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Academic literature on the topic 'Mahinga kai'
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Journal articles on the topic "Mahinga kai"
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Water, Esther, and Miranda Cahn. "Mahinga kai." International Journal of Business Performance Management 9, no. 3 (2007): 338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijbpm.2007.013311.
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Barr, Tremane Lindsay, John Reid, Pavel Catska, Golda Varona, and Matt Rout. "Development of indigenous enterprise in a contemporary business environment – the Ngāi Tahu Ahikā approach." Journal of Enterprising Communities: People and Places in the Global Economy 12, no. 4 (September 3, 2018): 454–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jec-05-2016-0014.
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Purpose Tribal economic development in post-settlement era Aoteroa/New Zealand has opened up opportunities for Maori to invest in the sustainable commercial utilisation of their traditional economic resources. Mahinga kai (traditional food and food sources) has always been at the heart of the Maori tribe Ngāi Tahu’s spiritual, cultural, social and economic existence. The purpose of this research is to revitalise mahinga kai enterprise through the commercial development of traditional and contemporary food and food resources in a culturally commensurate manner. Design/methodology/approach Participant action research theory and practice were used by researchers from Toitū Te Kāinga (Regional Development Unit of Te Rūnanga o Ngāi Tahu) between 2008 and 2012. This was informed by a Kaupapa Maori philosophy of respect and empowerment of the participants’ needs. Findings The development of the Ahikā Kai Indigenous business system shows that competitive advantage can be created for Indigenous businesses and enterprises through a four-pronged strategy based around: first, human rights that empower tribal members; second, product differentiation based on cultural principles; third, an internal accreditation system to help verify the ethical credibility of the products; and fourth, lowering producer costs through website marketing and direct-to-consumer selling. Originality/value This research adds to a growing (yet still evolving) body of literature on Indigenous entrepreneurship and the role of voluntary certification in Indigenous business development. The Ahikā Kai business system is an original world first for this type of Indigenous development based on creating a competitive advantage for multiple independent enterprises while maintaining the core integrity of its cultural brand and its operations.
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Phillips, Chanel, Anne-Marie Jackson, and Hauiti Hakopa. "Creation Narratives of Mahinga Kai: Māori customary food gathering sites and practices." MAI Journal: A New Zealand Journal of Indigenous Scholarship 5, no. 1 (June 13, 2016): 63–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.20507/maijournal.2016.5.1.5.
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Pohatu, Taina Whakaatere. "Āta." Ata: Journal of Psychotherapy Aotearoa New Zealand 17, no. 1 (September 30, 2013): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.9791/ajpanz.2013.02.
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He Whakarāpopoto
Kai te reo ōna ake whakaaro e pupūtia ai ngā take-pū Māori. He mea tuku iho tēnei e ngā mātua tīpuna ki ngā whakatupuranga o nāianei. Ki te kaha te tangata ki te raparapa haere, ka kitea tonutia te hōhonutanga o ngā takepū nei, hai arataki paitia i a ia. Ko te kaupapa o te tuhituhi nei, he arotahi i te takepū o te āta. Kai konei ka kitea ētahi tauira, hai whakamahitanga ki ngā wāhi maha, kai reira te hunga tangata. E whakapaetia kai konei anō ngā take-pū hai mahinga mā te tangata i a ia e tipu ana.
Abstract
The language has its own capacity to give a depth of meaning to Māori concepts. This was passed down by the ancestors to the present generations. A determined researcher can access the depth of these principles and find it most rewarding. This paper focuses on the principle of “āta” and examples are given which can be applied in workplaces. The claim is made that these principles can be applied to one’s own development.
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Lythberg, Billie, and Dan Hikuroa. "How Can We Know Wai-Horotiu—A Buried River? Cross-cultural Ethics and Civic Art." Environmental Ethics 42, no. 4 (2020): 373–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/enviroethics202042434.
