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Journal articles on the topic 'Mahinda Rajapaksa'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Edirisuriya, Piyadasa. "The Rise and Grand Fall of Sri Lanka’s Mahinda Rajapaksa." Asian Survey 57, no. 2 (March 2017): 211–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.2.211.

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Mahinda Rajapaksa became the president of Sri Lanka in 2005 and ruled the country until his unexpected defeat in the presidential election of 2015. He crushed the militant and very powerful Tamil separatist group, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, by military force in 2009. Given his great power and popularity, his defeat in the 2015 election was an astonishing grand fall. This study examines the long rise of Mahinda Rajapaksa and his sudden fall.

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2

LAM, Peng Er. "Sri Lanka and China’s Maritime Silk Road: A Convergence of Interests." East Asian Policy 07, no. 03 (July 2015): 114–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000331.

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China had invested heavily in many mega infrastructural projects in Sri Lanka even before President Xi Jinping’s “One Belt, One Road” strategy. In January 2015, the pro-China President Mahinda Rajapaksa unexpectedly lost his reelection bid. Western and Indian press generally believe that the new Sri Lankan president will reconsider projects with China agreed to by Rajapaksa. Nevertheless, Sri Lanka needs China for its economic development and China needs Sri Lanka for its Maritime Silk Road.

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3

Wickramasinghe, Nira. "Sri Lanka in 2013." Asian Survey 54, no. 1 (January 2014): 199–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.1.199.

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The year 2013 witnessed a further consolidation of the power of President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his loyalists of the ruling United People’s Freedom Alliance. The country’s high economic growth continued amid allegations of corruption and nepotism. The regime’s past and present human rights record came under serious scrutiny.

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4

Wickramasinghe, Nira. "Sri Lanka in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (January 2021): 211–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.211.

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President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his brother Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa set in motion a process aimed at consolidating their family’s control of the executive, cabinet, and legislature. The global coronavirus pandemic gave them an opportunity to further militarize the administration of the country. The ruling party, the Sri Lanka People’s Front, won a two-thirds majority in the parliamentary elections, which allowed them to enact decisive constitutional change and overturn crucial legislation that curbed the power of the executive. The government’s ability to withstand the economic crisis and control the pandemic will be key to their complete blunting of any opposition forces.

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5

de Silva, Chandra R. "Sri Lanka in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 199–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.199.

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The year 2015 in Sri Lanka was characterized by a democratic transfer of power from the United People’s Freedom Alliance, led by President Mahinda Rajapaksa, to a coalition led by the United National Party. Constitutional changes restricting presidential power, and the growth of a new approach to human rights and ethnic reconciliation, accompanied this shift. Sri Lanka’s emphasis in its economic policy shifted from major infrastructural projects to a further strengthening of human capacities.

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6

Goodhand, Jonathan. "Sri Lanka in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 130–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.130.

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Abstract Local elections consolidated the Mahinda Rajapaksa administration's grip on power. State-led efforts to stimulate economic growth continued with major infrastructure projects in the northeastern and southern parts of Sri Lanka. No significant progress was made toward a political settlement and reconciliation with the Tamil community, and the government came under increasing international pressure about its conduct in the last months of the civil war after the release of the United Nations Advisory Panel report.

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7

Aliff, S. M. "Sri Lanka’s General Election 2015." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 68 (April 2016): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.68.7.

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Sri Lanka emerges from this latest election with a hung Parliament in 2015. A coalition called the United National Front for Good Governance (UNFGG) won 106 seats and secured ten out of 22 electoral districts, including Colombo to obtain the largest block of seats at the parliamentary polls, though it couldn’t secure a simple majority in 225-member parliament. It also has the backing of smaller parties that support its agenda of electoral. In the August parliamentary election, the former president Rajapaksa forces upped the nationalist ante and campaigned to win a majority of parliamentary seats with the votes of the Sinhala Buddhists only, but extreme appeals to nationalism failed to get traction in the elections among the Sinhalese. It is fair to say that the double blow against nationalism in the south was occasioned by the politics of good governance promoted by the UNP and its alliance in the election. In Sri Lanka’s eighth General elections, none of the two major political alliances- the (UNF), nor the (UPFA)- gained a clear majority in the election. More important, for the fourth time the fragmentation of seats among the major parties and regional level party has inaugurated a period of unstable coalition governments, creating an air of political and economic ambiguity in the nation as it enters a post- Mahinda Rajapakse era. This study is based on an interpretive approach. The data were collected from both primary and secondary sources. The study examines distinguishes the 2015 election from previous ones and what extent? What are the major factors leads to defeat the ruling party? However, this study argues that the election results are indicative not only of the decline of Mahinda Rajapakse era but also of a gradual transition toward good governance.

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8

DeVotta, Neil. "The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the Lost Quest for Separatism in Sri Lanka." Asian Survey 49, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 1021–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.6.1021.

