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Journal articles on the topic 'Mafias'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 1 June 2022

Last updated: 25 January 2023

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1

Aziani, Alberto, Serena Favarin, and Gian Maria Campedelli. "Security Governance: Mafia Control over Ordinary Crimes." Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 57, no. 4 (December 23, 2019): 444–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022427819893417.

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Objectives: This study tests whether mafias, as archetypical criminal organizations that exert control over local communities, protect their territories against ordinary criminality. Our hypothesis is that mafias have both the incentives and the capacities to supply security governance to specific territories. This is a distinctive feature of mafias that deserves to be considered. Method: To understand whether mafias’ territorial control is associated with lower levels of ordinary criminality, we conduct a panel data analysis on 110 Italian provinces (2004 to 2015). System generalized method of moment and Driscoll–Kraay standard errors are performed to test our hypothesis. This study exploits an aggregated measure of thefts, robberies, and assaults as dependent variable. A standardized index derived from the number of active mafia groups in a province is our proxy of mafia control. Results: The article statistically shows that mafias limit ordinary criminality, whereas less stable and unstructured criminal groups do not. Conclusions: The results indicate that crime prevention and the maintenance of public order should be considered among the pillars of mafia’s governance. By controlling and reducing ordinary crimes, mafias overcome the role of law enforcement and institutional justice increasing consensus among the population. Consequently, the state may better contrast mafias by becoming a stronger supplier of security.

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2

Balsas, María Soledad. "«El país que no miramos». Las mafias italianas según «Clarín» (1997-2020)." Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodístico 27, no. 4 (September 29, 2021): 1035–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/esmp.75587.

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En este artículo se analiza la cobertura de noticias sobre las mafias italianas en «Clarín» entre 1997 y 2020. En particular, el interés se centra en los elementos paratextuales que los 219 artículos que conforman el corpus presentan. Los resultados confirman una jerarquía en el imaginario mafioso que el principal diario argentino pone en circulación liderada por la cosa nostra siciliana, más cercano a la violencia y al discurso jurídico-policial que al político-institucional, con evidentes connotaciones espectacularizantes. Con relación a la Argentina, en los últimos años se constata un incipiente reconocimiento, acotado y circunstancial, de la presencia de diversas agrupaciones mafiosas que pone en relativa tensión algunos de los argumentos negacionistas clásicos sobre la presencia mafiosa en el país.

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3

Armao, Fabio. "Mafia-Owned Democracies. Italy and Mexico as patterns of criminal neoliberalism." Tiempo devorado 2, no. 1 (April 17, 2015): 4–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.11.

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The paper is based on two preliminary hypothesis: the first is that when Organised Crime (OC) encounters politics, a third type of system emerges and this is called the mafia. The second assumption is that the mafias, particularly following 1989, greatly benefitted from the neoliberal globalisation processes. Nowadays, the mafias tend to replace the State as the privileged partners of capitalism; and, with greater efficiency than the State, are able to combine the local dimension of control (plundering or appropriation) of the territory with the global dimension of the transnational markets (particularly but not exclusively with the illicit trades). We assume that Italy and Mexico, among the consolidated democracies, are the most largely affected by the diffusion of criminal powers, to such a degree that two different patterns of mafia-owned democracy have developed: consociational in Italy, based on cooperative attitudes and behaviour between the leaders of the different groups involved – mafiosi, politicians and entrepreneurs – and therefore, characterised by greater stability; centrifugal for Mexico characterised on the other hand by strongly competitive behaviour between the various leaders involved and associated with a much greater degree of violence compared to the Italian situation.

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4

Duncan, Gustavo. "Una lectura política de Pablo Escobar." Co-herencia 10, no. 19 (November 2013): 235–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17230/co-herencia.10.19.9.

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Este artículo es una aproximación al carácter político de las mafias que protegen el tráfico de drogas desde una perspectiva mencionada pero poco tratada dentro del concepto mismo de mafia: la articulación de intereses de amplios grupos sociales dentro de su oferta de protección. Tanto las mafias de la droga que gozan de dominación social como las que no tienen mayor interacción social toman decisiones dirigidas a la imposición de sus intereses. La gran diferencia está en que las decisiones de las primeras tienden a involucrar la estructura social que ha sido transformada por el narcotráfico. Cualquier intento por reprimir a las mafias involucra ahora un ataque a los intereses estructurales de amplios sectores sociales. Un caso concreto servirá para ilustrar esta lectura política del narcotráfico: la guerra de Pablo Escobar contra el estado.

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5

Catino, Maurizio. "How Do Mafias Organize?" European Journal of Sociology 55, no. 2 (August 2014): 177–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975614000095.

