Academic literature on the topic 'Macedonia (Republic) – Foreign relations – European Union'

The article is devoted to the role of the identity factor in the Bulgarian-Macedonian relations. The main controversial issues acute in the period 1991–2021 are the question of the independence of the Macedonian language and the question of the “starting point” of Macedonian history. The foreign policy of the Macedonian republic is investigated in the context of Balkan states` striving for Euro- Atlantic integration. An important part of the study is analyzing the problems of the European Union enlargement to the south-east.As a result of the research, the author comes to several conclusions: Sofia’s opposition to Skopje’s accession to the EU has a solid economic implication; relations with the Bulgarian state have always been of key importance for the Macedonian republic, regardless of plans to join NATO and the EU, since touched upon the key issues of self-determination of the Macedonian people; the rhetoric of the Bulgarian side has a certain tendency to revise the role of Bulgaria in the Second World War, which is categorically unacceptable for the EU member states seeking to withdraw the historical agenda from the negotiation process on the Republic of North Macedonia’s accession to the European Union.

Macedonia – New Challenges and Difficult Compromises (2016−2019) After the SDSM (Socijaldemokratski sojuz na Makedonija – Social Democratic Union of Macedonia) took over the government in 2017, the party proposed reforms which, although fundamental for the future of the country, were difficult to accept by the majority of Macedonian society. Nevertheless, SDSM’s policy, approved and monitored by the European Union and the US, was to lead to Macedonia joining NATO and EU structures in the near future. It should also be noted that both the US and the EU are strategic partners of the Republic, which actively support the processes taking place there. Having signed the agreement with Greece, on 17 June 2018 the Republic of Macedonia changed its official name. After the entry into force of the amendments to the Constitution and ratification of the Greek-Macedonian bilateral agreement by both parties, the country adopted the name of the Republic of North Macedonia (mac. Република Серверна Македонија). In February 2019, just after the parliaments of North Macedonia and Greece ratified the Prespa Agreement, the accession process of North Macedonia to NATO began. The condition for accession was the consent of the parliaments of all members of the Alliance for enlargement. Immediately after such approval, on 27 March 2020, the decision on membership was announced in Brussels by its chairman, Jens Stoltenberg. Macedonia’s relations with Bulgaria and Serbia have also changed, and the Albanians have been granted further privileges and rights in this country – in the opinion of the Macedonians it is very difficult to accept and implement. The escalation of nationalist sentiment in the country’s internal relations is important, caused not only by foreign policy but also by concessions to the Albanians. The Law on the Use of Languages, also known as the ‘language law’, criticized not only by the Macedonian scientific elite, but also by the Venice Commission, which sees certain threats to Macedonia in granting such extensive rights to the Albanian population, strengthens the opposition. On 26 March 2020, the EU gave its consent to start accession negotiations with Albania and the Republic of North Macedonia. Negotiations with Bulgaria are ongoing and it will be difficult to find a compromise. The biggest challenge for the government will be to convince the public that it is in the interest of its citizens to make compromises with both Greeks and Albanians and in the future with Bulgarians. In this case, the EU position will be very important, both in relation to the Albanian and Bulgarian demands.

Yugoslavia, once an advanced country in market reforms, was one of the least transformed countries in Eastern Europe in the nineties. Such a situation was caused by the civil war, policy of the Milosevic?s regime and international sanctions. The resistance of the ruling conservative forces made it impossible to establish an adequate reform policy. Thus, the transition stopped short halfway. The situation has radically changed only since the autumn of 2000, after Milosevic?s downfall, when after the gradual lifting of international isolation, economic and political reforms were given a new stimulus, and the country could start the process of European integration. This article is an attempt to give an overview of the transition of the Yugoslav economy in the last ten years or so. The growth rate of Yugoslavia?s GDP is compared not only with that of its neighbouring countries, i.e. other former socialist countries of South-Eastern Europe (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Romania) but also with that of other transition economies in Central and Eastern Europe, including the Commonwealth of Independent States. A particular attention is given to the role of research and development (R&D) in Yugoslavia in the nineties as compared to Croatia, Slovenia, and the United States. The structural changes in the Yugoslav economy during the past decade are analysed together with property relations as well as the issues concerning small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). At the sectoral level, it is the performance of manufacturing and agriculture that is separately explored. In relation to this, wage formation and relative wage levels in Yugoslavia?s manufacturing are viewed regarding the country?s international competitiveness and wider characteristics of globalising world economy. In analysing the role of external sources in the Yugoslav economy, the problems of foreign trade, external indebtedness, and attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) are emphasized together with the economic assistance rendered to the FRY by the European Union. Regarding the important indicator of openness, i.e. the share of exports and imports in GDP, a comparison is made between Yugoslavia, on one hand, and Croatia, Slovenia, the European Union, and the United States, on the other. The economic policy of Milosevic?s regime is contrasted with that of the new democratic government that came to power after the events in October 2000. Stabilisation, liberalisation, privatisation, and institutional reform are considered giving particular attention to the experience of the member republics of the Yugoslav federation: Serbia and Montenegro. The author comes to the following conclusions: in transition countries stabilisation, liberalisation, and privatisation cannot be successful without carrying out a comprehensive, deep reform of the system of political institutions that along with creation of conditions for establishment of democracy and its strengthening also enables building of a modern and efficient market economy. This complicated and often contradictory process could come across serious obstacles if the old state and party nomenclature in power retains the command economy without planning, and under demagogical, nationalistic, and populist slogans gets involved in wars even taking the risks of being put under international isolation. However, such an outdated economic system characterised by autarchy can only temporarily exist and hinder the unravelling of market reforms in the epoch of globalisation.

