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Journal articles on the topic 'Maccabees'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Sørensen, Søren Lund. "5 Maccabees 13 and the Missing Ambassador." European Journal of Jewish Studies 9, no. 2 (October 7, 2015): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-12341277.

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This article traces the impact of Eupolemos, the Jewish historian and ambassador, on Jewish tradition. Eupolemos plays an important role in 1 and 2 Maccabees as one of the ambassadors sent to Rome by Judas Maccabaeus. Josephus elaborates the role of Eupolemos and associates him closer to Judas Maccabaeus than was the case with the accounts found in the first two books of the Maccabees. A much-overlooked Jewish work extant in Arabic, 5 Maccabees, commemorates the pact made between the Romans and Judas Maccabaeus, but fails to mention the Jewish ambassador Eupolemos. 5 Maccabees, as well as Sefer Josippon, appears to exalt Judas Maccabaeus. The increased status of Judas is, however, to the detriment of Eupolemos, who is written out of Jewish tradition in the medieval period.

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2

Forness, Philip Michael. "The First Book of Maccabees in Syriac: Dating and Context." Aramaic Studies 18, no. 1 (May 8, 2020): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-bja10005.

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Abstract Syriac literature exhibits interest in narratives associated with the Maccabees by the fourth century. Seventh-century manuscripts preserve two different Syriac translations of 1 Maccabees. The translation of this book into Syriac is not part of the Peshitta Old Testament translated from the Hebrew Bible in the second century CE. Its dating and the possible context for its production have not yet been the topic of scholarly investigation. This article examines quotations of and allusions to 1 Maccabees in Aphrahat, Ephrem, and the Martyrdom of Simeon bar Ṣabbāʿē. The last of these texts, likely produced in the early fifth century, offers the earliest evidence for a Syriac translation of 1 Maccabees. The production of a Syriac translation of 1 Maccabees in the fourth or perhaps early fifth century reflects efforts of Christian communities around this time to appropriate the Maccabean narrative for their own interests.

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3

Lanzinger, Daniel. "Alcimus’ Last Command." Journal for the Study of Judaism 46, no. 1 (February 10, 2015): 86–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340095.

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The note in 1 Maccabees 9:54 that the high priest Alcimus ordered the destruction of the wall of the inner temple court is taken by most scholars as a description of a historical event. This paper, however, suggests that the note should rather be read as part of a pro-Maccabean propaganda which serves to defame Alcimus. It is argued that, from a historical perspective, it was not Alcimus but Judas who was responsible for serious damage at the temple precinct as a result of his unsuccessful military operation against the Seleucid Acra (6:18-54). The author of 1 Maccabees tries to downplay this event and to villainise Alcimus by calling destruction what was actually restoration. The paper ends with a comparison to two other passages in 1 Maccabees (4:44-46 and 5:55-62) which shows that the suggested understanding of 9:54 fits well the strategies of legitimisation and delegitimisation that can be found throughout the book.

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4

Rooke, Deborah. "On the ‘Handel-ing’ of 1 Maccabees: Thomas Morell's use of biblical sources in the libretto of Judas Maccabaeus." Scottish Journal of Theology 57, no. 2 (May 2004): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930604000031.

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The Handelian oratorio Judas Maccabaeus was produced in 1746 as a compliment to the Duke of Cumberland for suppressing the Jacobite rebellion. The librettist, Thomas Morell, based his text largely on 1 Maccabees, but whereas he followed the biblical text relatively closely in Parts II and III of the libretto, he diverged from it significantly in Part I. The divergences correspond to ideas that Morell outlined in a sermon in 1739/40, which shows victory in war as inextricably linked with divine favour. Hence, Morell's version of 1 Maccabees portrays the Maccabaean campaign, and therefore the anti-Jacobite campaign which it represents, as having unequivocal divine favour.

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5

Salakpi, Alexander G. K. "A Life of Integrity: The Maccabean Story." Religions 14, no. 11 (November 16, 2023): 1428. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14111428.