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AbstractThis article looks at three Italian mafia organizations (Cosa Nostra, Camorra, and ‘Ndrangheta). It applies an organizational approach to the understanding of violence in mafia organizations by studying the relationship between their organizational orders and their criminal behavior. The article identifies two different organizational orders, vertical and horizontal, and demonstrates that Italian mafias, although operating in similar environments, can greatly differ from each other, and over time, in terms of their organizational model. Findings suggest that mafias with a vertical organizational order, due to the presence of higher levels of coordination, (1) have greater control over conflict, as proved by the lower number of “ordinary” murders; and (2) have greater capacity to fight state repression, as testified by the greater number of “high-profile” assassinations (e.g. politicians, magistrates, and other institutional members) that they carry out. Evidence is provided using a mixed-methods approach that combines a qualitative, organizational analysis of historical and judiciary sources, in order to reconstruct the organizational models and their evolution over time, with a quantitative analysis of assassination trends, in order to relate organizational orders to the use of violence.

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6

Montero Moncada, Luis Alexander, Liana Abril Pérez, and Ángela Herrera. "De Zetas a Maras. Concepciones de mafia y crimen organizado en América Latina." Revista de relaciones internacionales, estrategia y seguridad 8, no. 1 (January 12, 2013): 327–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.18359/ries.80.

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Este artículo pretende realizar una definición teórica de los grupos Zetas y Maras para enmarcarlos como mafias o grupos de crimen organizado, susceptibles de una caracterización de nueva insurgencia. Para esto, se recurre a elementos teóricos planteados para caracterizar diferentes mafias en el sistema internacional, fundamentalmente la mafia siciliana. Posteriormente se analiza, de una manera comparada, los riesgos y amenazas que estas dos agrupaciones plantean desde un punto de vista asimétrico. La conclusión a la cual se llega, es que los Zetas mexicanos tienen más elementos teóricos para ser definidos como una mafia, propiamente dicha, mientras que los Maras son más puramente organizaciones de crimen organizado. No obstante, tanto los Zetas, por su carácter de fuerza especial al servicio del crimen, como los Maras, por su des-territorialidad y características sociales, deben ser tenidos en cuenta como amenazas asimétricas a nivel regional.

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7

Klein, Stefan, and Ricardo Pagliuso Regatieri. "Unfettered capitalism: on rackets, cronies and mafiosi." Tempo Social 30, no. 3 (December 13, 2018): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2018.146125.

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In the early 1940s, critical theory borrowed the term racket from the urban crime underworld and applied it to criticize monopoly capitalism, which was regarded as a constellation ruled in a mafia-like manner. Decades later, after the experiences of the welfare state in the core counties and catch-up modernizations in the periphery, concepts such as cronyism and mafioso state were proposed. What these three approaches have in common is the fact that they highlight the mafia-like nature of capitalism and do so for different social and historical contexts. This article suggests that rackets, cronies or mafias have more recently, and increasingly, become structural elements of capitalism, as was first envisaged by critical theory during World War ii. We combine theoretical critique and insights with references to empirical expressions of this phenomenon to shed light on this development.

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8

Buonanno, Paolo, and Matteo Pazzona. "Migrating mafias." Regional Science and Urban Economics 44 (January 2014): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.regsciurbeco.2013.11.005.

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9

Campedelli, Gian Maria, Francesco Calderoni, Tommaso Comunale, and Cecilia Meneghini. "Life-Course Criminal Trajectories of Mafia Members." Crime & Delinquency 67, no. 1 (July 7, 2019): 111–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128719860834.

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Through a novel data set comprising the criminal records of 11,138 convicted mafia offenders, we compute criminal career parameters and trajectories through group-based trajectory modeling. Mafia offenders report prolific and persistent careers (16.1 crimes over 16.5 years on average), with five distinct trajectories (low frequency, high frequency, early starter, moderate persistence, high persistence). While showing some similarities with general offenders, the trajectories of mafia offenders also exhibit significant differences, with several groups offending well into their middle and late adulthood, notwithstanding intense criminal justice sanctions. These patterns suggest that several mafia offenders are life-course persisters and career criminals and that the involvement in the mafias is a negative turning point extending the criminal careers beyond those observed in general offenders.

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10

De Falco, Rossella. "Life Among Mafias." Survival 58, no. 5 (September 2, 2016): 209–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2016.1231543.

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11

Varese, F. "How Mafias Take Advantage of Globalization: The Russian Mafia in Italy." British Journal of Criminology 52, no. 2 (October 24, 2011): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azr077.