On February 1st 2016, the Republic of Serbia acquired the status of a full member of the European Union Convention on Common Transit Procedure, and joined the existing members: EU countries, EFTA countries, as well as individual members Turkey and the Republic of North Macedonia. In this way, Serbia put its particularly important geopolitical position in Europe, and its openness to support and acceptance of foreign direct investments, into the function of further dynamic improvement in the sphere of economy and overall economic development.

The purpose of the article is to explore the process of joining Republic of Northern Macedonia to the European Union. In particular, the problems that arose on the path of European integration of Northern Macedonia are described. Namely, the blockade by Greece, which since the declaration of independence from Yugoslavia in 1991 opposed the name of the Republic of Macedonia, arguing that the name Macedonia has the Greek region of the same name. As a result, in 2018 the country was renamed the Republic of Northern Macedonia. Bulgaria’s blocking of the opening of negotiations on Northern Macedonia’s accession to the EU was also assessed. The reasons for Bulgaria’s position and the reaction of the European Union countries to this situation are described. Domestic and foreign policy events in the Republic of Northern Macedonia, which directly affected the country’s cooperation with the European Union, are highlighted. The study concluded that despite a number of problems that have arisen and are emerging on the European integration path of Northern Macedonia, the country has a number of achievements in this process. Northern Macedonia was the first country in the region to sign a Stabilization and Association Agreement with the EU, in 2005 it received the status of a candidate country for accession to the EU. In 2009 she received a visa-free regime with the EU. However, despite the great achievements in terms of ambitious reforms and reaching a historic agreement with Greece, accession talks have not yet begun. After all, the decision-making process in the European Union takes place through consensus. All countries, without exception, must agree to open a negotiation process with Northern Macedonia. Given the country’s determination and courage in its European integration policy, all the existing problems at the bilateral level can be resolved, as Northern Macedonia has made a number of concessions in order to start the pre-accession process with the EU.

Through this scientific research it is analyzed the legislation and the impact of Macedonian Parliament in establishing of Foreign and Security Politics. it is done the analyze about essential sources of the definition of position in the Assembly of Republic of Macedonia, beginning from the Constitution, Regulation and Foreign Law of Parliamentary Work, about the law of Foreign Affairs and Law Framework of Security Politics. As well it is explained the role and the work of Parliamentary Commission in the establishing of Security and Foreign Politics such as: the Commission of Foreign Affairs, Commission of Defense and Security, Commission of Secret Services and the Commission of the European Issues, so far is elaborated Cooperation Board with Other Parliamentary Commissions. At the end of the first part, Work Groups of the Parliament of Republic of Macedonia with parliaments of other Countries.At the first research to International Relationship – Foreign Politics and Security, especially is explored the Relationship and Cooperation with neighboring Countries and with some European South - Eastern, Countries. The role of Parliament of Republic of Macedonia it is analyzed and explained as well and the cooperation with Parliamentarian Assembly of Organization of United Nations (UN), Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), The Parliament of European Union, Organization of North Atlantic Alliance (OTAN) and European Council.

Abstract The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia is a country with huge interest in accession to the great family of the European Union, which now counts about 500 million people. The paper aims to explain this interest and to give detailed arguments to all the expectations, by focusing on the process of accession of the country to the European Union and giving examples of other countries‘ similar efforts from wider region. This process represents the culmination of more than two decades of economic, social and political transformation of the country. The membership in the European Union, according to the theoretical knowledge and comparative experience, should bring convenience for Macedonia and its citizens, including prosperity, more intensive relations with its European neighbours and contribution to shaping the political, social and economic development of Europe. The accession process is long and difficult, partly because of the necessity to adopt many laws and regulations of the European Union for new member states, contained in the Acquis communautaire.

