Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Loyalism'
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McGlynn, Catherine. "How new is new loyalism?" Thesis, University of Salford, 2004. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/26808/.
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This thesis provides an analysis of the manifestos of two political parties in Northern Ireland. These parties are the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) and the Ulster Democratic Party (UDP), which is now defunct. These parties came to prominence during the peace process that led to the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 and both were termed new loyalist. The phrase new loyalism suggests a novel alternative to the pessimistic and exclusivist ethos of traditional loyalist expression as exemplified by lan Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). However, a brief survey of the history of labourism in the North-East of Ireland reveals that there have been previous attempts to form a political party with a social democratic manifesto, an agenda that could supplant sectarianism as the main organising principle of Protestant working class politics. Some of these movements have emerged from within the same loyalist paramilitary groupings who were responsible for the formation of the new loyalist parties. The purpose of the research on which this thesis was based was to ascertain if the PUP and the UDP represented a genuinely new and different political direction in loyalism, which could outlast uncertainty over constitutional matters. A framework to test the parties was constructed from two separate literature reviews. The first was a review of literature defining unionism, loyalism and new loyalism. The second considered the academic debate on reconciling differentiated citizenship rights within a polity. Data was then collected on the development and manifestos of the two parties and qualitative interviews were conducted with fifteen members of the PUP. The thesis concludes that the parties were both affected by a number of external factors, in particular the growing disaffection of unionists with the Agreement. However, it must also be concluded that neither party developed an agenda that transcended sectarianism.
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Stott, Anne Margaret. "Hannah More : Evangelicalism, cultural reformation and loyalism." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298131.
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Merrett, Helen Ruth. "Perspectives on loyalism in representative Irish Drama." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.275907.
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Smith, Catherine Alayne. "Protestants and policy in Northern Ireland : a case of protestant working-class alienation." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272061.
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Jones, S. H. "From Anglicisation to loyalism? : New York, 1691-1783." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2018. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/3027558/.
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This dissertation investigates the development of loyalism in the colony of New York during the American Revolution. It argues that the decision to remain loyal was largely determined by local, rather than ideological, factors. In contrast to interpretations that see loyalism as a fixed, ideological construct, this dissertation shows that the loyalist experience differed greatly between distinct geographic regions within a single colony: different counties entered the war at different stages, loyalist claimants described different motivations for remaining loyal, while the nature of the activities and services provided by loyalists to advance the British cause varied considerably. Crucially, the local factors which shaped the nature of New York loyalism had historic roots which extended back into the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. New York is deserving of a detailed study because of the unique role which it played during the conflict. Captured by the British during the summer of 1776, New York City formed their military headquarters for the duration of the war and became the centre of loyalism in British North America. Responding to the emergence of recent scholarship on upstate New York during the Revolutionary era, this dissertation shows that significant reserves of loyalist support could also be found within more rural and frontier regions. However, this allegiance to Britain was not necessarily guaranteed: New York had initially been established as a Dutch colony but, during the early eighteenth-century, underwent a significant process of Anglicisation. This dissertation is divided into two parts. Beginning with Jacob Leisler's Rebellion of 1691, Part One considers New York's transformation from a Dutch colony to an English province. Tracing New York's social, cultural, political and material development, it questions the extent to which the process of Anglicisation was felt uniformly within the colony. It argues that the uneven impact of such changes produced distinctly different regions within New York, each with their own local character. Part Two forms a detailed and sustained analysis of the post-war compensation claims submitted by New York's loyalists to the British Loyalist Claims Commission. Comparing the claims of loyalists from three counties - the city and county of New York, Albany County and Tryon County - it demonstrates that the exact nature of loyalism in each of these regions was mainly influenced by local circumstance and the unique complexities of each region; the nature of which have been outlined in Part One. This study is original in the way that it makes use of the loyalist claims. Despite their vast potential, limited scholarly attention has been paid to the claims and they remain an under-utilised resource. Furthermore, this study bridges a scholarly gap that has emerged between the histories of New York City and upstate New York: in contrast to studies that exclusively focus on the revolution within either region, this dissertation is the first to compare the loyalist experience between the colony's urban and rural areas. Finally, as scholars continue to comprehend the complexity of loyalist identities, this dissertation contributes to the growing field of loyalist studies by demonstrating that the nature of loyalism varied greatly, even within a single colony. This variance not only supports the conclusions of existing scholarship which argues that loyalist identities were neither static nor homogenous, but it also indicates that the exact nature of loyalism was ultimately a product of local circumstance.