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12

Sergi, Anna. "Countering the Australian ‘ndrangheta: The criminalisation of mafia behaviour in Australia between national and comparative criminal law." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 50, no. 3 (June 13, 2016): 321–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0004865816652367.

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Mafia-type criminal groups belonging to, or originated from, the Calabrian ‘ndrangheta from Southern Italy, have been object of recent academic research and media attention in Australia. The Australian ‘ndrangheta, as qualified form of organised crime, poses new challenges for law enforcement in the country. This paper briefly looks at the strategies to fight organised crime in Australia, with specific focus on anti-association laws. By using a comparative approach, the paper will look at the criminalisation of mafias as qualified forms of organised crime in other two jurisdictions, Italy and the USA, to advocate for an effective mafia criminalisation in Australia. In conclusion, this paper will argue that, in order to also fight mafia phenomena, criminal law in Australia should focus on behaviours of organised crime groups rather than only on the criminalisation of proscribed associations and their illegal activities.

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13

Paoli, Letizia. "What Makes Mafias Different?" Crime and Justice 49 (July 2020): 141–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/708826.

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14

Champeyrache, Clotilde. "Mafias : expansion, réputation - perspectives." Sécurité globale N° 30, no. 2 (October 27, 2022): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/secug.222.0109.

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15

Albertini, Matteo. "Mafia links between the Balkans and Scandinavia. State of affairs." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 4, no. 2 (December 15, 2012): 111–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v4i2_7.

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The last twenty years has seen an increasing presence of Balkan organized crime groups in security reports and newspapers’ headlines. This does not mean that mafia groups did not exist during Socialist Yugoslavia – even if its collapse and the following war made criminals and smugglers useful for politicians and leaders to maintain their power; it rather means that Balkan organized crime came outside its traditional areas of action in Serbia, Montenegro and Albania: less territorial and nationalist than it was before, it is now gaining prominence in an international scenario, making agreements with Italian and South American mafias – the so-called Holy Alliance – to manage drug routes towards Western Europe. One of the most interesting factors concerning Balkan mafia groups today is their presence in countries which traditionally do not have a history of organized crime, such as the Scandinavian states. One of the reasons lies in the wide percentage of immigrants moving from Balkan countries to Sweden or Norway. Since the wars of the 1990s in the former Yugoslavia, war-crimes fugitives were able to become common criminals in these countries, such as the infamous Želiko Raznjatović (“Arkan”). However, year by year, these gangs grew larger, taking advantage of the “expertise” and the resources gained during the war. In particular, the most spectacular case – the Våstberga helicopter robbery in 2009 – showed how these groups operate with military-style precision, utilize a wide number of participants, and have at their disposal laerge amounts of weapons and money. This paper will draw on the importance of Scandinavian – Balkan mafia relations in relation to three main criminal areas: drug and weapon smuggling and human trafficking, in order to underline the role of diasporas in enforcing organized crime groups and the extent to which these mafias could be a threat for the stability in both Eastern and Western Europe.

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16

Levien, Michael. "Coercive Rentier Networks." Sociology of Development 7, no. 2 (2021): 159–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sod.2021.7.2.159.

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In India today, the term “land mafia” is widely applied to those engaged in land-related corruption. What is unclear is the sociological phenomenon to which the term “mafia” refers, and what it indicates about capitalism in contemporary India. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in the state of Rajasthan, combined with analysis of court decisions and newspaper articles, I argue that land mafia discourse identifies informal land-grabbing practices that have become extremely widespread across India. These practices are undertaken not necessarily by criminal organizations but by diffuse coercive rentier networks that cross the public–private divide. These networks have been strengthened by the liberalization of India’s economy, and particularly its real estate market, and their entrenchment poses a major obstacle to “good governance” reforms. India’s land mafias thus expose important weaknesses in the dominant approaches to corruption and suggest the need to take seriously the synergies between capitalism, coercion, and corruption.

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17

Martin, Nicolas, and Lucia Michelutti. "Protection Rackets and Party Machines." Asian Journal of Social Science 45, no. 6 (2017): 693–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04506005.

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Control over means of violence and protection emerge as crucial in much research on corruption in non-South Asian contexts. In the Indian context, however, we still know little about the systems of organised violence that sustain the entanglement of crime, capital and democratic politics. This timely comparative ethnographic piece explores two different manifestations of what our informants identify as “Mafia Raj” (“rule by mafia”) across North India (Uttar Pradesh and Punjab). Drawing on analytical concepts developed in the literature on bossism and “mafias”, we explore protection and racketeering as central statecraft repertoires of muscular styles of governance in the region. We show how a predatory economy together with structures of inter- and intra-party political competition generate the demand for and the imposition of unofficial and illegal protection and shape different manifestations of Mafia Raj. In doing so, the paper aims to contribute to debates on the relationship between states and illegalities in and beyond South Asia.