The problem of research is very current for several reasons. Namely, the dominant approach on the basis of which are based all have developed and established theories of European integration, developing modern theories of international relations is a realistic basis. Neo-functionalism, inter-guvernmentalism, neo-liberalism, institutionalism (in most of its variants) as the most developed branches of the theory of European integration, despite differences in their settings to keep the basic premise that states are rational, unitary actors, whose interest stems from the assessment of their position in the system of states. For our study caused a special interest model of constructivism using Habermas theory of communicative action according to which entities in mutual interaction is open to other arguments and their validity appreciate having regard to the outgoing reasons and norms on which they are based, thereby seeking consensus as a common goal. Apply to the European Union, this approach allows European institutions were perceived as a place of discussion to reach consensus on solving common problems, rather than just the arena for bargaining. Functional adaptation to the numerous petitions which sets the European Union, requires thorough and integrated activities in the economic, institutional, administrative and legislative spheres. This process should be understood as a continuous, painstaking and long process, not a single radical surgery. Republic of Macedonia, as countries aspiring for membership in the European family must meet the political and economic criteria and to adapt political institutions in the country with those of the European Union and their needs and requirements. The aim of this paper is to perceive the key features and trends in the politics of enlargement and to make a comparison between the policy of expansion applied in the process of accession Central and Eastern Europe and the policy of expansion in the process of stabilization and association, with special emphasis on the Republic of Macedonia. Of course, previously been necessary to develop theoretical and practical approach to the concept of policy integration, development and its major elements and modalities.

Abstract This paper analyses the Western Balkan countries’ relationship towards the instrument of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in the context of the measures undertaken by Brussels against the Russian Federation due to its involvement in the Ukrainian crisis. In this regard, the author first points out to what extent the countries of the Western Balkans over the past few years, that is, after the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, harmonized their foreign policies with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. Certainly, the most important foreign policy challenges for the Western Balkan countries in 2014 are imposing sanctions against the Russian Federation. Some Western Balkan countries (above all, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia), according to the author’s assessment, are stretched between their intentions to join the EU and thus harmonize their foreign policy with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union on one hand, and on the other, to avoid disruption of existing relations with the Russian Federation

The problem of research is very current for several reasons. Namely, the dominant approach on the basis of which are based all have developed and established theories of European integration, developing modern theories of international relations is a realistic basis. Neo-functionalism, inter-guvernmentalism , neo-liberalism, institutionalism (in most of its variants) as the most developed branches of the theory of European integration, despite differences in their settings to keep the basic premise that states are rational, unitary actors, whose interest stems from the assessment of their position in the system of states. For our study caused a special interest model of constructivism using Habermas theory of communicative action according to which entities in mutual interaction is open to other arguments and their validity appreciate having regard to the outgoing reasons and norms on which they are based, thereby seeking consensus as a common goal. Apply to the European Union, this approach allows European institutions were perceived as a place of discussion to reach consensus on solving common problems, rather than just the arena for bargaining. Functional adaptation to the numerous petitions which sets the European Union , requires thorough and integrated activities in the economic, institutional, administrative and legislative spheres. This process should be understood as a continuous, painstaking and long process, not a single radical surgery. Republic of Macedonia, as countries aspiring for membership in the European family must meet the political and economic criteria and to adapt political institutions in the country with those of the European Union and their needs and requirements. The aim of this paper is to perceive the key features and trends in the politics of enlargement and to make a comparison between the policy of expansion applied in the process of accession Central and Eastern Europe and the policy of expansion in the process of stabilization and association, with special emphasis on the Republic of Macedonia. Of course, previously been necessary to develop theoretical and practical approach to the concept of policy integration, development and its major elements and modalities.