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The experience of ontological and epistemological dominations made Africans lose their self-consciousness and become unfulfilled in life. Every human being has a life of integrity that must be lived. The Maccabees in the Bible were dominated by Antiochus IV, the King of Syria. He desecrated the Temple, changed their religion, politics, economy, and social life and above all made himself a god to be worshipped. He deprived the Jews of their identity and dominated them ontologically, but they had a life of integrity to live. Some of the Jews accepted the new way of life by Antiochus and helped to betray those few Jews who stood against this new system of Antiochus. Many of the pious Jews lost their lives, but with hope in Yahweh and persistent endurance they regained their identity and life of integrity. The plague of coloniality made Africans invariably lose their identity, and consequently their integrity as others determined their pace of life. The African story is like the Maccabean story; this article studies selected texts in Maccabees (1 Maccabees 2 and 3; 2 Maccabees 6 and 7) and suggests their regaining of identity and life of integrity to the African situation. The paper uses biblical exegesis and intercultural interpretations to unearth the buried African treasures for an integrity of life.

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6

Simkovich, Malka Zeiger. "Greek Influence on the Composition of 2 Maccabees." Journal for the Study of Judaism 42, no. 3 (2011): 293–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006311x544391.

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AbstractThis paper is comprised of three parts. First, I compare festival motifs in 1 and 2 Maccabees to demonstrate that unlike 1 Maccabees, 2 Maccabees is holiday-centered and that it seems to equate holiday observance with religious piety. Because the abridger and audience of 2 Maccabees are familiar with the festival-centered Greek calendar, the observance of Jewish holidays is offered as an alternative to Hellenism. Second, I examine why prayer plays a more significant role in 2 Maccabees than 1 Maccabees. Although the prominence of prayer in 2 Maccabees might suggest a borrowing from biblical precedent, prayer passages in 2 Maccabees are more likely influenced by Greek drama and the genre of mimos. Finally, I attempt to demonstrate that, unlike 1 Maccabees, 2 Maccabees is temple-centered but not Judea-centered. This stems from the authors’ and audience’s unfamiliarity with the land of Israel but appreciation of temple-centralized worship. I conclude that 2 Maccabees is not necessarily intended as a refutation of the “Hasmonean propagandist’s” 1 Maccabees, but is a retelling of Hasmonean history which emphasizes religious themes familiar to a diasporan audience.

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7

Steyn, Gert J. "THE MACCABEAN LITERATURE AND HEBREWS: SOME INTERTEXTUAL OBSERVATIONS." Journal for Semitics 24, no. 1 (November 15, 2017): 271–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/3448.

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Several common motifs and linguistic similarities between the books of the Maccabees and the book of Hebrews were noted in the past by scholars in random remarks and ad hoc statements. These relations and similarities deserve further investigation. It is therefore the intention of this paper to compare the Maccabean literature and Hebrews with each other in order to present a brief synopsis of a few selected motifs. Some prominent common motifs that will receive attention include the Abrahamic promise and the Aqedah, priests with royal functions, faith heroes and endurance, instruction of the Scriptures, and the Canticum Mosis. It is hoped that this comparison of common motifs will result in first a closer understanding of whether the unknown author of Hebrews was familiar with the books of the Maccabees, and secondly a better understanding of the provenance of Hebrews in particular

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8

Crotty, Robert. "The Role of Post Mortem Visions in the Jewish Intertestamental Period." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 8, no. 1 (February 1995): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x9500800102.

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Maccabees recounts a vision in which Onias the Just commissions Judas Maccabeus as protector of Jerusalem and its Temple. This account belongs to a specific genre. Onias was a martyred zaddik or “righteous one” who, by means of the vision, nominated his successor. This genre is applied to the post-resurrection visions of Jesus to his disciples in an attempt to clarify their meaning. These stories can be understood as zaddik vision traditions which have been overlaid with apocalyptic imagery.