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The ethnocentric policies successive Sri Lankan governments pursued against the minority Tamils pushed them to try to secede, but the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam's (LTTE) immanent contradictions——the quest for state-building and independence juxtaposed with fascistic rule and terrorist practices——undermined the separatist movement and irreparably weakened the Tamil community. The Sri Lankan government's extraconstitutional counterterrorism strategies under Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa helped defeat the LTTE, but the attendant militarism, culture of impunity especially among the defense forces, and political machinations bode further ill for the island's democratic and polyethnic future.

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9

Jayasuriya, Laksiri. "The Hybrid Regime in Post-Civil War Sri Lanka." International Studies 49, no. 3-4 (July 2012): 437–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881714534028.

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Following the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2010, the Sri Lankan political system has seen the rise of a ‘one-party dominant state’ and a ‘hybrid regime’. This new political order consists of a mix of democratic and authoritarian elements largely seen in countries such as Malaysia and Singapore. This essay examines the social and political changes introduced by the highly militarized regime led by Mahinda Rajapaksa, which has slanted towards a Kautilyan ideology and authoritarian constitutionalism. It is argued that Sri Lanka needs a glasnost, marking a new political and social ethos based on the principles of accountability, openness, transparency, freedom and justice.

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10

Fowsar, Mohamed Anifa Mohamed, and Mansoor Mohamed Fazil. "Strong state and weak minority in post-civil war Sri Lanka: A study based on state-in-society approach." International research journal of management, IT and social sciences 7, no. 6 (October 21, 2020): 72–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/irjmis.v7n6.1013.

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This study aims to analyze the strong state of Sri Lanka that emerged after the civil war during the regime of Mahinda Rajapaksa. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was the leading Tamil militant social force, which was waging war against the government to form a separate state in the northern and eastern regions of Sri Lanka. The government ended both the separatist struggle of the LTTE and the civil war in May 2009 by winning a major military victory. This study is a qualitative analysis based on text analysis and field interviews, supplemented with limited observations. The study reveals that the state introduced enhanced security measures to avoid possible LTTE regrouping and re-commencement of violence in the country. The state also attempted to fragment minority parties to weaken the state reconstitution process through penetration and regulation of the social order.

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11

Wickramasinghe, Nira. "After the War: A New Patriotism in Sri Lanka?" Journal of Asian Studies 68, no. 4 (November 2009): 1045–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911809990738.

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On May 19, 2009, the president of Sri Lanka, Mahinda Rajapaksa, dressed in his traditional white sarong and shirt, solemnly addressed Parliament: “The writ of the state now runs across every inch of our territory … we have completely defeated terrorism.” The same day, photographs of the corpse of the ruthless rebel leader Vellupillai Prabhakaran adorned all of the local newspapers. With his death, the secessionist war was over—this endless war that had pitted the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) against the security forces of the government of Sri Lanka since 1983. It had sunk deep into the psyche of the people of all communities, and its terrible violence had elicited much international attention and reprimand. President Rajapaksa then addressed his citizens in the Tamil language, promising reconciliation and embracing the Tamil-speaking people in his program of recovery for the ravaged North. A “northern spring” would soon come. On the streets of Colombo, there was a feeling of trepidation, while celebrations, some spontaneous and others orchestrated by sycophantic politicians, peppered the capital. The day had been given as a special holiday for the war-weary people to celebrate by eating kiribath (milk rice) and launching (peaceful) rockets, as fireworks are commonly called. People waved the Lion Flag and compared the president to the famous second-century bce Sinhalese hero Dutugemunu, another son of the Ruhuna (Southern Sri Lanka) who succeeded in conquering Anuradhapura from the Tamil king Elara, whom he famously slew with a dart. King Dutugemunu has long been a folk hero in Sri Lanka for uniting the country under a single rule.

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12

STRATHERN, ALAN. "Vijaya and Romulus: Interpreting the Origin myths of Sri Lanka and Rome." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 24, no. 1 (August 20, 2013): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186313000527.