This dissertation argues that European Union membership conditionality operates as a modality of political-economic governance directed at securing the conditions of possibility for a harmoniously functioning political economy of Europe. I argue that conditionality can best be understood not as a series of requirements for EU membership, a set of incentives for rule adoption, or a vehicle for the transmission of European norms to candidate states, but as an ensemble of discursive and material practices – fragile, dispersed circuits of governmental activity directed at a particular strategic ambition. I argue that existing accounts of EU membership conditionality are informed by predominantly rationalist understandings of political economy which work to conceal various cultural, social, and subjective sources of disharmony in political-economic life. Thinking about the political economy of conditionality through rationalist lenses privileges the study of bargaining and negotiation and institutional reform and overlooks the ways that conditionality targets the transformation of problematic socio-cultural and subjective elements of political economy – among them particular habits of culture, patterns of sociality, and subjective qualities and capacities of the person deemed essential to securing order and abundance. Re-reading canonical works in classical and critical traditions of political economy by James Steuart, Adam Smith, and Karl Marx makes clear that political economy as a field of knowledge and practice has long been concerned with understanding the political, legislative-legal, institutional, socio-cultural, and subjective conditions of possibility for securing order and abundance and has long reflected on the potential and limits of governance to secure these conditions in a world of shifting circumstance. I argue that a political economy of EU membership conditionality concerned with disharmony should investigate the ways that particular socio-cultural and subjective features of political-economic life are problematized in the discourse of conditionality and subsequently targeted for transformation through the work of instruments and agents of conditionality operating in a variety of institutional contexts. On this basis, I analyze conditionality as practice – tracing the emergence of instruments of conditionality currently at work in the Republic of Macedonia through official documents produced by the EU and the Republic of Macedonia from 2001-2011. I then examine the ambitions and limits of the Operational Programme Human Resources Development 2007-2013 (OP-HRD) – a program tasked with translating the aims of conditionality on paper into concrete activities for implementation in the fields of employment, education and training, and social inclusion. I outline some limits to the program derived from personal interviews with officials of the EU and the Republic of Macedonia who work to implement the OP-HRD "on the ground." In reflecting on these limitations, I return to the political economy of disharmony, concluding that constraints on the operation of conditionality in practice are not merely the product of technical and political impediments but are also derived from inherent limits to the old dream of political-economic harmony to which the ambitions of conditionality are ultimately directed.
Ph. D.

This study is titled Role of Small States in International Relations: Comparative Analysis of the Czech Republic and Israel and its main purpose is to analyze a typical small state's behavior in the international arena on the examples of the Czech and Israeli foreign policy. It is divided into four respective sections -- a theoretical framework, historical background, and the two case studies, and it strives to answer a foundational question whether the Czech Republic and Israel can be considered small players in international relations based on the theoretical definition of the notion of a small state as well as the countries' current foreign policy approaches and tools.