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9

Miller-Naudé, Cynthia L., and Jacobus A. Naudé. "THE METATEXTS OF 1 AND 2 MACCABEES." Journal for Semitics 24, no. 1 (November 15, 2017): 237–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/3447.

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The physical placement of Maccabees within translations provides important evidence concerning the translators’ views of the book and its relation to other parts of the canon. Some of the translations include a preface which explicitly indicates the status of Maccabees with respect to the remainder of the canon of Scripture and its proper use both for public reading and ecclesiastical doctrine. In addition, some translations include introductions to Maccabees, which further discuss the status and role of Maccabees within the canon. Finally, the metatextual evidence of marginal notes will be used to indicate interpretive issues concerning the text of Maccabees.

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10

Parker, Victor. "On the Historical Value of 2 Maccabees." Klio 102, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 44–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2020-0004.

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Summary2 Maccabees provides solid historical information concerning the activities of Antiochus IV in Egypt and Palestine in the 160s B.C. This information both supplements and partially corrects the corresponding account in 1 Maccabees. Since the Jews in Palestine used the so-called Babylonian Seleucid Era (instead of the Macedonian Seleucid Era as Klaus Bringmann has argued), the presentation of events in 1 Maccabees becomes highly problematic at points, and it is once again 2 Maccabees which points the way toward a solution.

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11

Williams, David S., and John R. Bartlett. "1 Maccabees." Journal of Biblical Literature 120, no. 4 (2001): 761. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3268280.

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12

Pearce, Sarah. "4 Maccabees." Journal of Jewish Studies 50, no. 1 (April 1, 1999): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2178/jjs-1999.

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13

van Henten, Jan Willem. "2 Maccabees." Journal of Jewish Studies 61, no. 2 (October 1, 2010): 325–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2969/jjs-2010.

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14

Djurslev, Christian Thrue. "Hrabanus Maurus’ Post-Patristic Renovation of 1 Maccabees 1:1–8." Open Theology 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opth-2020-0160.

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Abstract In this article, I examine Hrabanus Maurus’ exegesis of the opening verses of 1 Maccabees, which preserves a concise account of Alexander the Great’s career. My main goal is to demonstrate how Hrabanus reinterpreted the representation of the Macedonian king from 1 Maccabees. To this end, I employ transformation theory, which enables me to analyze the ways in which Hrabanus updated the meaning of the biblical text. I argue that Hrabanus turned the negative Maccabean narrative of Alexander into a positive representation that was attractive to contemporary readers. I support this argument by focusing on Hrabanus’ recourse to Latin sources, primarily the late antique authors Jerome, Orosius, and Justin, an epitomist of Roman history. I find that Hrabanus challenged Jerome’s interpretations, neutralized much of Orosius’ negative appraisal of Alexander, and amplified the laudatory passages of Justin, which generated a new image of the ancient king. The present article thus contributes to three fields: medieval exegesis of biblical texts, Carolingian reinterpretation of the patristic heritage, and the reception of Alexander the Great.

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15

Brent, Jonathan. "Constance and the Holy Land in the Cronicles of Nicholas Trevet." Studies in the Age of Chaucer 45, no. 1 (2023): 171–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sac.2023.a913915.

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Abstract: Nicholas Trevet's version of the Constance story, most often read in excerpt against its poetic adaptations ( The Man of Law's Tale and Gower's "Tale of Constance"), falls at the middle of Trevet's Anglo-Norman Cronicles (c. 1334), a history of the world from Creation to the 1320s. This article suggests that Trevet's Constance story gains political and historical meaning as a part of this longer world history. The Cronicles uses the "Old Testament" as a frame for the Anglo-British past, positing a certain affinity between Israel and England. That the biblical Maccabees—who had been cast in Latin Europe as prototypical crusaders—play a major role in this project points to Trevet's interest in holy war. The Maccabees help to demonstrate that righteous actors oppose idolatry; the Constance story represents an epochal moment in which "idolatry" is reformulated as Islam. The Constance story further suggests the nation's special place in the history of crusade, yoking Christian England to Islam at their respective points of origin. Later episodes, such as that of the Third Crusade, pick up where the Constance story leaves off, with Plantagenet kings continuing the work of their Maccabean forebears. Like the Maccabees, however, England's righteous kings are threatened by the treachery of their co-religionists. That Trevet highlights such fissures within "Christendom" points to the rhetorical environment of 1330s geopolitics, a time when religious authority facilitated English nation-building and the prospect of an Anglo-French crusade was intractably connected to more local projects of regnal expansion.