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The complex interactions and ruptures between contemporary settler colonialism, environmental ethics, and Indigenous rights and worldviews often emerge in projects of civil engineering. The continued capture, control and burial of natural water courses in Aotearoa-New Zealand is a case in point, and exemplifies a failure to stay abreast of evolving understandings and renewed relationships we seek with our waterways, our ancestors. Wai-Horotiu stream used to run down what is now Queen Street, the main road in Auckland, Aotearoa-New Zealand’s largest city. Treasured by Māori as a source of wai (water) and mahinga kai (food), it is also the home of Horotiu, a taniwha or ancestral guardian—a literal ‘freshwater body’. However, as Tāmaki-Makaurau transitioned into Auckland city, Wai-Horotiu became denigrated; used as an open sewer by early settlers before being buried alive in the colonial process. How, now, can we know this buried waterway? Te Awa Tupua Act 2017 that affords the Whanganui River juristic personality and moral considerability offers one possible solution. It acknowledges that waterways, incorporating all their physical and metaphysical elements, exist in existential interlinks with Māori as part of their whakapapa (genealogical networks). This paper asks, can a corresponding and appropriate ethics of association and care be fostered in and expressed by the political descendants of British settlers (Pākehā) and later immigrants who live here under the auspices established by Te Tiriti o Waitangi in 1840? Here is a conversation between a Māori earth systems scientist and a Pākehā interdisciplinary scholar. Where Hikuroa speaks from and to direct whakapapa connections, beginning with pepeha, Lythberg’s narrative springboards from public art projects that facilitate more ways of knowing Wai-Horotiu. Together, we contend that a regard for Indigenous relationships with water can guide best practice for us all, and propose that creative practices can play a role in attaching people to place, and to waterways.
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Sakti, Yenni Merdeka. "Hubungan Pengetahuan Ibu Tentang Pola Asuh dengan Reaksi Sibling Rivalry Pada Anak Usia 3-5 Tahun di Desa Sayur Mahincat Kecamatan Barumun Tengah Kabupaten Padang Lawas." Jurnal Persepsi Psikologi 1, no. 1 (July 29, 2021): 26–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33085/persepsi.v1i1.4864.
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Pendahuluan; Pentingnya pola asuh orang tua dalam menghadapi masalah yang terjadi pada anak. Banyak permasalahan yang timbul disebabkan karena orang tua terutama ibu memberikan perhatian yang lebih pada salah satu anaknya hingga menimbulkan kejadian sibling rivalry . tujuan; Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui hubungan pengetahuan ibu tentang pola asuh dengan reaksi sibling rivalry pada anak usia 3-5 tahun di Desa Sayur Mahincat Kec. Barumun Tengah Kab. Padang Lawas tahun 2018. Metode; Metode penelitian ini adalah penelitian kuantitatif secara analitik dengan cross sectional, di laksanakan pada bulan Juni-September 2018. Populasi dalam penelitian ini adalah seluruh ibu yang mempunyai anak 3-5 tahun yang mempunyai saudara kakak atau adik di Desa Sayur Mahincat Kecamatan Barumun Tengah kabupaten Padang Lawas tahun 2018 pada bulan Juli-September yaitu sejumlah 30 orang sampel dalam penelitian ini total populasi yaitu sebanyak 30 orang. Analisa yang digunakan adalah analisa univariat dan bivariat. Hasil; Hasil analisa bivariat uji statistik dengan menggunakan chi-square diperoleh nilai signifikan anemia yaitu 0,02 lebih kecil dari signifikansi α=0,05 (5%). Hal ini membuktikan bahwa ada hubungan pengetahuan ibu tentang pola asuh dengan rekasi sibling rivalry pada anak usia 3-5 tahun di Desa Sayur Mahincat Kecamatan Barumun Tengah Kabupaten Padang Lawas Tahun 2018. Kesimpulan; Kesimpulan penelitian ini adalah ada hubungan pengetahuan ibu tentang pola asuh dengan reaksi sibling rivalry pada anak usia 3-5 tahun di Desa Sayur Mahincat Kec. Barumun Tengah Kab. Padang Lawas tahun 2018.
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Noer, Iin Supartinah, Betty Mayawatie, Leni Maryani, Jujun Juanda, and Anggit Manganti. "ETNOLICHENOLOGY OF OLD MENS BEARD (Usnea spp) AT PRIANGAN." KnE Life Sciences 2, no. 1 (September 20, 2015): 300. http://dx.doi.org/10.18502/kls.v2i1.162.