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Branch, Daniel. "Loyalism during the Mau Mau rebellion in Kenya, 1952-60." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.431047.
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Caufield, J. A. "The Reeves Association : A study of loyalism in the 1790's." Thesis, University of Reading, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.383915.
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Jones, Brad A. "The American revolution and popular loyalism in the British Atlantic world." Thesis, Connect to e-thesis, 2006. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1021.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 2006.Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, Department of History, Glasgow University, 2006. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
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Navickas, Katrina. "Redefining loyalism, radicalism and national identity : Lancashire under the threat of Napoleon." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b5cdcdf5-848f-4407-a36b-07ab687fa44b.
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Lancashire redefined popular politics and national identity in its own image. The perceived threat of invasion by Napoleon, together with the Irish Rebellion, sustained the evolution in extra-parliamentary politics that had begun in reaction to the American and French revolutions. The meanings and principles of 'radicalism,' 'loyalism' and 'Britain' continued to be debated and contested in 1798-1812. Elite loyalism became even more exclusive, developing into the Orange movement. Radicals remained silent until the Napoleonic invasion scares had faded and opportunities arose for renewed vocal criticisms of government foreign and economic policy from 1806. Conflicts re- emerged between radicals and loyalists in the middle classes and gentry which provided the training for a new generation of postwar radical leaders and the popularity of the free trade campaign. Inhabitants of Lancashire felt British in reaction to the French and Irish, but it was a Lancashire Britishness. Political identities and actions followed national patterns of events but were always marked with a regional stamp. This was in part because most political movements were held together by a shared 'sense of place' rather than vague notions of class-consciousness or shared class identity. A sense of place manifested itself in the regional organisation of strikes, petitions and the Orange institution. Furthermore, it could also entail a common bitter or defiant provincialism against the government or monarchy. In an atmosphere of anti-corruption and a growing desire for peace, this provincial frustration ironically brought professed loyalists closer to radicalism in campaigns against the Orders in Council and other government policies. Provincialism and other elements of regional identity ensured that any ideas of Britishness were tempered through local concerns and allegiances, but an identity with the nation that was not an acquiescent acceptance of national tropes and stereotypes. Lancashire Britishness was commercial, manufacturing, and above all, independent from homogenisation and the impositions of government.
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Watson, Katrina. "Liberty, loyalty, and locality : the discourses of loyalism in England, 1790-1815." Thesis, Open University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295296.
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Merrill, Herbert L. "The last Puritan the loyalism and neutrality of Ebenezer Parkman, 1703-1782 /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2002. http://www.tren.com.
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Nicolson, C. "The friends of government : Loyalism, ideology and politics in revolutionary Massachusetts, 1765-1776." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234128.
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Reed, Richard James. "The loyal heart in me : an investigation into the identity of contemporary paramilitary loyalism." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.557647.
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This thesis is an exploration of the evolution of paramilitary loyalist identity from the inception of the modern UVF through to 2011. It is guided by a theoretical framework that defines identity as the outworking of cultural and political practices that serve to preserve a boundary between those inside a group, and those outside; something thus utterly dependent upon, and shaped by, interactions with others. Analysis of the extensive documentary and interview material of this research under this theoretical framework revealed a loyalist identity that mobilised in response to a series of common emotions, and a shared belief that the appropriate response to militant republicanism was violent suppression. The thesis describes a loyalism that was simultaneously militant and violent, underwritten by a tendency to 'other' that which is different, but that also evolved into a distinctly working class and intensely localised identity. The thesis posits that central to this evolution is loyalism's resistance to mainstream unionism and a narrative of betrayal by a disinterested British establishment, thus suggesting that academic analysis of loyalism should move beyond the simplistic 'pro-state' categorisation. The thesis also challenges the concept of 'new loyalism', demonstrating how the central tenets of the media-friendly loyalism of the post-ceasefire period were part of loyalism's complex persona from the early stages of the conflict It concludes that loyalism's contemporary condition is the result of a destabilising and fracturing tension between a progressive, dynamic and politically independent identity, and the conservative and violent instincts that characterised paramilitary mobilisation. It concludes that today the UDA and UVF remain caught within this tension, constrained in their ability to progress by the dynamics from which they were formed and that have sustained their presence since. Currently decommissioned but not demobilised, the UDA and UVF are fundamentally inappropriate vehicles for further conflict transformation processes.