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16

Williams, David S. "Recent Research in 2 Maccabees." Currents in Biblical Research 2, no. 1 (October 2003): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x0300200104.

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This article discusses the study of 2 Maccabees since c. 1975, focusing on issues pertaining to chronology; the unity, structure and purpose of the book; the date and provenance of the book; and literary criticism. Because 2 Mac cabees stresses the role of the supernatural in relating history, scholars have considered the book to be inferior to 1 Maccabees as a historical source. Recent scholarship, however, is more nuanced in its view of both books: 1 Maccabees is more theological and concerned with literary structuring than previous generations of scholars thought; and 2 Maccabees is more historical and trustworthy than scholars have long considered it to be.

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17

Cook, Johann. "THE INTENTION, GENRE, DATING AND PROVENANCE OF 2 AND 4 MACCABEES." Journal for Semitics 24, no. 1 (November 15, 2017): 216–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/3445.

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There is a relationship between 2 and 4 Maccabees. The author of 4 Maccabees clearly made use of 2 Maccabees. There are also differences between these writings. These differences pertain to inter alia genre, intention and provenance. Suitable criteria need to be formulated to address this issue. In order to determine the provenance of these individual books, this paper analyses internal (linguistic) and external (historical) criteria

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18

Nawrot, Janusz. "A Theological Assessment of the Covenant between Judas Maccabeus and Rome: an Intertextual Analysis of 1 Macc 8:17–20." Poznańskie Studia Teologiczne, no. 38 (December 10, 2021): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pst.2021.38.01.

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What was the biblical interpretation of the Jews’ conduct in the final stage of the history of Israel in the context of the Law of Moses right before the times of the New Testament? The proposed exegesis of 1 Macc 8:17–20, which describes the covenant between Judas Maccabeus and the Roman republic, strives to discover the theological evaluation of the behavior of the revolt’s leader conducted by the author of the book. The intertextual method is particularly helpful in discovering the right understanding of the text. This method enables one to purposefully combine the expressions found in the consecutive verses with the same expressions found in the earlier biblical books. The theology that underlies these books will reveal the right sense of the studied passage of 1 Macc. It turns out that the theological evaluation is totally different than the political evaluation, the latter being solely taken into consideration in historical-literary analyses and commentaries. The biblical author has a restrained stance toward the political success of the Maccabees. He wants to reveal their conduct in the context of the Lord’s Law, which strongly proves that the First Book of Maccabees should belong to the canon of the inspired texts.

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19

Flowers, Michael V. "Did Josephus use 1 Maccabees in Jewish War 1.31-56?" Journal of Ancient History 10, no. 2 (November 28, 2022): 225–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2021-0018.

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Abstract Few commentators seem willing to recognize Josephus’ indebtedness to 1 Maccabees in Jewish War 1.31–56 where he gives a succinct account of the Hasmonean revolt and its aftermath. Noting the many disagreements here with 1 Maccabees, they conclude that Josephus had been entirely dependent on other sources, usually Nicolaus of Damascus. The present article seeks to challenge this apparent consensus. The many agreements between Jewish War 1.31–56 and 1 Maccabees—especially with respect to the events which Josephus chooses to record and the order in which he arranges them—constitute strong positive evidence that Josephus was using 1 Maccabees as his primary source. Most disagreements can be seen as his redactions of 1 Maccabees, even if some are a bit puzzling and others do, in fact, suggest that he used other sources in addition. His use of other sources seems minimal, in any case, being limited to the beginning and end of his narrative. His use of Nicolaus cannot be ruled out completely but seems a priori unlikely.