Thesis (LLM)--University of Stellenbosch, 1999.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with the Trade, Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) between the European Union and the Republic of South Africa, which was concluded in October 1999. In particular, the agreement is analysed in the light of the negotiating process between the parties, the contents of the agreement, the applicability of WTO law and the compatibility of the agreement with it and the Port and Sherry Agreement. Since the EU emphasised its aim to commence economic and development cooperation with other African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries on a reciprocal basis during the negotiations for a successor of the Lomé Convention, the TDCA between the EU and South Africa had to be seen as a "pilot project" for future cooperation agreements between countries at different levels of development. The TDCA between the EU and South Africa is therefore not only very important for the two concerned parties, but could serve as an example for further negotiations between the EU and other ACP countries. Thus the purpose of this thesis is to examine the TDCA between the EU and South Africa from a wider global perspective. The thesis is divided into six Chapters: The first Chapter provides an introduction to the circumstances under which the negotiations between the EU and South Africa commenced. It deals briefly with the economic situation in South Africa during the apartheid era and presents reasons why the parties wanted to enter into bilateral negotiations. The introductory part furthermore presents an overview of the contents of the thesis. The second chapter contains a detailed description of the negotiating process that took place between the parties and shows why it took 43 months and 21 rounds of negotiations to reach a deal. South Africa's partial accession to the Lomé Convention and the conclusion of separate agreements such as the Wine and Spirits Agreement, are also analysed. Chapter three presents the various components of the TOCA and illustrates what the negotiators achieved. This chapter on the TOCA concludes with an evaluation of the Agreement and shows the potential benefits to South Africa and the EU. Since the Agreement had to satisfy international rules, the provisions of the General Agreement on Tariffs and TradelWorld Trade Organisation (GATTIWTO) were of major importance. The EC Treaty, however, does not contain any provision that indicates whether, or how, an international agreement like the GATTIWTO penetrates the Community legal order. In Chapter four, accordingly, questions are raised regarding the extent to which the bilateral agreement between South Africa and the EU was influenced by the GATTIWTO provisions and how these rules were incorporated into the agreement. Furthermore, since the parties agreed on the establishment of a free trade area, this chapter deals with the question of in how far the TOCA is in line with Article XXIV GATT. In addition to the GATT provisions, the TOCA is also affected by the Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs). Therefore Chapter five deals with TRIPs in connection with the TOCA. The use of the terms "Port" and "Sherry" as the major stumbling block to the conclusion of the TOCA is analysed more closely. The final part, namely Chapter six, provides a summary of the results of the investigation. Furthermore, a conclusion is provided with regard to the question of whether the TOeA can be seen as an example for further trade relations between the EU and other ACP countries.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is gerig op die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms (TDGA) tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en die Republiek van Suid Afrika wat in Oktober 1999 gesluit is. Die ooreenkoms word veral in die lig van die onderhandelingsproses tussen die partye, die inhoud van die ooreenkoms, die toepaslikheid van Wêreldhandelsorganisasiereg en die versoenbaarheid daarvan met die ooreenkoms en die Port en Sjerrie-ooreenkoms ontleed. Aangesien die EU sy oogmerk van wederkerige ekonomiese en ontwikkelings-gerigte samewerking met ander lande in Afrika en die Karibiese en Stille Oseaan-Eilande gedurende die onderhandelings vir 'n opvolger van die Lomé Konvensie beklemtoon het, moes die ooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika as 'n "loodsprojek" vir toekomstige samewerkingsooreenkomste tussen lande wat op verskillende vlakke van onwikkeling is, gesien word. Die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika is dus nie net baie belangrik vir die betrokke partye nie, maar dit kan ook as 'n voorbeeld vir verdere onderhandelings tussen die EU en lande van Afrika en die Karibiese- en Stille Oseaan-Eilande dien. Die doel van dié tesis is om die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewekingsooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika vanuit 'n meer globale perspektief te beskou. Die tesis is in ses Hoofstukke ingedeel: Die eerste hoofstuk bied 'n inleiding tot die omstandighede waaronder die onderhandelings tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika begin het. Dit behandel die Suid- Afrikaanse ekonomiese situasie onder apartheid kortliks en toon hoekom die partye tweesydige onderhandelings wou aanknoop. Verder bied die inleidende deel 'n oorsig oor die inhoud van die tesis. Die tweede hoofstuk bevat 'n gedetailleerde beskrywing van die onderhandelingsproses wat tussen die partye plaasgevind het en toon aan waarom dit drie-en-veertig maande geduur het en een-en-twintig onderhandelingsrondtes gekos het om die saak te beklink. Suid-Afrika se gedeeltelike toetrede tot die Lomé Konvensie en die sluit van aparte ooreenkomste soos die Port- en Sjerrieooreenkoms word ook ontleed. Die daaropvolgende hoofstuk bespreek die verskillende komponente van die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms en toon wat die onderhandelaars bereik het. Hierdie hoofstuk oor die Ooreenkoms sluit af met 'n evaluering daarvan en dui die potensiële voordele van die Ooreenkoms vir Suid- Afrika en die EU aan. Aangesien die Ooreenkoms internasionale reëls moes tevrede stel, was die voorskrifte van die Algemene Ooreenkoms oor Tariewe en Handel (GATT) van uiterste belang. Die EG-verdrag bevat egter geen voorskrif wat aandui óf, of hoé, 'n internasionale ooreenkoms soos GATTNVTO die regsorde van die Europese Gemeenskap binnedring nie. Die vraag oor in hoeverre die tweesydige ooreenkoms tussen Suid-Afrika en die EU deur die GATTIWTO voorskrifte beïnvloed is, en oor hoe hierdie reëls in die ooreenkoms opgeneem is, word dus in Hoofstuk vier aangeraak. Aangesien die partye ooreengekom het om 'n vrye handeisarea tot stand te bring, behandel hierdie hoofstuk ook die vraag oor in hoeverre die TOGA met Artikel XXIV GATT strook. Tesame met die GATT-voorskrifte word die TOGA ook deur die Ooreenkoms ten opsigte van Handelsverwante Aspekte van Intellektuele Eiendomsreg (TRIPs) geraak. Hoofstuk vyf behandel daarom hierdie aspek ten opsigte van die TOGA. Die gebruik van die terme "Port" en "Sjerrie" as die vernaamste struikelblok tot die sluiting van die TOG-ooreenkoms word ook deegliker ontleed. Die laaste gedeelte, naamlik Hoofstuk ses, bied 'n opsomming van die resultate van die ondersoek. Verder word 'n gevolgtrekking voorsien ten opsigte van vraag of die TOGA as 'n voorbeeld vir verdere handelsverwantskappe tussen die EU en ander lande in Afrika en die Karibiese en Stille Oseaan-eilande beskou kan word.

The diploma thesis analyzes the business partnership between Hong Kong and European Union, with a particular focus on the importance of business activities between the Czech Republic and Hong Kong through statistical analysis of exports, imports and foreign direct investments. The thesis includes a questionnaire survey of Czech entrepreneurs trading with Hong Kong to assess the advantages and disadvantages of Hong Kong as a trading partner of European Union and the Czech Republic, the role of Hong Kong and European institutions and organizations supporting mutual development of business activities and highlight the opportunities for development of mutual not only trade relations to the future.