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18

Rodríguez Vargas, Hernán. "Marcello Ravveduto. Lo spettacolo della mafia, storia di un immaginario tra realtà e finzione." Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura 48, no. 2 (June 11, 2021): 484–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/achsc.v48n2.95674.

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Uno de los imaginarios más importantes, en lo que refiere a su alcance, impacto y continua presencia desde la década de 1960 hasta lo que va del presente siglo, es el imaginario acerca de la mafia y su extensión en el imaginario acerca del narcotráfico en el mundo. El trabajo del profesor Ravveduto consiste en demostrar cómo la historia de la mafia italiana es también la historia de su devenir espectáculo, marca e, incluso, estilo de vida. La historia de las mafias italianas hace parte de un típico caso de Public History, es decir, de una historia en contacto directo con la evolución de la mentalidad, producida gracias al uso de los mass media, en la configuración de un gran sistema narrativo y perceptivo, mediante el cual se transmiten valores, símbolos, íconos, estereotipos y, sobre todo, mitos del —y en el— mundo contemporáneo.

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19

Lorrain, Pierre. "Mafias russes : ébauche d'une typologie." Politique étrangère 61, no. 4 (1996): 813–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polit.1996.4586.

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20

de Maillard, Jean, Jean-François Bayart, and Christian Chavagneux. "Etats, mafias et mondialisation ( Débat )." L Economie politique 15, no. 3 (2002): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/leco.015.0098.

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21

Savona, Ernesto U. "The Businesses of Italian Mafias." European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research 21, no. 2 (January 13, 2015): 217–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10610-014-9261-7.

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22

Dovizio, Ciro. "Historia de las mafias en Italia. Una hipótesis interpretativa." Tiempo devorado 2, no. 1 (May 24, 2015): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.18.

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En este artículo se retoma una temática que se inició con la exposición: "Siglo XX criminal. Mafia, Camorra, 'Ndrangheta", realizada por LAPSUS y exhibida en febrero de 2015, en Cinisello Balsamo (MI).LAPSUS (Laboratorio de Análisis Histórico del Mundo Contemporáneo) es una asociación cultural de jóvenes estudiosos surgida en la Universidad de Milán, que se ocupa de profundizar en diferentes asuntos de la historia contemporánea. Ha dedicado importantes iniciativas al crimen organizado, entre ellas el seminario titulado: "La Revolución criminal del siglo XX”, que se celebró en la Universidad en el curso académico 2010/2011, así como un documental sobre el “Milán criminal" de los años 70 y 80. La exposición consistió en un un recorrido multimedia sobre la historia de las asociaciones mafiosas italianas (Mafia, 'Ndrangheta, Camorra) y representa la culminación de muchos años de reflexión. El proyecto tiene como objetivo utilizar la alta divulgación y aspira a poner a disposición de un público no especialista las más señeras adquisiciones de la comunidad científica.

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23

Muñoz Condell, David. "Clérigos, lavadores y traficantes: El caso de los narco diezmos." Revista Temas Sociológicos, no. 13 (January 25, 2017): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.13.240.

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ResumenEl artículo presenta las relaciones posibles entre narcotráfico e Iglesias, para ello revisa casos actuales en nuestro país en donde esta relación estaría presente. También se analizan casos fuera de Chile, en donde esta situación se presenta con mayor fuerza y es parte de la operación cotidiana de las mafias de la droga presentes en esos casos.Palabras clave: Iglesias, Narcotráfico, Diezmos, Mafia.AbstractThe article presents the possible relationships between drug trafficking and churches, for that review current cases in our country where this relationship would be present. Also included are cases outside of Chile, where this situation occurs with greater force and is part of the daily operation of the drug gangs present in these cases.Key words: Iglesias, Drug Trafficking, Tithes, Mafia.

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Muñoz Condell, David. "Clérigos, lavadores y traficantes: El caso de los narco diezmos." Revista Temas Sociológicos, no. 13 (January 25, 2017): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07196458.13.240.

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ResumenEl artículo presenta las relaciones posibles entre narcotráfico e Iglesias, para ello revisa casos actuales en nuestro país en donde esta relación estaría presente. También se analizan casos fuera de Chile, en donde esta situación se presenta con mayor fuerza y es parte de la operación cotidiana de las mafias de la droga presentes en esos casos.Palabras clave: Iglesias, Narcotráfico, Diezmos, Mafia.AbstractThe article presents the possible relationships between drug trafficking and churches, for that review current cases in our country where this relationship would be present. Also included are cases outside of Chile, where this situation occurs with greater force and is part of the daily operation of the drug gangs present in these cases.Key words: Iglesias, Drug Trafficking, Tithes, Mafia.