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20

Foster, Paul. "Book Review: Commentary On 2 Maccabees: Robert Doran, 2 Maccabees." Expository Times 124, no. 11 (July 2, 2013): 557–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524613489649b.

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21

Borchardt, Francis. "Sabbath Observance, Sabbath Innovation: The Hasmoneans and Their Legacy as Interpreters of the Law." Journal for the Study of Judaism 46, no. 2 (May 25, 2015): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340102.

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Both 1 Maccabees and 2 Maccabees portray the Sabbath law as a central point of contention during the struggle over Judean law and tradition in the second century bce (e.g., 1 Macc 1:41-50; 2 Macc 6:4-6). The Hasmonean family in particular is at times highlighted as holding the Sabbath in high regard (2 Macc 5:27). In every available source, there is no question of the commitment to the inherited traditions concerning the Sabbath. However, in two passages, 1 Macc 2:29-41 and 9:43-53, the Hasmoneans are portrayed as acting in a way supported by few extant writings associated with Judean legal tradition: they engage in battle on the Sabbath. First Maccabees presents this as innovation on the part of the Hasmoneans. Josephus, who summarizes these events based upon 1 Maccabees, even recognizes this decision as the basis for normative practice (Ant. 12.272-277). As several scholars (e.g., Bar Kochva, Weiss, Scolnic) have pointed out, this event could hardly have been the first time in Judean history the issue arose. They argue against this reading of the sources. This paper contends that the plain reading of the texts is correct and 1 Maccabees is being used as the basis for legal practice in Josephus’ writings.

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22

Begg, Christopher T., and Brian J. Meldrum. "1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees." Old Testament Abstracts 45, no. 2 (June 2022): 511–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2022.0033.

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23

Begg, Christopher T., Thomas Hieke, and William J. Urbrock. "1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees." Old Testament Abstracts 44, no. 3 (2021): 826–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2021.0063.

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24

Kilpatrick, G. D. "1 Maccabees vi. 37." Biblische Zeitschrift 29, no. 2 (July 17, 1985): 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890468-02902006.

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25

Doran, Robert. "Book Review: II Maccabees." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 40, no. 1 (January 1986): 87–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096438604000119.

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26

Begg, Christopher T., and Thomas Hieke. "1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees." Old Testament Abstracts 42, no. 2 (2019): 398–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2019.0036.

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27

Begg, Christopher T., and Benedict Schöning. "1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees." Old Testament Abstracts 42, no. 3 (2019): 699–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2019.0075.

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28

Begg, Christopher T., Rhiannon Graybill, Fred W. Guyette, Eric F. Mason, and Joseph E. Jensen. "1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees." Old Testament Abstracts 43, no. 2 (2020): 443–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2020.0046.

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29

Begg, Christopher T., Michael W. Duggan, Gregory Y. Glazov, and John M. Halligan. "1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees." Old Testament Abstracts 43, no. 3 (2020): 781–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2020.0064.

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30

Decock, Paul B. "VIRTUE AND PHILOSOPHY IN 4 MACCABEES." Journal for Semitics 24, no. 1 (November 15, 2017): 307–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/3450.

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The first section of this article focuses on the use of the term and theme of ἀρετή in the argument that the Jewish religion can be seen as a most worthy philosophy. The second section shows how 4 Maccabees can be seen as a Jewish version of a philosophical work in the ancient Greco-Roman tradition: it raises the practical question of the noble way of life and shows us inspiring examples of persons who embodied this way by the manner in which they faced their death. The third section explores how a reading of 4 Maccabees can be seen as one of the “spiritual exercises” in the philosophical tradition (Pierre Hadot). The fourth section touches briefly on the issue of the Hellenization of the Jewish religion, of which 4 Maccabees is a strong example.