This thesis deals with the issue of actual state of bilateral relations between the EU and the PRC. The aim of this thesis is to answer question, whether diversity of actorness which occurs in cooperation between the EU and the PRC affects current form and content of their bilateral relations. The theoretical part applies two different approaches to the topic of actorness --theories of international relations and the theory of international law. The empirical part is based on an analysis of particular primary documents, adopted by these two parties. At first is performed an analysis of the EU external relations with the PRC in terms of their historical development which is followed by SWOT analysis which determines current content and form of their bilateral relationship. Based on research findings from this SWOT analysis the thesis suggests ten recommendations for EU-PRC relationship.

The target of this diploma work is to provide the view of up to now development and present condition of economy relations between EU and Brasil (consequently between Czech Republic and Brasil), to describe and sum up the status of these relations and to point out the agents complicating the given cooperation. From the point of view of content the work is sectionalized into 5 chapters. The first one characterizes the economy of Brasil, the basic economy markers trends and the Brasil's fortes and weaknesses. The following 2 chapters tackle the juridical ambit of billateral EU and Brasil co-operation, agreements to govern their relationship, the analysis of the goods and services barter, direct foreign investments and protective restrains complicating the business. The content of the chapter No. 4 is the mutual EU - Brasil relations decsription in regard of their acting in wider aggregations, specifically in WTO and Mercosure. The last chapter is focused on the mutual czech and brasilian trade relations characteristic.

Defence date: 23 April 2004
Examining board: Prof. Bruno de Witte (Supervisor, European University Institute) ; Prof. Marise Cremona (Queen Mary and Westfield College, University of London) ; Prof. Sasho Georgievski (University of Cyril and Methody Law School, Skopje) ; Prof. Ernst-Ulrich Petersmann (European University Institute)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