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Minty, Christopher. "Mobilization and voluntarism : the political origins of Loyalism in New York, c. 1768-1778." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/21423.
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This dissertation examines the political origins of Loyalism in New York City between 1768 and 1778. Anchored by an analysis of political mobilization, this dissertation is structured into two parts. Part I has two chapters. Using a variety of private and public sources, the first chapter analyses how 9,338 mostly white male Loyalists in New York City and the counties of Kings, Queens, Suffolk and Westchester were mobilized. Chapter 1 argues that elites and British forces played a fundamental role in the broad-based mobilization of Loyalists in the province of New York. It also recognises that colonists signed Loyalist documents for many different reasons. The second chapter of Part I is a large-scale prosopographical analysis of the 9,338 identified Loyalists. This analysis was based on a diverse range of sources. This analysis shows that a majority of the province’s Loyalist population were artisans aged between 22 and 56 years of age. Part II of this dissertation examines political mobilization in New York City between 1768 and 1775. In three chapters, Part II illustrates how elite and non-elite white male New Yorkers coalesced into two distinct groups. Chapter 3 concentrates on the emergence of the DeLanceys as a political force in New York, Chapter 4 on their mobilization and coalescence into ‘the Friends to Liberty and Trade’, or ‘the Club’, and Chapter 5 examines the political origins of what became Loyalism by studying the social networks of three members of ‘the Club’. By incorporating an interdisciplinary methodology, Part II illustrates that members of ‘the Club’ developed ties with one another that transcended their political origins. It argues that the partisanship of New York City led members of ‘the Club’ to adopt inward-looking characteristics that affected who they interacted with on an everyday basis. A large proportion of ‘the Club’’s members became Loyalists in the American Revolution. This dissertation argues that it was the partisanship that they developed during the late 1760s and early 1770s that defined their allegiance.
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Kuboyama, Hisashi. "Politics of the people in Glasgow and the west of Scotland, 1707-c.1785." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/6403.
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This thesis analyses the political development and the growth of popular political awareness in Glasgow and the west of Scotland from the Union with England of 1707 to the burgh reform movement in the mid-1780s, examining political disputes among the urban elite as well as the activities, arguments, and ideology of ordinary people. Through the rapid growth of Atlantic trade and manufacturing industries, Glasgow and the west of Scotland in this period experienced social and economic changes which had significant implications for the ways that political control was contested and political opinions were expressed. The region also possessed a distinctive tradition of orthodox presbyterianism and loyal support for the Revolution Settlement and the Hanoverian Succession, both of which underpinned the growth of popular political awareness in the mid- and later eighteenth century. By taking these social and economic changes as well as traditional religious and political characteristics of the region into account, this thesis establishes a dynamic picture of eighteenth-century Scottish politics which has in the past been overshadowed by an image of its stability. Chapter One outlines the conditions, structure, and operation of urban and popular politics in eighteenth-century Glasgow. Chapters Two and Three demonstrate the existence of challenges to the political management by the great landowners and point out the popular dimension of these struggles. Chapter Four analyses how and why popular political consciousness developed in the age of the American Revolution, which led to the emergence of the burgh reform movement. Chapter Five examines popular disturbances, revealing the agency and vibrancy of the politics of the people. Chapter Six explores popular political ideology, focusing on the widespread appreciation of the British constitution and a distinctive Scottishness in the concept of liberty. This thesis concludes by asserting the importance of understanding politics in its broadest sense and also of incorporating the popular element as an integral part of any understanding of eighteenth-century Scottish politics.
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Carson, George. "Presbyterians : from radicalism and rebellion to unionism and loyalism the transformation in the political complexion of Ulster." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.238983.
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Ward, Sarah. "Royalism, religion, and revolution : the gentry of North-East Wales, 1640-1688." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:74c4d561-d20e-4064-8e06-0608af9d7e49.