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31

Stewart, Tyler A. "Jewish Paideia: Greek Education in the Letter of Aristeas and 2 Maccabees." Journal for the Study of Judaism 48, no. 2 (April 18, 2017): 182–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340146.

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The substantial corpus of Jewish literature surviving in Greek shows that some Jews appropriated Greek literature and philosophy in highly sophisticated ways. This article argues that Letter of Aristeas and 2 Maccabees are examples of a Jewish paideia, a Jewish cultural literacy in Greek. This Jewish paideia was indebted to the language, literary forms, and philosophy of Hellas, but was set apart by endorsing the Torah as its foundation text. The difference between Letter of Aristeas and 2 Maccabees is not in their appropriation of Greek paideia but rather in how they endorse the Greek Torah in relation to the ideals of Greek paideia. The Letter of Aristeas invokes the ideals of Greek paideia to substantiate a Jewish paideia while 2 Maccabees places Jewish ideals in competition with those of Athens. Both works, however, articulate a Jewish paideia.

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32

Orian, Matan. "Spartans or Samaritans? Revealing the Creativity of the Author of 1 Maccabees." Harvard Theological Review 116, no. 3 (July 2023): 376–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816023000202.

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AbstractA majority of scholars view the Hasmonean-Spartan correspondence, reported in 1 Maccabees, as inauthentic, since it contains many improbabilities, including the assertion that the Jews and the Spartans are fraternal nations. However, its patent implausibility also renders it unimaginable that the correspondence was intended to be understood literally. Hence, the binary choice offered in research, whereby it is either a bizarre fabrication or an authentic correspondence, despite all its peculiarities, is problematic. The Hasmonean-Spartan correspondence thus remains a conspicuous, unresolved enigma in the research of 1 Maccabees and the early Hasmonean period. Based on a textual clue, this article proposes a solution, namely, that the correspondence is, in fact, an ingenious derision of the Jews’ authentic ethnic “brothers”—the Samaritans. This suggestion provides new insights into the history of the early Hasmoneans and the literary creativity of the author of 1 Maccabees.

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33

Livneh, Atar. "Garments of Shame, Garments of War: Clothing Imagery in 1 Maccabees 1:25-28, 14:9." Vetus Testamentum 69, no. 4-5 (October 14, 2019): 670–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341377.

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AbstractTwo poetic passages in 1 Maccabees depict historical circumstances via the use of apparel. 14:9 portrays the young men as wearing “glories and garments of war” as a marker of the peace and prosperity characterizing Simon’s reign. These contrast with the “shame” that shrouds the people following Antiochus Epiphanes’ desecration of the temple in 1:28. This paper explores the biblical background of the dress imagery, suggesting that the Maccabean author transformed the “robe of righteousness” in Isa 61:10 into “garments of war” on the basis of a gezerah shava with Isa 59:17. The biblical metaphor of “being clothed with shame” in 1 Macc 1:28, on the other hand, refers to the “putting on of mourning dress”—a practice also alluded to in v. 26.

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34

Bacchi, Ashley. "God as Kingly Foil in 3 Maccabees." Zutot 11, no. 1 (November 19, 2014): 57–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750214-12341265.

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This essay re-evaluates the characterization and function of Ptolemy IV Philopator in 3 Maccabees. God’s role as kingly foil to Ptolemy allows for the propagation and maintenance of Egyptian Jewish identity and cultural practice while acknowledging the earthly social order. I argue the author makes a deliberate choice not to offer a consistent earthly advocate within the narrative while emphasizing God’s direct intervention. This choice can be contextualized as a response to works such as 1 and 2 Maccabees and Greek Esther, which advocate the formation of a nation through military campaigns.

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35

Thambyrajah, Jonathan A. "The Relationship between 3 Maccabees and the Vetus Latina of Esther." Journal of Biblical Literature 141, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 699–715. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1414.2022.6.