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<p>Usnea has been used for a long time in Indonesia for traditional medicine and crude material for jamu. The study of taxonomy and local knowledge at Priangan are less information. The research was conducted between March 2011–April 2012. The aim of this research was to explore the local knowledge of species Usnea conducted by emic and ethic approaches. The specimens collection was done by survey along the pine forest at Bandung, Sumedang, Garut, Ciamis and Tasikmalaya in Priangan areas. The specimens were analysis morphological, anatomy and chemical. The etnolichenology study was done by descriptive qualitative, survey and interview also observation participative at Gunung Gelap Village and Kamojang area of Garut Regency and Cibunar village,Sumedang Regency in West Java. The interview was done with key informants. The taxonomical study found the 11 species of Beard lichens found in pine forest at Priangan, belong to 3 subgenus. They are subgenus Dilichousnea, consist of Usnea filipendula, U. hirta,U. longisima and U. trichodea. Subgenus Eumitra consist of U.baileyi and U. ceratina. Subgenus Usnea consist of U. cornuta, <br />U. flexilis, Usnea. flexuosa, U. florida and U.glabra. The dominant species growing on pine in different location are U. baileyi and U. flexilis. They have thalli colour dark green, yellow-green, pale green and reddish brown. Thallus branching is dichotomous in all species with difference in the thickness form the isotomic or anisotomic dichotomous types. Species Usnea is fructicose with habits erect type or subpendent type or pendent type.The lichenic acid contain in Usnea species are different and dominant by usnic acid and protocetoric acid. The stictic acid only found in U.flexuosa. The result of interview known that Usnea was called janggot kai by the Sundanese. People grouping the Usnea based on colour, growth pattern and surface of thallus, so known “Janggot kai hejo, janggot kai koneng, janggot kai rubak, janggot kai ngaruntuy, janggot kai kesrak and janggot kai lemes”. Mostly the people used Usnea as raru for preservative nira, medicine and spices. The Sudanese used Usnea in formula oj jamu or ubar kampong to treat mouth ulcer, dysentery, catch a cold, skin eruption, stiff, menstruation painful, hemorrhoids,child birth ease and in making mahinum (jamu for mother after utter) and used as face powder of noble woman.</p><p><br /><strong>Keywords</strong>: Usnea, local knowledge, raru, ubar kampong.</p>
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Moetara, Simon. "Tutu Te Puehu and the Tears of Joseph." Ata: Journal of Psychotherapy Aotearoa New Zealand 20, no. 1 (October 31, 2016): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.9791/ajpanz.2016.07.
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A number of scholars acknowledge the rich resources contained within the wisdom, traditions and knowledge of Indigenous peoples for therapeutic healing. Repositories of collective ancient wisdom may well represent an underutilised resource for coping with challenges and trauma at the levels of both the individual and community. This article argues that the Bible is such a source as it contains a number of trauma narratives which can help in working with clients dealing with trauma. This article explores the Tutu te Puehu model proposed by Ngati Pāoa leader Glen Tupuhi. This Indigenous model that draws on the story of Joseph (Gen. 37–50), a biblical narrative that offers insights in terms of dealing with trauma and reconciliation, centred on the seven occasions that Joseph is said to weep. The model draws on the insights and the convergence of three distinct strands of Glen Tupuhi’s training and experience: his knowledge of te ao Māori, his Christian spirituality and worldview, and his experience in the areas of justice and health.
Waitara
Tēnā ētahi mātauranga ka tautoko arā noa atu kē ngā rawa kai roto i ngā kōrero i ngā tikanga a ia iwi taketake hai haumanu whakaora. Ko ngā huinga kōputunga mātauranga taketake pea te tauria o te rawa kāre e mahia ana hai whakaora i ngā tumatuma i ngā pēhitanga o te tangata o te hāpori rānei. E whakahau ana tēnei tuhinga ko te paipera tētahi o ēnei rawa, ā, kai konei ngā kōrero whētuki ā, he whainga āwhina haumanu kai ēnei mō ngā kiritaki whētuki. E tūhurahia ana e tēnei tuhinga te tauira Tutū te Puehu i whakaputahia ake e Glen Tupuhi, he rangatira nō Ngāti Pāoa, he tauira māori i huri ki te waitara mō Hōhepa (Kēnehi 37–50), he kōrero tāpaenga titirohanga ki te momo pānga ki te whētuki me te noho tahi, pērā ki ngā wāhanga e whitu i kīia nei i tangi a Hōhepa. Ka whakahahakihia ake ngā mōhiotanga me ngā pūtahitanga o ngā io e toru whakangungu, whēako o Glen Tupuhi: tōna mātauranga o te ao Māori, tōna wairua Karaitiana tirohanga whānui ki te ao, me ngā whēako whaiaro mai i te ture me te hauora.
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Chakravarthy, Kalyan, Frances Charters, and Thomas A. Cochrane. "Impact of Urbanisation on New Zealand Freshwater Quality." Policy Quarterly 15, no. 3 (August 26, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/pq.v15i3.5683.
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Urban waterways represent less than 1% of the total river length in New Zealand. However, they are the most visible of all rivers, as 86% of New Zealanders live in urban areas. Urban waterways are impaired due to elevated levels of pathogens, turbidity, nutrients and heavy metals originating from anthropogenic activities. In addition to being conduits of storm water run-off from urban areas, some urban waterways also receive discharges from wastewater treatment plants and combined sewage overflows, thus greatly reducing their capacity to provide ecosystem services such as recreation, tourism, biodiversity and mahinga kai. This article summarises the state of New Zealand’s urban freshwater quality, the major drivers of pollution, and mitigation measures needed to restore urban waterways.