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This thesis focuses specifically on the gentry of North-East Wales. It addresses the question of the uniqueness of the region's gentry in relation to societal organisation, authority, identity, religion, and political culture. The thesis examines the impact of the events of 1640 to 1688 on the conservative culture of the region. It assesses the extent to which the seventeenth-century crises changed that culture. Additionally, it discusses the distinctiveness of the Welsh response to those events. This thesis offers new arguments, or breaks new ground, in relation to three principal areas of historiography: the questions of Welsh identity, religion, and political culture. Within Welsh historiography this thesis argues for a continuation of Welsh identity and ideals. It uncovers a royalist, loyalist, and Anglican culture that operated using ancient ideals of territorial power and patronage to achieve its ends. In doing so it overturns a lingering idea that the Welsh gentry were anglicised and alienated from the populace. The thesis also interacts with English debates on the same themes. In exploring the unique aspects of the culture of North-East Wales, the assertion of an anglicised monoculture across England and Wales can be disproven. This allows for a more complex picture of British identity, religion, and politics to emerge. This thesis musters correspondence, material objects, diaries, notebooks, accounts, official documents, and architectural features to aid in its analysis. This breadth of evidence allows for a broad analysis of regional patterns while allowing for depth when required. The first three chapters of the thesis examine the North-East Welsh gentry in relation to the themes of Welsh society and identity; religion; and finally political culture. The final chapter comprises three case studies that explore aspects of the aforementioned themes in further depth.
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Silva, Rene J. "Pennsylvania's Loyalists and Disaffected in the Age of Revolution: Defining the Terrain of Reintegration, 1765-1800." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3670.
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ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION
PENNSYLVANIA’S LOYALISTS AND DISAFFECTED IN THE AGE OF REVOLUTION: DEFINING THE TERRAIN OF REINTEGRATION, 1765-1800
by
René José Silva
Florida International University, 2018
Miami, Florida
Professor Kirsten Wood, Major Professor
This study examines the reintegration of loyalists and disaffected residents in Pennsylvania who opposed the American Revolution from the Stamp Act crisis in 1765 through the Age of Federalism in 1790s. The inquiry argues that postwar loyalist reintegration in Pennsylvania succeeded because of the attitudes, behavior, actions and contributions of both disaffected residents and patriot citizens. The focus is chiefly on the legal battle over citizenship, especially the responses of the disaffected to patriot legislative measures such as treason, oaths of allegiance, attainders, confiscation, and militia service laws that revolutionaries employed to sanction dissent in the state.
Loyalists and the disaffected contributed to their own successful reintegration in three ways. First, the departure of loyalist militants at the British evacuation of occupied Philadelphia in June 1778 and later substantially lessened internal political tensions associated with the rebellion. Second, the overwhelming majority of the disaffected who stayed in Pennsylvania adopted non-threatening attitudes and behaviors towards republican rule. And third, the disaffected who remained ultimately chose to embrace the new republican form of government they had earlier resisted.
Patriots contributed to the successful reintegration of the disaffected chiefly through the outcome of the factional struggle for internal political supremacy between revolutionary radicals and moderates. Pennsylvania radicals used the rule of law to deny citizenship to opponents of the Revolution and pushed for their permanent exclusion from the body politic. Moderates favored a reincorporation of those who had not supported the rebellion, utilizing the law to foster inclusion. Moderate electoral victories in the decade of the 1780s led to solid majorities in the state assembly that rescinded all repressive measures against former opponents, in particular the 1789 repeal of the Test Act of 1777.
The analysis stresses the activities of loyalists and the disaffected, exploring elite loyalist militants such as Joseph Galloway and the sons of Chief Justice William Allen; ordinary loyalist militants like John Connolly and the Rankin brothers of York County; Quaker pacifists such as the Pemberton siblings; loyalists whom patriots perceived as defiant, such as the Doan guerrilla gang and British collaborators Abraham Carlisle and John Roberts; and the Penn family proprietors. Each of these protagonists epitomized a particular strain of loyalism or disaffection in Pennsylvania, ranging from armed resistance to pacifism. Reintegration experiences and outcomes are therefore assessed in relation to these Pennsylvanians’ conduct before, during, and after the Revolutionary War.
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Avery, Joshua Michael. "Subject and citizen loyalty, memory and identity in the monographs of the Reverend Samuel Andrew Peters /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1216387236.
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Stewart, R. P. "An analysis of Ulster Loyalism : The 'Protestant Working Class' and the emergence of the Northern Ireland State in an age of passive revolution." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.375366.
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Chanter, Alaine, and alaine chanter@canberra edu au. "Contested Identity: the media and independence in New Caledonia during the 1980s." The Australian National University. Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, 1996. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20040923.133021.