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Abstract There is a widely recognized connection between Esther and 3 Maccabees. This is particularly so for the “noncanonical” sections of Esther and the letters and prayers in 3 Maccabees, which appear to be the result of direct borrowing. The direction of borrowing, however, is still debated. Although the Septuagint text has been the main basis of comparison, I suggest, in contrast, that the Vetus Latina is the best text for comparison. I argue that there are at least two stages of borrowing between the texts and that the borrowing goes in both directions.

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36

Olesiejko, Jacek. "Emotional Communities in Ælfric’s Maccabees." Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies, no. 27/1 (September 17, 2018): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/0860-5734.27.1.01.

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The present article studies Ælfric of Eynsham’s homily based on the biblical books of Maccabees. It uses Barbara H. Rosenwein’s concept of an “emotional community” to elucidate Ælfric’s treatment of anger and violence in the process of adapting the biblical source in his Old English homily. His presentation and characterisation of characters draws upon the hagiographic technique of polarisation. He makes vivid contrast between fury-driven persecutors and the just Hebrew, whose conduct is a commendable example of self-master over emotion. The argument of the article is that Ælfric handles his representation of anger and violence to enhance the figurative, tropolotical exposition of the homily.

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Hodgson, Robert. "Translating 1 Maccabees for Children." Bible Translator 43, no. 1 (January 1992): 117–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026009359204300102.

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Foster, Paul. "Important Commentary on 1 Maccabees." Expository Times 135, no. 3 (December 2023): 128–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00145246231211194.

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Regev, Eyal. "Hanukkah and the Temple of the Maccabees: Ritual and Ideology from Judas Maccabeus to Simon." Jewish Studies Quarterly 15, no. 2 (2008): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/094457008784657655.

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Borchardt, Francis. "Reading Aid: 2 Maccabees and the History of Jason of Cyrene Reconsidered." Journal for the Study of Judaism 47, no. 1 (February 18, 2016): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340438.

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This article investigates the prefatory material in 2 Maccabees (2:19-32; 15:38-39) in order to reveal the motivation and attitude of the epitomator of 2 Maccabees toward the text he is adapting. The article argues that the concept of auxiliary texts, recognized in Graeco-Roman and Hellenistic texts by classicist Markus Dubischar, is the lens through which to properly understand the preface and therefore the scribe’s motivation for textual adaptation. The article further employs these conclusions to question whether other texts from the Judean milieu might also be best understood in this category.

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Rhyder, Julia. "The Jewish Pig Prohibition from Leviticus to the Maccabees." Journal of Biblical Literature 142, no. 2 (June 15, 2023): 221–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1422.2023.3.

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Abstract Pig avoidance is among the most famous and well studied of the customs described in the Hebrew Bible. Commonly the ban on consuming pork has been considered evidence of the importance of dietary prohibitions in establishing boundaries between Israel and neighboring groups. I argue, however, that differentiation from other ethnicities by means of diet was not the only function that the pig prohibition served in ancient Israel. In fact, the relevant biblical texts are as much, if not more, concerned with employing the pig prohibition as a device by which cultic norms as well as dietary customs within the Israelite community were standardized. With the accounts of the Maccabean rebellion in the second century BCE, the pig assumes a greater significance in identity formation, but even in these traditions, the relationship between pig avoidance and ethnic boundaries is more complex than is often assumed. Detailed analysis of the references to the pig in Lev 11, Deut 14, Isa 56–66, and 1 and 2 Maccabees, along with the study of archaeological evidence and comparative materials from the ancient Near East and ancient Mediterranean more broadly, reveals the multiplicity of factors that shaped the emergence of pig avoidance as a central custom in ancient Judaism.

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O’Kernick, Patrick J. "Stelae, Elephants, and Irony: The Battle of Raphia and Its Import as Historical Context for 3 Maccabees." Journal for the Study of Judaism 49, no. 1 (December 12, 2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12481190.