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25

Debié, Franck. "Balkans : une criminalité (presque) sans mafias ?" Critique internationale 12, no. 3 (2001): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/crii.012.0006.

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26

Picci, L. "Federico Varese: Mafias on the Move." European Sociological Review 29, no. 1 (December 5, 2011): 133–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcr090.

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27

Duros, Marine. "Mafias italiennes et État : lutte ou collusion ?" Regards croisés sur l'économie 14, no. 1 (2014): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rce.014.0084.

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28

Sandoval Urrutia, Briseida Yuleni. "Anti Estado (El gobierno de las mafias)." Revista Académica CUNZAC 5, no. 2 (August 26, 2022): 43–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.46780/cunzac.v5i2.68.

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OBJETIVO: establecer desde los principios de legalidad como las mafias obstaculizan el buen desarrollo del Estado. MÉTODO: mediante la lectura y averiguación de diversos libros sobre democracia, principios de legitimidad, legitimidad política, filosofía política con ello poder definir como el gobierno de las mafias constituye un Anti Estado. RESULTADOS: los caracteres democráticos son modelos de comportamiento modelados por ideales y valores, no escasas veces utópicos. Se es testigo de paraísos que se materializan en infiernos, de ideales y utopías que no solo fracasan, sino que se tornan en oposición a ellos mismos. Esto ordena a implantar una interacción de manera entre hechos, ideales y utopías, entre él debería ser y él es. CONCLUSIÓN: esta caracterización indica, si es ampliada, que en el tamaño en la que la democracia se lleva a cabo se incrementa la población que discute y, desde luego, nuestra disputa. Lo cual no es bastante bueno es que crece la disputa de facto y reduce la controversia idónea.

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29

Gayraud, Jean-François. "Les neuf mafias qui parasitent l'économie mondiale." Les Grands Dossiers des Sciences Humaines N°2, no. 3 (March 1, 2006): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/gdsh.002.0036.

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30

Kalb, Christian. "Mafias, sport et paris : les liaisons dangereuses." Reflets et perspectives de la vie économique LIV, no. 3 (2015): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rpve.543.0013.

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31

Mazzanti, Giovanni Maria, Giulio Ecchia, and Tamami Komatsu. "Innovative partnerships for the utilization of confiscated assets previously owned by mafias." Social Enterprise Journal 12, no. 1 (May 3, 2016): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sej-08-2015-0019.

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Purpose The third sector is a producer of trust and positive social interactions, while the mafias destroy trust and social norms. Confiscation of assets and reusing confiscated assets are important tools from an economic and symbolic point of view for contrasting the mafias and promoting a sustainable and fair economy. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the role of the third sector for reusing confiscated assets. Design/methodology/approach The paper is based on a theoretical analysis of why a third sector role is utilized for reusing confiscated assets, thus focusing on the economic, social and cultural dimensions. Italian legislation and data are presented for showing the relevant and innovative role of the third sector for reusing confiscated assets. A case study of the city of Forlì, based in Northern Italy, is presented and is of particular interest because it is a part of Italy that does not have a historical presence of the mafias. The University of Bologna is now a partner of the project through the Observatory of Legality. Five hectares of confiscated, urban land have been given to two social cooperatives for organic agriculture and social gardening, which are managed by disadvantaged people working in the cooperatives. Findings The case study offers useful implications for other national and international situations. The results support that the third sector can be an effective partner in managing and restoring the goods to their community. Research limitations/implications A suggested focus on a European framework toward a more integrated approach for reusing confiscated assets. Practical implications An opportunity for policy decisions to be made toward a stronger approach for reusing confiscated assets via the third sector and civil society actors, starting from positive cases, such as the Forlì case study. Social implications Possibility of a stronger civic engagement for reusing confiscated assets previously owned by mafias. Originality/value Scaling up from a pioneering activity to a large-scale network of social enterprises and partnerships could make the difference.

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Shortland, Anja, and Federico Varese. "State-Building, Informal Governance and Organised Crime: The Case of Somali Piracy." Political Studies 64, no. 4 (September 28, 2015): 811–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.12227.