W toku prowadzonej w rozprawie analizy próbowano wypełnić następujące zadania badawcze: (1) scharakteryzować determinanty i kierunki polityki zagranicznej Republiki Białoruś; (2) zbadać miejsce Unii Europejskiej wśród kierunków i priorytetów białoruskiej polityki zagranicznej; (3) zbadać przyczyny zmienności w relacjach Białorusi z Unią Europejską, (4) ocenić istnienie zbieżności interesów obu podmiotów; (5) ocenić perspektywy współpracy obu podmiotów. Główna hipoteza rozprawy brzmi: Unia Europejska nie odgrywa w praktycznym działaniu znaczącej roli w polityce zagranicznej Republiki Białoruś, choć stanowi jeden z ważniejszych wektorów w założeniach i koncepcjach jej polityki. W sferze funkcjonalnej polityka zagraniczna Republiki Białoruś przekłada się na intensywny rozwój wschodniego kierunku działań zewnętrznych państwa białoruskiego. Istotny w tym kontekście jest fakt, że dotychczasowa polityka Unii Europejskiej w relacjach z Republiką Białoruś, oparta na krytycznym dialogu nie przyniosła zakładanych rezultatów a jedynie zniechęciła państwo białoruskie do pogłębiania współpracy. Polityka wielowektorowości Republiki Białoruś ogranicza się do próby kształtowania suwerenności przy znaczącej asymetrii pomiędzy potencjałem państwa białoruskiego w wymiarze politycznym, gospodarczym i wojskowym, a jego możliwościami. Ponadto przynależność Białorusi do wschodnich struktur integracyjnych ma decydujący wpływ na jej relacje z Unią Europejską. W pracy sformułowano również cztery hipotezy dodatkowe, stanowiące uszczegółowienie hipotezy głównej: Hipoteza 1. Niewielkie znaczenie Unii Europejskiej w polityce zagranicznej Republiki Białoruś jest uwarunkowane interesami narodowymi państwa białoruskiego, ukształtowanymi przez historię, czynnik ustrojowy, geopolityczny i ekonomiczny; Hipoteza 2. Odmienne postrzeganie podstaw współpracy przez Białoruś i Unię Europejską w znaczącym stopniu determinuje cykliczność ich wzajemnych relacji; Hipoteza 3. Białoruś poprzez uczestnictwo w programie Partnerstwa Wschodniego stwarza możliwość realizacji europejskiej drogi rozwoju w wymiarze ekonomicznym, co może mieć istotny wpływ na kształtowanie stabilności, bezpieczeństwa i rozwoju w regionie Europy Wschodniej; Hipoteza 4. Przyszły stan stosunków Unii Europejskiej i Republiki Białoruś będzie zależny nie tylko od wyboru strategii rozwoju państwa białoruskiego oraz kierunku jego przemian ustrojowych, ale także od oddziaływania środowiska międzynarodowego, w którym znaczącą rolę odgrywają Federacja Rosyjska i NATO. Weryfikacji powyższych hipotez dokonano na przestrzeni pięciu rozdziałów. W rozdziale pierwszym, analizie poddano: uwarunkowania historyczne, ustrojowe, geopolityczne oraz ekonomiczne. Istotnym elementem był również kontekst Rosji w działaniach zewnętrznych Białorusi. W drugim rozdziale przedstawiono prawno-polityczny i ekonomiczny wymiar stosunków Republiki Białoruś z Unią Europejską. Przeanalizowano programy unijnych działań zewnętrznych, adresowane do państw Europy Wschodniej (w tym Białorusi) oraz przedstawiono ewolucję stosunków białorusko-unijnych od początku lat 90. do bieżących wydarzeń w XXI wieku. Całość rozważań dopełnił ekonomiczny wymiar dwustronnych relacji obu podmiotów. Rozdział trzeci poświęcony został roli i miejscu Białorusi w programie Partnerstwa Wschodniego. Przeanalizowano w nim aktywność państwa białoruskiego w multilateralnym i bilateralnym wymiarze programu oraz podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie w jakim zakresie obecność Białorusi w Partnerstwie Wschodnim wpływa na możliwość realizacji przez nią europejskiej drogi rozwoju. W rozdziale czwartym zaprezentowano praktyczny wymiar stosunków białorusko-unijnych, wyrażający się w realizacji konkretnych projektów, finansowanych z unijnego budżetu w ramach programów przewidzianych w Europejskiej Polityce Sąsiedztwa i Partnerstwie Wschodnim. W rozdziale piątym zaprezentowano trzy scenariusze przyszłych relacji Białorusi z Unią Europejską: stagnacyjny, regresywny i progresywny.
During the analysis, the following research tasks were attempted: (1) to characterize the determinants and directions of the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus; (2) examine the European Union's position among the directions and priorities of Belarusian foreign policy; (3) identify the causes of variation in Belarusian relations with the European Union, (4) assess the existence of convergence of the interests of both entities; (5) assess the future prospects for cooperation between this two entities.The main hypothesis of the dissertation is: The European Union does not play a significant role in the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus, although it is one of the most important vectors in its policy assumptions. In the functional sphere, the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus translates into the intensive development of the eastern direction of external actions of the Belarusian state. It is important, that the current policy of the European Union on the Republic of Belarus based on critical dialogue, did not bring the expected results, but only discouraged the Belarusian state from deepening cooperation. Multi-vector policy of the Republic of Belarus is limited to attempt to establish sovereignty during significant asymmetry between the political, economic and military potential of the Belarusian state and its capabilities. Moreover, Belarusian membership in the integration structures of Eastern Europe has a decisive influence on its relations with the European Union.In the dissertation have been formulated four additional hypotheses, to clarify the main hypothesis: Hypothesis 1. The minor importance of the European Union in the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus is conditioned by the national interests of the Belarusian state, influenced by history, political, geopolitical and economic factors; Hypothesis 2. The different perception of the basis for cooperation of Belarus and the European Union significantly determines the cyclicality of their relations; Hypothesis 3. By participating in the Eastern Partnership program, Belarus is able to realize the European economic development path, which can have a significant influence on building stability, security and development in Eastern Europe; Hypothesis 4. The future state of relations between the European Union and the Republic of Belarus will depend not only on the state development strategy, chosen by the Belarusian authorities and on direction of political transformation of the state, but also on the international environment, where the Russian Federation and NATO play a significant role.The dissertation is divided to five chapters. The first chapter focused on historical determinants, legal and constitutional conditions, geopolitical determinants and the economic conditions. An important element was also the context of Russia in external actions of Belarus. The second chapter focused on the legal, political and economic dimension of the relations between Belarus and the EU. The analysis included: EU external action programs addressed to Eastern European countries, the evolution of political Belarusian-EU relations from the early 1990s to current events in the 21st century and the main aspects of bilateral economic cooperation between this two actors. The analysis in the third chapter included: the presence and activity of the Belarusian state in the multilateral and bilateral dimension of the program and an attempt to answer the question how the participation of Belarus in the Eastern Partnership programme, enables realizing by this country the European development path. The analysis in the fourth chapter included realization of concrete projects financed by the EU budget under the programmes of the European Neighborhood Policy and Eastern Partnership. The fifth chapter focused on perspectives of future relations between Belarus and European Union. The analysis included three scenarios: stagnant, regressive and progressive.

