same historical moment, the article argues that the emergence of the NSM was more than just a natural result of the rising Chinese nationalism. Local politics and the shifting political orientations of overseas Chinese communities also profoundly shaped how the NSM played out in different colonial states.
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50

Wah, Yeo Kim. "Student Politics in University of Malaya, 1949–51." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 23, no. 2 (September 1992): 346–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400006226.

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On the Foundation Day of the University of Malaya on 8 October 1949, Malcolm MacDonald, the Chancellor of the new university and British Commissioner-General in Southeast Asia, proudly declared that the university was founded “at a timely and auspicious moment” when “we are witnessing in Malaya the birth of a nation”. MacDonald rested his inspiring theme on the British postwar policy of preparing Malaya for eventual self-government within the British Commonwealth. Under this policy Singapore was constituted a distinct crown colony with a legislature in which only six of the twenty-two members were popularly elected, whereas the other Settlements and the Malay States were merged into the Malayan Union which had fully nominated federal and state legislatures. It seems clear from the postwar political reorganization that the British policy-makers had intended to take Malaya slowly, stage by stage, to self-government and eventual independence.
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