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Hoskins, Hemi. "Kia Whai Reo Te Wao." Te Kaharoa 5, no. 1 (January 25, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/tekaharoa.v5i1.104.
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The traditional domains in which the Maori language has been able to flourish or even survive have been severely reduced as a result of colonisation and associated language loss. The breakdown of traditional Maori communities and the economic and social pressures experienced by Maori have all contributed to our language decline as our people increasingly left their traditional communities for the urban centres in the hope of securing a better existence for them and their whanau. This move away from papakainga combined with the restrictions upon access to traditional mahinga kai (food gathering places) has meant the domain of te taiao (the environment) and associated language around the hunting and gathering practices of our tupuna (ancestors )are now held by a declining number of repositories of the reo. Furthermore advances in technology, techniques and equipment used in the modern harvest of wild foods have occurred faster than the evolution of the language.
The survival of the language and transmission of its knowledge now requires collaboration between those with knowledge of the language and those engaged in the environment. This will enable the development of vocabulary to keep up with the changes while maintaining the traditional knowledge base and perspective. This paper aims to examine methods of collaborating those with the specific knowledge of each field in an effort to regenerate the usage of the language in the domain from which it finds reference.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Mahinga kai"
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Williams, Jim, and jim williams@otago ac nz. "E pakihi hakinga a kai : an examination of pre-contact resource management practice in Southern Te Wai Pounamu." University of Otago. Te Tumu - School of Maori, Pacific and Indigenous Studies, 2004. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070501.151631.
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Life was difficult in Te Wai Pounamu before European contact. Food collecting had to return more calories than were expended in the efforts of acquisition. Areas where food was available were conserved as well as enhanced and were exploited seasonally in such a way as to optimise each season's take. It is suggested that the absence of kumera cultivations south of the Opihi river, prior to the introduction of the potato towards the end of the 18th Century, was clearly reflected in Maori life-style and social structure. Hapu were resource based rather than regional, and the resources of various hapu might be intermingled over a wide area or indeed, in some cases, shared (see: Anderson, 1980). The "orthodox" view (Anderson, 1980, etc.) is one of "Hunters and Gatherers" who exploit available resources. I argue that the resources were, in fact, managed with a view to sustainable and optimal harvests in the future. I shall apply Harris' (1987:75) optimal foraging theory in an endeavour to show that there are signs of the quality of life as a result of a low per capita human energy input into food production. This is principally evidenced by the foods eaten just for pleasure (kai rehia) and the time available for optional activities.
Accordingly, kai and the practices to control them differed from the often better documented food resources of more Northern parts of Te Wai Pounamu and Aotearoa. Nevertheless, the absence of horticulture in the south and the concomitant peripatetic life-style did not result in a lack of stewardship of resources. Based substantially on the analysis of a series of mahika kai lists, collected from elders early in the contact period, and details of traditional practices that have been handed down, this thesis argues that by 1780, when Captain Cook introduced European goods, southern Kai Tahu had in place effective procedures and practices for the sustainable use of renewable resources.
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Brooks, Emma, and n/a. "Selectivity versus availability: patterns of prehistoric fish and shellfish exploitation at Triangle Flat, western Golden Bay." University of Otago. Department of Anthropology, 2002. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070508.145145.
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This thesis sets out to examine issues of selectivity and availability in fishing and shellfish gathering by pre-European Maori at Triangle Flat in western Golden Bay. Faunal remains from four archaeological sites have revealed new and valuable information about economic subsistence practices in this region.
It is proposed that exploitation of these important coastal resources was based on factors other than the availability of, proximity to resource patches. Evidence from the Triangle Flat sites is compared to that from Tasman Bay and the southern North Island to gain a regional perspective on fishing and shellfish gathering strategies.
The most definitive evidence for selective targeting is provided by tuatua, an open beach species that has been found to dominate in sites based adjacent to tidal mud and sand flats. Also of interest is the dominance of mud snail in a site that is adjacent to large cockle and pipi beds. When regional sites were examined it was found that this pattern was also recorded for the site of Appleby in Tasman Bay.
Selectivity in fishing strategies is also apparent with red cod and barracouta dominating the Triangle Flat assemblages. This pattern conforms to evidence from both eastern Golden Bay and Tasman Bay but does not reflect evidence from the southern North Island. Of particular interest is the apparent dearth of snapper in the sites at Triangle Flat, since snapper abounds in the area today. An explanation based on climatic change is considered to be the most feasible. This indicates that enviromentalal availability was at least in part responsible for the archaeological evidence of fishing. The consistency of the catch of red cod and barracouta in Golden Bay, and the pattern of shellfishing preferentially for tuatua suggests that cultural choice was also a significant selective factor.