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AbstractThe story of Vijaya, has long been central to the Sinhalese idea of themselves as a distinct ethnic group of Aryan origin with ancient roots in the island of Lanka. The ‘national’ chronicle of the Sinhalese, the Mahāvaṃsa (circa fifth century ce) presents Vijaya, an exiled prince from India descended from a lion, as the founder hero of Sinhala civilisation. In a companion article to this, I argued that the narrative of Vijaya and other founder-heroes in the Mahāvaṃsa revolves around the theme of transgression, and that this puzzling fact can only be explained by a consideration of the symbolic logic of the ‘stranger-king’ in origin stories and kingship rituals worldwide. In the present article, I look at other ways of explaining the narrative of Sīhabāhu, Vijaya, and Paṇḍukābhaya. First I break down the narrative into four different origin stories and consider their distribution in a range of texts from South Asia in order to reflect on possible textual inspirations for them (and even consider parallels with the Greek tale of Odysseus and Circe). Second, I consider the possibility that the narrative concerning relations with Pāṇḍu royalty reflects immediate political imperatives of the fifth century ce. Do such interpretations negate the assumption that an organic communal process of mythogenesis has been at work? In the final section this methodological dilemma is approached through comparisons with the way in which scholars have looked at the origin myths of ancient Greek and particularly Roman society. Lastly, these reflections add further weight to the global comparative model of the stranger king, for the stories of Romulus and Vijaya share an emphasis on alien and transgressive beginnings.In 2009 the Sri Lankan government finally destroyed the conventional forces of the Tamil Tigers (LTTE) as the civil war that had afflicted the island since 1983 was brought to a violent denouement in the north-east of the Vanni region. From some of the subsequent celebrations by the Sinhalese majority, it seemed that the President Mahinda Rajapaksa was hailed not only for having rid Sri Lanka of a violent menace, but for having, in one sense, re-created the island. The country could now attain the kind of genuine independence and wholeness that had been lacking for much of the period following decolonisation in 1948. After the victory, Rajapaksa was hailed as a ‘great king’ and his admirers were not slow to draw historical analogies with kings and founder-heroes of the past. Such heroes typically have to wade through blood to obtain political mastery; the Lankan chronicles imply that such is the price that must be paid for the re-establishment of society or civilisation itself.

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13

Behuria, Ashok K., and Gulbin Sultana. "Mahinda Rajapaksa's India Policy: Engage and Countervail." Strategic Analysis 37, no. 1 (January 2013): 84–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2013.737580.

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14

Fernando, Theodore A. "The power of cartoons: Depicting the political images of Mahinda Rajapakse and Sarath Fonseka as presidential candidates." Media Asia 40, no. 3 (January 2013): 231–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2013.11689973.

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15

Mustikasari, Sonia. "Motif Ekonomi Politik Sri Lanka: Kegagalan Mahinda Rajapaksa dalam Proyek Pelabuhan Hambantota." Jurnal Mandala Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, June 30, 2021, 114–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33822/mjihi.v4i1.2638.

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Tulisan ini memaparkan motif ekonomi politik dibalik proyek ambisius Pelabuhan Hambantota masa pemerintahan Mahinda Rajapaksa di Sri Lanka. Presiden Rajapaksa memiliki motif tersebut disebabkan oleh keinginannya untuk mengembangkan Hambantota sebagai wilayah tempat tinggalnya dan memanfaatkan kedekatan dengan Tiongkok untuk mendanai pemilu presiden di tahun 2015. Namun, proyek Pelabuhan Hambantota mengalami kegagalan, karena tidak didukung dengan studi kelayakan yang baik dan minim perhitungan ekonomi baik jangka pendek maupun jangka panjang. Oleh sebab itu, Sri Lanka tidak mampu lagi membayar pinjaman Tiongkok yang mengakibatkan Pelabuhan Hambantota dikuasai oleh Tiongkok melalui perjanjian sewa 99 tahun. Untuk membantu analisa dalam jurnal ini, penulis menggunakan dua kerangka teori, yaitu teori konstrukitivis dan teori utang luar negeri (loan pull theory dan loan push theory).

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16

Jayarathna, Aruni. "Comparative Analysis of Foreign Polices of Sirimavo Bandaranaike Regime and Mahinda Rajapaksa Regime (2005-2015)." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4289098.

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17

Wibisono, Adhe Nuansa. "China’s “Belt and Road Initiative” in Sri Lanka : Debt Diplomacy in Hambantota Port Investment." Jurnal Mandala Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, December 30, 2019, 222–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33822/mjihi.v2i2.1482.

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This article will discuss the impact of China's debt diplomacy in Sri Lanka through the Belt Road Initiative (BRI) which has an impact on China's control of the Hambantota Port for 99 years. The Belt and Road Initiative with the promotion of infrastructure investment is an example of the use of Chinese soft power diplomacy on a global level. In the Hambantota Port development project, Sri Lanka relied on development funding from China and subsequently defaulted. At first the Sri Lankan Government under the leadership of Mahinda Rajapaksa opened the investment door for China. From 2010 to 2015, China provided a $ 4.8 billion loan to build various infrastructure projects including the Hambantota Port, new airports, power plants and highways. Sri Lanka was then caught up in debt diplomacy carried out by China. Then, this article also discusses the response and efforts of the Sri Lankan government to renegotiate the ownership of Chinese shares in the Hambantota Port project. The Sri Lankan government is working hard to get out of the debt diplomacy trap. This article also then discusses the strategic economic and political impacts of controlling the Hambantota Port by China. This article uses books, research reports, theses, journals, newspapers, and online news as reference material.

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