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This article argues that gangs, clans, mafias and insurgencies are, like states, forms of governance. This insight is applied to the case of Somali piracy and the article explores whether protectors of piracy were clearly distinct from pirates; and to what extent protectors coordinated their activities across the Somali coastland. It is shown that clan elders and Islamist militias facilitated piracy by protecting hijacked ships in their anchorages and resolving conflicts within and between pirate groups. Protection arrangements operated across clans, as illustrated by the free movement of hijacked ships along the coastline and the absence of re-hijacking after ransoms were paid. Piracy protection can be thought of as part of a continuum of protection arrangements that goes from mafias to legitimate states. The article concludes by highlighting the implications of the findings for the debate on state-building and organised crime.

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33

Collins, Randall. "Patrimonial Alliances and Failures of State Penetration." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 636, no. 1 (June 22, 2011): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716211398201.

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The historical shift from patrimonialism to bureaucracy is the key organizational transformation of the past thousand years. Classically, patrimonialism was organization based on private households, plus alliances among them. But there are two types of patrimonial organization: expanded households and patrimonial alliances or pseudo-tribes. The latter include ad hoc warrior coalitions, frequently organized as fictive kin. The main historical cause of the shift from patrimonialism to bureaucracy was the military-fiscal revolution and ensuing state penetration into society. But patrimonial politics did not entirely disappear. In some areas, the state fails to penetrate, leaving the possibility of mafia-style organization. Elsewhere, political machines are a mixed form of incomplete bureaucracy. Gangs are patrimonial organizations, growing in dialectical conflict with bureaucratic penetration and efforts at control. Through a comparison of American, Sicilian, and Russian mafias, the questions considered are whether crime organization recapitulates the history of the state, why some gangs become bigger than others, and why organized crime succeeds or fails in varying degrees.

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Nur’Ainiyah, Hamidah, Widhi Handoko, and Achmad Arifullah. "The Role of Land Deed Maker Officials (PPAT) and the National Land Agency (BPN) in Prevention of Land Mafia." Sultan Agung Notary Law Review 4, no. 3 (August 16, 2022): 882. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/sanlar.4.3.882-894.

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This study aims to analyze: 1) The role of Land Deed Maker Officials (PPAT) and the National Land Agency (BPN) in preventing land mafia in Tuban Regency. 2) Legal protection for victims of land certificates transferred by the land mafia. The approach method used in this study is an empirical juridical approach. The research specification used is descriptive analytical research. This type of data uses primary and secondary data sourced from interviews and literature studies. The data analysis method used in this research is qualitative data analysis. The results of the study concluded: 1) The role of Land Deed Making Officials (PPAT) and the National Land Agency (BPN) in preventing land mafia in Tuban Regency was carried out to provide legal certainty and protection for the community. The role of the PPAT is to ensure that the parties who will carry out the sale and purchase transactions, read and sign the deed in front of the parties, check and match documents to the BPN, and act carefully in making the deed. Meanwhile, the role of BPN is to reform human resources, re-examine files from PPAT, accelerate PTSL, socialize electronic certificates. 2). Legal protection for victims of land certificates transferred by the land mafia in a preventive manner is by preventive measures such as forming a task force for eradicating land mafias, increasing the integrity and professionalism of law enforcement officers, BPN and PPAT, increasing cooperation between officers, accelerating certification with the PTSL program, as well as providing strict criminal threats to land mafia perpetrators who are proven to have committed crimes. The repressive protection provided to the victim is in the case of the land mafia related to overlapping certificates, multiple certificates, and others, which can be resolved in several ways, such as mediation between village heads or through a court lawsuit.

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MARCHANT, ALEXANDRE. "«FRENCH CONNECTIONS EN AMERIQUE LATINE »: aux racines des circuits contemporains de la drogue." Outros Tempos: Pesquisa em Foco - História 14, no. 24 (December 21, 2017): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.18817/ot.v14i24.604.