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This thesis analyses the discursive struggle in the New Caledonian media over the question of independence during the period of most acute conflict during the 1980s. It seeks to demonstrate that the discursive struggle was central to the political struggle, particularly in its emphasis on the development of discourses on identity which authorised particular forms of political engagement. Colonial discourses in New Caledonia provided a well tested armory of identifications of the territorys indigenous people which were mobilised in the anti-independence media, particularly the territorys monopoly daily newspaper Les Nouvelles Calédoniennes. The thesis attempts to demonstrate how these identifications connoted, in effect, the non-existence of Kanaks through a denial of a Kanak identity: Melanesians who identified themselves as Kanaks and took a pro-independence stance were not recognised within the colonial identity constructions of Caledonian and Melanesian, and their claims to constitute a people were vociferously denied. They existed within colonial discourses as a human absence, and were therefore considered to have no rightful claim on Caledonian political life. In the face of such identifications, the pro-independence movement articulated in its media notions of Kanakness and the Kanak people which sought to hyper-valorise their identity as human and rightful.¶
It is argued that an analysis of media discourses requires consideration of the type of institutional constraints operating within the media institutions from within which these discourses emerge. The thesis therefore analyses the major constraints operating within Les Nouvelles Calédoniennes and the two major pro-independence media organisations, Kanakys first newspaper Bwenando and Kanakys first radio station Radio Djiido.¶
As an overarching concern, the thesis attempts to work through and apply different theoretical approaches relevant to the analysis of media reporting in situations of heightened political contestation, negotiating through aspects of neo-Marxist and post-structuralist approaches. It assesses the relevance of the notion of ideological effect as an analytical tool in assessing the effects of power produced by particular discourse, concluding that some theoretical notion concerned with elucidating the differential effects of power is required.¶
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Hakola, Kendra K. "EXILED: LOYALIST IDENTITY IN REVOLUTIONARY-ERA ST. JOHN." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1323827050.
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Avery, Joshua M. "Subject and Citizen: Loyalty, Memory and Identity in the Monographs of the Reverend Samuel Andrew Peters." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1216387236.
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Flack, Patrick. "Identity change amongst loyalist paramilitary organisations." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2017. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.726342.
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The three studies presented in this thesis explore the issue of identity change amongst loyalist paramilitary organisations in Northern Ireland. Social and political psychology has yet to examine how these organisations have managed to retain their identity despite the main condition that justified their existence, armed conflict, no longer being in place. Study one involved 15 semi-structured interviews with former members of loyalist paramilitary organisations. Study two provided an analysis of magazine articles produced by the UVF and the UDA. Study three involved six focus groups with ‘ordinary’ (not paramilitary affiliated) members of the Protestant working-class community. Taken together, this research found that collective nostalgia was used by loyalist paramilitary organisations as they negotiated their change in function/context and attempted to forge collective continuity with the past. Interviewees spoke nostalgically about the past and magazine articles used this collective nostalgia to advocate a prototypical loyalist identity. Magazines also constructed collective continuity by presenting various new outgroups, thus maintaining an oppositional identity. Contradictory discourse was common throughout focus groups in study three. At times, community members felt that these organisations prevented them from “getting on with their lives”. However, participants also expressed a desire for some paramilitary activity to remain, highlighting the complexity of identity change. Drawing on insights from rhetorical psychology and the new psychology of leadership, this research found that the ways in which the past is used to inform an identity impacts on the extent to which groups are supported. When implementing change, the identity of followers/in-group members needs to be understood in new contexts. These findings highlight the strategic function of collective nostalgia and collective continuity for loyalist paramilitary organisations, which is indicative of their dissatisfaction with the present context. More broadly, this research emphasises how organisational members draw on their collective past to understand who they are, who their enemies are and how they should act. I argue throughout the thesis that these findings have important peace-building implications.
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Cox, Jensen Oskar. "Napoleon and British popular song, 1797-1822." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d47008a8-067c-4938-a59d-3d2027a74aa2.