The EU enlargement policy was labelled in 2003—shortly before the ‘big bang’ enlargement of 2004—the most successful EU external relations policy. Due to that success, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) has, since 2003, copied certain characteristics of the policy and instruments. However, after the 2004 accession of twelve new Member States and the subsequent accession of Romania and Bulgaria in 2007 and finally of Croatia in 2013, a general enlargement fatigue can be diagnosed among the existing EU Member States. EU Member States have become wary of further accession in times of recurring crises of the European Union project and in light of the challenge of post-accession integration of new Member States, especially of Bulgaria and Romania, as an ongoing project. At the same time they are not willing to abandon such an effective tool for influencing and aligning third countries’ policies to EU law and for stimulating reforms in national administrative and legal orders of neighbouring countries in anticipation of accession. Montenegro, Serbia, and Turkey have started accession negotiations, Albania and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia secured a recognized candidate status, while Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo are being viewed as potential candidates. While the enlargement policy is still in

In the four decades leading up to the Civil War the United States maintained peaceful relations with Great Britain, the European power of greatest importance to Americans because of its maritime supremacy. At the same time, it increased its power in three ways. Its population grew. It expanded its territory all the way to the Pacific Ocean, incorporating Florida, Texas, and Oregon. Under the leadership of President James K. Polk it waged a victorious war against Mexico that ended with the acquisition of the territories that became the American Southwest. Meanwhile, the country’s economy grew rapidly. The dispute between the Northern and Southern States over slavery, which had been building since independence, culminated in the Civil War of 1861 to 1865. Led by President Abraham Lincoln and General Ulysses S. Grant, the North won the war, thereby not only preserving the federal Union and abolishing slavery but also determining that the United States would be an industrial rather than an agrarian country and thus capable of becoming a great power.

Abstract This chapter retraces German-American relations from the end of the Second World War up to the presidency of Joe Biden focusing on the all-important security aspect of the two former enemies’ position in the heart of Europe. The essay emphasizes in particular the period following the collapse of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in 1989 and leading to Germany’s unification on 3 November 1990. This was the event that marked the climax of German-American cooperation based on both countries’ mutual interest in ending the Soviet Union’s rule over Eastern Europe, including East Germany. Once this was accomplished, American-German endeavours to incorporate post-Soviet Russia into a peaceful Europe largely failed. American interest in Germany dwindled when the US, NATO’s major power, became preoccupied with the fight against terrorism in the Middle East only to be reawakened to its European interests when Russia began to revise militarily the borders resulting from the collapse of the Soviet Union. The presidency of Donald Trump broke off previous efforts to revive the special American-German relationship. The survival of German-American trust and cooperation depends on America’s continued determination to base its foreign policy on value-based cooperation and multilateralism.

Turkey, because of its responsibilities derived from Custom Union with European Union, makes limited Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with those states which have already signed such agreements with EU. As yet Turkey has signed FTAs with 19 countries including Macedonia. It's expected from FTA's that raise awareness of partner countries about each other’s economic and commercial potentials. In this study a general overview will be made to emphasize the relationship between FTAs which Turkey has signed with other countries and increase in Turkey’s trade volume in the same period. Subsequently, with regarding the FTA and commercial relations with Macedonia, an assessment will be made by using the lists of countries imports and exports, based on Republic of Turkey Ministry of Economy statistics for the period of 2001-2012.

The aim of this paper is to compare fiscal reforms of some of the transition economies in Balkans including The Republic of Macedonia. Since 1990’s former planned economies, which are in the process of economic transformation into market economy have carried out several reforms. During this economic transformation process both the effects and the results of these reforms vary according to the difference between the needs of structural change in each country. In this study, some of the selected transition economies in Balkans are analyzed: Some of the recent members of European Community in Balkans and The Republic of Macedonia are examined in comparison. Analysis of fiscal reforms of these transition economies are evaluated in several headings in reference to the macroeconomic statistics created by international organizations such as OECD, EC and IMF and policy suggestions are proposed accordingly. The government deficit, government debts and tax policy are the significant part of these reforms. Several strategies are implemented in developing support systems for competitive environment and private ownership. Economic shrinkage, current account deficit, low foreign capital and government deficit indicate economic weakness in these countries. The Czech Republic, Bulgaria, The Republic of Macedonia, Romania and Hungary face fiscal problems such as economic shrinkage, debt service and government deficit during the transition process. As being the candidate country for European Union accession; The Republic of Macedonia is approaching to the Maastricht Criteria and has better outcomes in public debt compared to the other countries given above.