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Résumé: La continentalisation et la mondialisation du trafic de drogue dans les Amériques semble avoir débuté avec l”™émergence des grands cartels colombiens et mexicains dans les années 1980. Elles plongent en réalité leurs racines dans le systá¨me mis en place des années auparavant par les mafias marseillaises exportatrices d”™héroá¯ne dans le Nouveau Monde au temps de la French Connection. Du sud au nord du continent, des criminels français expatriés ont institué des réseaux, des itinéraires et des pratiques qui ne disparurent pas du jour au lendemain avec l”™effondrement de la filiá¨re française au début des années 1970. Bien au contraire, les cartels naissants de la cocaá¯ne ont cherché á intégrer d”™anciens trafiquants de la French Connection pour mettre á profit leur savoir-faire, avant de perfectionner leurs méthodes pour aboutir á de nouveaux équilibres entre Amériques et Europe dans le trafic international de stupéfiants au tournant des années 1980-1990.Mots-clefs: Trafic. Mafia. Cartel. «FRENCH CONNECTIONS NA AMÉRICA LATINA »: nas raázes dos circuitos contemporá¢neos da droga. Resumo: A continentalização e a mundialização do tráfico de droga nas Américas parecem ter começado com a emergência dos grandes cartéis colombianos e mexicanos nos anos 1980. Mas, na realidade, elas se enraizaram, muitos anos antes, no sistema implantado, pelas máfias marselhesas exportadoras de heroána no Novo Mundo, nos tempos da French Connection. Do sul ao norte do continente, criminosos franceses expatriados instituáram redes, itinerários e práticas que não desapareceram do dia para a noite com a queda da filial francesa no começo dos anos 1970. Ao contrário, os cartéis nascentes da cocaána buscaram integrar antigos traficantes da French Connection para tirar proveito de suas experiências, antes mesmo de aperfeiçoarem seus métodos, para alcançar novos equilábrios entre Américas e Europa no tráfico internacional de entorpecentes na virada dos anos 1980-1990.Palavras-chave: Tráfico. Máfia. Cartel. « FRENCH CONNECTIONS IN LATIN AMERICA »: at the roots of drug contemporary routes.Abstract: Continentalization and globalization of drug trafficking in the Americas seem to have begun with the emergence of Colombian and Mexican cartels in the 1980s. However, in reality they were entrenched many years before in the embedded system by the Mafias from Marselha which were exporters of heroin in the ”New World” throughout the period of the French Connection. From the south to the north of the continent, expatriate French criminals instituted networks, itineraries and practices, which did not abruptly disappear with the collapse of the French branch in the early 1970s. On the other hand, cocaine's emerging cartels sought to integrate former French Connection traffickers to take advantage of their experiences, before perfecting their methods to achieve new equilibrium between Americas and Europe with the international traffic of drugs during the years 1980-1990.Keywords: Traffic. Mafia. Cartel. «FRENCH CONNECTIONS EN AMÉRICA LATINA »: en las raáces de los circuitos contemporáneos de la droga. Resumen: La continentalización y la mundialización del tráfico de drogas en las Américas parecen haber comenzado con la emergencia de los grandes carteles colombianos y mexicanos en los años 1980. Pero, en realidad, se enraizaron, muchos años antes, en el sistema implantado por las mafias marsellesas exportadoras de heroána en el Nuevo Mundo, en los tiempos de French Connection. Del sur al norte del continente, criminosos franceses expatriados establecieron redes, itinerarios y prácticas que no desaparecieron del dáa para la noche con la caáda de la filial francesa a principios de los años 1970. Al contrario, los carteles nacientes de la cocaána buscaron integrar a antiguos traficantes de la French Connection para aprovechar sus experiencias, antes incluso de perfeccionar sus métodos, para alcanzar nuevos equilibrios entre Américas y Europa en el tráfico internacional de estupefacientes en el cambio de los años 1980-1990.Palabras clave: Tráfico. Mafia. Cartel.

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De Grand, Alexander. "The Two Mafias. A Transatlantic History 1888–2008." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 21, no. 3 (May 26, 2016): 522–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2016.1169898.

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Varese, Federico. "How Mafias Migrate: Transplantation, Functional Diversification, and Separation." Crime and Justice 49 (July 2020): 289–337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/708870.

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Gledhill. "Securitization, mafias and violence in Brazil and Mexico." Global Discourse 8, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23269995.2017.1406679.

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Mete, Vittorio, Rocco Sciarrone, and Stuart Oglethorpe. "Overcoming the ‘Ndrangheta: contrasting methods and continuities of action: A report from the ‘La ferita’ conference, Reggio Calabria, November 2010." Modern Italy 17, no. 2 (May 2012): 257–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2012.673760.

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The ‘Ndrangheta is one of southern Italy's three traditional mafias; with its roots in Calabria, it has a presence in other Italian regions and operates from bases abroad, including outside Europe. Until a few years into the new millennium the other two, the Sicilian Cosa Nostra and the Camorra of Campania, were much better known. Serious studies of the ‘Ndrangheta could be counted on the fingers of two hands, the few journalists who took an interest were not well known, and its public image was largely linked to kidnapping, in which the Calabrian gangs were specialists. In 2005, however, the vice-president of the Calabrian Regional Council was murdered, and on 15 August 2007, the Ferragosto holiday, six young Calabrians were killed in Duisburg; these events helped to break the silence around the ‘Ndrangheta that had prevailed for a long time. Anti-Ndrangheta groups, consisting mainly of young people, have formed; journalists with a national profile have started to file reports from Calabria; there has been an explosion in reportage (not, in truth, of high quality) on the ‘Ndrangheta's origins, characteristics and business activity; and finally, in 2008, the Parliamentary Commission on the Mafia devoted a special report to the Calabrian mafia for the first time. Despite this rapid growth of interest, there have still been very few serious studies.