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Existing studies of popular culture and popular politics in the long eighteenth century over-favour either the ‘culture’ or the ‘politics’. This thesis contributes to debates on the making of both national and class identity in Britain via intensive analysis of popular song culture, in the context of the Napoleonic Wars. Portrayals of Napoleon himself are used to shape the thesis’ source material and the forms of discussion. It argues for the necessity of sympathetic, informed contextualisation of political issues within contemporary cultural processes: that an understanding of the composition/production and performance/ consumption of song is a prerequisite of determining songs’ relevance and reception. In so doing, it uncovers a nuanced array of attitudes towards both Napoleon and British patriotism, of unsuspected breadth, assertiveness, and idiosyncrasy. The thesis is divided into two stages of argument. Part I consists of a close and contextualised reading of songs as literary and musical objects. Chapter One, after close historiographical engagement that moves to a focus on Colley’s Britons and revisionist arguments about British society, discusses those songs originating after Waterloo. Chapter Two considers songs from 1797-1805. Chapter Three considers songs from 1806-15. Part II builds upon the themes and conclusions of Part I by situating these songs within a lived context. Chapter Four looks at the role of songwriters and printers; Chapter Five at singers; Chapter Six at audiences and reception. Chapter Seven elaborates the overall argument in a synoptic case study of Newcastle. The conclusion is followed by an appendix, listing the songs most pertinent to the thesis, giving additional bibliographical information. A hard copy (USB) of recordings of a representative selection of these songs is also included. These appendices reinforce the thesis’ methodology: to consider songs, not as passive evidence of expression, but as active, dynamic objects.
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Calderón, Valenzuela Fernando. "The Cabildo, Justicia, and Regimiento of Arequipa During the «Transcendental Biennium» (1808-1810)." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/121929.
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The Spanish-American colonies reacted in defense of King Ferdinand VII during the French invasion of Spain in 1808. The events that followed in 1808-1810 exposed the contradictions within the colonial system. In this paper I assess Arequipa’s reaction in this context particularly its Cabildo, which must be understood in connection with the events in neighboring cities—Cuzco, Puno, La Paz, and Potosí—and in the centers of political power—Lima, Chuquisaca, and Buenos Aires. I argue that the loyalism of Arequipa’s population was a strategy to gain autonomy and defend its regional interests while avoiding conflict at the local level. An array of possibilities emerged in that period, as a result of which Spanish-American societies, led by their ruling circles, decided their future.Luego de conocerse la invasión francesa a España ocurrida a principios de 1808, las poblaciones hispanoamericanas reaccionaron unánimemente en defensa de su rey Fernando VII. Lo sucedido a continuación, entre 1808 y 1810, desató las contradicciones internas del sistema colonial. En este artículo abordo el caso de Arequipa durante aquel contexto, en particular la reacción de su Cabildo. Esta se debe entender en relación con lo acontecido en las ciudades vecinas —Cuzco, Puno, La Paz, Potosí— y en los centros de poder político —Lima, Chuquisaca, Buenos Aires—. Así, sostengo que el fidelismo arequipeño mostrado por el Cabildo fue una estrategia para ganar autonomía y defender los intereses de su élite en la región, al mismo tiempo que se evitaba despertar conflictos al interior de la sociedad local. En aquel bienio, una serie de posibilidades aparecieron y cada sociedad encabezada por sus grupos dirigentes, optó por su propio destino.
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Barlet, Françoise. "Le visage changeant du loyalisme : 1974-1998." Paris 8, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA082048.
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Ce travail vise à analyser l'évolution historique et sociale de la communauté loyaliste nord-irlandaise contemporaine, en s'appuyant sur les témoignages des dirigeants de la grève loyaliste organisée par l'Ulster Workers' Council en mai 1974, qui a détruit la première tentative d'établissement d'un gouvernement de coalition. Ces mêmes dirigeants ont été des agents actifs de l'Accord de Belfast en 1998. Mai 1974 a marqué le début de la politisation de la communauté loyaliste, qui a choisi de soutenir des représentants politiques socialement plus proches, au détriment du parti protestant traditionnel, le parti unioniste. Ces nouveaux représentants, souvent issus des milieux paramilitaires, vont contribuer à une refonte de la conception identitaire de la communauté protestante, qui sera l'un des éléments-clés du succès de la seconde tentative d'instauration d'un gouvernement de coalition en Irlande du Nord. Ils font à présent partie intégrante des négociations multipartites. . .
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Coleman, Aaron N. "LOYALISTS IN WAR, AMERICANS IN PEACE: THE REINTEGRATION OF THE LOYALISTS, 1775-1800." Lexington, Ky. : [University of Kentucky Libraries], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10225/889.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Kentucky, 2008.Title from document title page (viewed on October 30, 2008). Document formatted into pages; contains: ix, 314 p. Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 281-313).