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Abstract The opening verses of 3 Maccabees set the story in the aftermath of the Battle of Raphia (217 bce); the significance of this historical setting has been overlooked. The Battle of Raphia is intimately related to the narrative at large in at least three ways. First, 3 Maccabees advocates for a counter-tradition to a stele tradition that arises out of Ptolemy’s victory at Raphia. Second, the story reworks the famous incident of Ptolemy’s elephant retreat at Raphia into a tale of praise for the God of the Jews. And finally, the book is invested with the irony already present in the historical realities of Ptolemy’s short-lived victory.

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Jordaan, Pierre J. "THE TEMPLE IN 2 MACCABEES – DYNAMICS AND EPISODES." Journal for Semitics 24, no. 1 (November 15, 2017): 352–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/3452.

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Scholars differ among each other about the importance of the Jerusalem temple in 2 Maccabees. Some see the temple as of minor importance while others are of the opinion that the temple takes centre stage in this book. This article concurs with the second view. However, it goes further by also exploring crucial temple dynamics. These temple dynamics are determined by certain pre-set criteria and centre mainly on the relationship between God and the nation. The result is that three different temple episodes can be distinguished. The positive/negative view of each temple episode is determined by this relationship between the nation and God. This opens a new way of exploring 2 Maccabees.

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Edsall, Benjamin A. "Persuasion and Force in 4 Maccabees: Appropriating a Political Dialectic." Journal for the Study of Judaism 48, no. 1 (February 14, 2017): 92–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12341137.

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The present study explores the themes of persuasion and force in Greco-Roman political thought and their appropriation in 4 Maccabees. I argue that among Greco-Roman political writers, stretching from Plato to Plutarch, the problem of balancing persuasion and force and their relationship to civic virtues cut to the heart of the varied constitutional theories and proposals. While persuasion was preferred in ideal situations, force was recognized to be an important corollary for the masses (§1). Turning to 4 Maccabees, a good example of the Jewish appropriation of the dominant political philosophy, I demonstrate that the political persuasion/force dynamic is foundational both to the philosophical prologue and the martyr narrative (§2).

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de Wet, Chris. "Between Power and Priestcraft: The Politics of Prayer in 2 Maccabees." Religion and Theology 16, no. 3-4 (2009): 150–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/102308009x12561890523519.

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AbstractThe aim of this study is to experiment with a prominent feature in religious texts, namely prayers, and aims to look at the political function of prayer. As an example one religious text from the Septuagint (LXX) is taken, namely the Second Book of the Maccabees, and the experiment is conducted with reference to this text. First, a cultural-systems model of Second Temple Judaism is given, and second, the literary accounts of prayers and prayer-narratives are examined. It is shown that the prayers in 2 Maccabees had two distinct functions. It firstly promoted group cohesion between Palestinian and Diaspora Jews and, second, it promoted an anti-Hellenistic sentiment and positive temple propaganda.

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Bohak, Gideon. "The Maccabean Martyrs as Saviours of the Jewish People:A Study of 2 & 4 Maccabees." Journal of Jewish Studies 51, no. 1 (April 1, 2000): 157–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2257/jjs-2000.

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Taylor, Richard A., Christopher T. Begg, Fred W. Guyette, John M. Halligan, William J. Urbrock, and Rhiannon Graybill. "Historial Books: 1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees." Old Testament Abstracts 44, no. 1 (2021): 153–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2021.0009.

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Himmelfarb, Martha. "Judaism and Hellenism in 2 Maccabees." Poetics Today 19, no. 1 (1998): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1773110.

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Den Dulk. "Seleucus I Nicator in 4 Maccabees." Journal of Biblical Literature 133, no. 1 (2014): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbibllite.133.1.133.

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Begg, Christopher T., Brian J. Meldrum, and Fred W. Guyette. "Historical Books: 1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees." Old Testament Abstracts 45, no. 1 (2022): 158–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ota.2022.0009.

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