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Bedoya, Jairo, Juan-Esteban Ríos, and Andrés Arredondo. "La coerción extorsiva en Medellín, Colombia." URVIO. Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios de Seguridad, no. 29 (January 9, 2021): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.17141/urvio.29.2021.4413.

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Pese a la reducción drástica en el número de homicidios en Medellín, de 6500 en 1991 a 526 en 2019, atribuida al urbanismo social y destacada internacionalmente como “modelo Medellín”, las otras formas de criminalidad no ceden. La violencia extorsiva representa uno de los más significativos retos al desarrollo de ciudades asediadas por mafias, como Medellín. Este artículo introduce una nueva perspectiva conceptual para analizar el impacto de las prácticas extorsivas en el orden social y económico. Se fundamenta en los hallazgos empíricos y en las categorías analíticas intermedias de tres investigaciones recientes sobre extorsión urbana, para identificar cómo las actividades ilícitas y lícitas se amalgaman entre sí, y con la dinámica local. La protección violenta, herencia mafiosa de la confrontación del cartel de Medellín con el Estado colombiano, se fortalece con la coerción extorsiva. Al tornarse cada vez menos cruento, sistemático y generalizado, el chantaje coercitivo ha producido en la ciudad el amalgamamiento de lo legal-ilegal, en un creciente número de dimensiones sociales.

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Gjeloshaj Hysaj, Kolë. "Ndrangheta et autres mafias italiennes : des influences culturelles balkaniques ?" Confluences Méditerranée N° 103, no. 4 (2017): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/come.103.0157.

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Neubacher, Frank. "Italian mafias and how they are perceived in Germany." SICUREZZA E SCIENZE SOCIALI, no. 3 (May 2014): 30–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/siss2013-003004en.

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Schloenhardt, Andreas. "Mafias and Motorbikes: New Organised Crime Offences in Australia." Current Issues in Criminal Justice 19, no. 3 (March 2008): 259–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10345329.2008.12036434.

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Reuter, Peter, and Letizia Paoli. "How Similar Are Modern Criminal Syndicates to Traditional Mafias?" Crime and Justice 49 (July 2020): 223–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/708869.

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WEINSTEIN, LIZA. "Mumbai's Development Mafias: Globalization, Organized Crime and Land Development." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 32, no. 1 (March 2008): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2427.2008.00766.x.

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Bourgeot, André. "Serge Daniel.Les Mafias du Mali. Trafics et terrorisme au Sahel." Afrique contemporaine 252, no. 4 (2014): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/afco.252.0192.

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Hechter, Michael. "Mafias on the Move: How Organized Crime Conquers New Territories." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 43, no. 4 (June 27, 2014): 587–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306114539455aaa.

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Fleetwood, Jennifer. "Mafias, Markets, Mules: Gender Stereotypes in Discourses About Drug Trafficking." Sociology Compass 9, no. 11 (October 28, 2015): 962–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/soc4.12323.

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Calderoni, Francesco. "The structure of drug trafficking mafias: the ‘Ndrangheta and cocaine." Crime, Law and Social Change 58, no. 3 (September 2, 2012): 321–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10611-012-9387-9.

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Nirzalin, Nirzalin, and M. Nazaruddin. "Jihad Against Drug Mafias: A Case Study of Community Collective Movement in Aceh." KOMUNITAS: International Journal of Indonesian Society and Culture 9, no. 1 (March 2, 2017): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/komunitas.v9i1.5454.

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Collective movement for drug eradication organized by the community was proved to be more effective in stopping drug trafficking than to the security approaches organized by the state apparatus (government). Based on the case study of communitys collective movement in the village of Ujoeng Pacu Lhokseumawe, this artilce is intended to show the complex phenomena of genealogy and the dynamics of the collective movement of the community in fighting the drug mafias. Using the Perspective of Tilly Collective Movement and the Method of Phenomenolgy, the study found that jihad collective movement on the drug eradication caried out by the community of Ujong Pacu was motivated by the rigging relationship among theological unrest, social and economical security, and concerns about the future generations. The consideration of the drug as the only trigger of any immoral (ma maksiet) activities towards Allah Almighty has made the flow of this movement not only significant to the social movement but also to theological movement (jihad). Due to its interpretation as a religious movement, the moral of the drug eradication movement was not deterred despite the various threats and the terror bombing as an act of counter-attack from the drug mafias occured repeatedly in the Ujoeng Pacus community.

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