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Harris, Lyndsey Marie Naomi. "A strategic analysis of loyalist paramilitaries in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.516141.
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McCready, Philip. "Can restorative practices work in a Loyalist area? : a case study on restorative responses to community conflict of a Loyalist area in South Belfast." Thesis, Ulster University, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.701058.
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Community based restorative justice organisations developed in Northern Ireland as response to a specific community problem of paramilitary punishment beatings. They have grown to become critical components not only within the communities in which they practice but also in establishing relationships between community and State in a transitional post-conflict Northern Ireland. Community based restorative justice organisations only developed in a Loyalist community context in paramilitary constituencies associated with the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). This thesis contributes to knowledge as the first research study of restorative practices being implemented in a Loyalist community associated with the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). In addition, this thesis also considers community based restorative justice being introduced to a community not in response to a specific issue of paramilitary punishment attacks but as a conduit in developing alternative and deepened experiences of justice within a community context. This study connects with an extensive European Union funded research project involving research sites in member states including Austria, Belgium, Hungary, Norway, Serbia and Northern Ireland. This is a qualitative research study of a Loyalist community in South Belfast. Participants were selected using snowball sampling techniques to include a broad spectrum of participants with knowledge not only of the research site but also community based restorative justice. The individuals chosen for this research include restorative practitioners, residents of the research site, politicians, clergy, statutory sector employees, police officers and members of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). Throughout the thesis it will be demonstrated that restorative practices when permitted the space to operate on an equitable basis without subservience to statutory regulations can enable a community to respond to harm and conflict more effectively than the traditional mechanisms of conflict resolution to which the community has become accustomed. However, it will be argued that the capacity for community based restorative practices to actualise it's potential is inhibited by the impact of system and pseudo-system factors.
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Belanger, Bernard Lawrence. "Success criteria for post incarcerate students enrolled at Loyalist College." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0002/MQ40636.pdf.
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Salmon, Stuart. "The Loyalist regiments of the American Revolutionary War 1775-1783." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2514.
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This dissertation is about the Loyalist Regiments of the American Revolution, 1775-1783. These were the formal regiments formed by the British, consisting of Americans who stayed Loyal to the British crown during the American Revolutionary War. They fought in most of the main campaigns of this war and in 1783 left with the British Army for Canada, where many of them settled. The Loyalist regiments have been neglected by academic historians with only one major work on them as a group. The intention of this dissertation is to give them their proper place in the historiography of the American Revolutionary War and of eighteenth century military history. The dissertation is laid out in the following way. Chapter one, will be an overview of the history of Regiments, from their origins in Colonial days until 1783. It will assess how they were dealt with by the British and examine both organisation and combat. Chapter two is a thematic chapter looking principally at the organisation of the regiments as well as their motivation and composition. The next four chapters are case studies of three Loyalist regiments. Chapters three and four are a case study of the Queens Rangers. A database of all the soldiers who served in this regiment was created and is included with this dissertation. Chapter five is about the controversial regiment, the British Legion. Chapter 6 is a case study of the frontier regiment Butler‘s Rangers.
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Gillespie, Samuel Gordon. "Loyalist politics and the Ulster workers' council strike of 1974." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324957.
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Hebb, Ross. "The Church of England in loyalist New Brunswick, 1783-1825." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683289.
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Radford, K. "Loyal sounds : music as a marker of identity in Protestant West Belfast." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269184.
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Cownie, Erik. "Envisioning a post-conflict society : perspectives from a peripheral loyalist working-class." Thesis, Ulster University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.591071.
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This study sought to examine a peripheral loyalist working-class community's complex transition from conflict and paramilitarism. To date, academic literature on loyalist communities has, in general, focussed on conflict-era loyalism or the experience of interface existence, particularly, in inner-city Belfast. This study added another dimension to this canon of work by, instead, focussing on a homogenous and spatially detached community where the primary foci are class disadvantage and the consequences of negative social capital. The academic neglect of these hinterland estates is, often, mirrored by statutory abandonment in a policy environment where the over- riding aim remains to ameliorate the worst effects of internecine violence in the communities which straddle the city's many peace-lines. Grounded on the principles of interpretivist research, this project comprised a case study examination of a peripheral loyalist housing estate and enta iled semi-structured interviews with residents, para militaries, politicians, and statutory agencies. Social capital was adopted as the theoretical framework and a context-s pecific social capital framework model was developed to capture the unique experiences and perceptions of a community still struggling to address the legacies of conflict, in particular, paramilitarism. In broad terms, the data from these interviews demonstrate the following key points: firstly, that two important contexts needed to be co nsidered - specifically, loyalist para militarism and urban transformations in Belfast; secondly, that there is a definite class dimension to social capital which, invariably, leads to less desirable outcomes in poorer communities than are, commonly, expected in more affluent areas; and, finally, that social capital is as likely to produce as many negative outcomes as positive ones. More specifically, this study explored and expla ined the historical narrative of Ballybeen in terms of a microcosm of the wider loyalist community, in particular, their attempts to address the highly complex issues of both historical and extant paramilitary influence. This enabled an evaluation of the roles played by the various actors in Ballybeen's social and economic regeneration, its post-conflict t ransitions and social capital formations. This appraisal (redirects academic / statutory attention towards such communities and suggests that 40 years of paramilitarism has bestowed on the estate a legacy of stigma and oppression.
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Ward, Rachel Joanne. "Unionist and loyalist women in Northern Ireland : national identity and political action." Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.274383.
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LOIS, COUTEAU ANNE. "Les instituteurs de la republique : le loyalisme contre la citoyennete 1880-1930." Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010279.
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Lorsque les republicains sont parvenus au pouvoir, ils ont voulu diffuser les valeurs republicaiens et modifier la culture politique des citoyens afin de permettre la stabilisation et la perennisation du regime. Ils ont confie aux instituteurs et aux institutrices publics la tache de porter les principes republicains dans toute la france. Or, auregard de l'importance de cette mission, les elites politiques ont exige des instituteurs en particulier mais aussi des fonctionnaires en general, une fidelite politique sans faille. Ils ont donc tente d'imposer et de normaliser une citoyennete amputee de la liberte d'opinion pour les instituteurs et les institutrices publics. Ceux-ci, notamment a travers les syndicats, se sont mobilises contre cette figure du "citoyen diminue". Mais la specificite de leur mobilisation (une mobilisation de l'interieur meme de l'etat) tout comme leur volonte de confondre leurs interets professionnels et les interets du service public republicain, empechent qu'ils soient des citoyens comme les autres. La troisieme republique laisse donc coexister differents niveaux de citoyennete qui sont independants de la qualite d'electeur. Cela signifie qu'il existe differentes modalites de participation politique. A cet egard, ce cas des institutrices est particulierement parlant : elles parviennent a participer, a partir de moyens propres, au politique. En effet, alors qu'elles sont privees du droit de vote, leur role dans la defense du regime et dans la diffusion des valeurs republicaines, leur place dans les organisations corporatives ou feministes qui participent a la definition de la politique publique de l'enseignement, font qu'elles investissent une forme specifique de citoyenneteWhen the republicans came into power, they sought to spread their republican values and modify the political culture of the citizenry in order to stabilize and perpetuate the regime. The schoolteachers were given the mission of circulating the republican principles throughout france. Because this mission was so important, the political elite required unfailing political loyalty from public schoolteachers and on a wider scale from all fonctionnaires. They therefore attempted to impose and normalize a citizenship deprive of freedom of opinion for the public schoolteachers. Through their trade unions, the public schoolteachers battled against this figure of the "reduced citizen". But because of the specific nature of their struggle (a struggle within the state) and of their will to merge their own professional interests with those of the republican civil service, the public schoolteachers could not be ordinary citizens. The third republic therefore allowed the coexistence of different level of citizenshp without regard to electoral status. This led to the existence of various forms of political participation. In this respect, the case of the female schoolteachers is especially striking : by using their own means, the latter are able to participate in politic debate. Although they do not hold the right to vote, their role in defending the regime and in spreading the republican values, their place in professionnal or feminist organisations that participate in the definition of public educational policy endow them with a specific form of citizenship
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Clement, Justin. "Neither United States Citizens Nor British Nationalists: A Postwar Loyalist Trade Diaspora." W&M ScholarWorks, 2010. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626628.
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Elliott, Cara Anson. ""Exile from My Native Shore": The Loyalist Diaspora and the Epistolary Family." W&M ScholarWorks, 2013. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626723.
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Bellas, Joseph R. "The forgotten loyalists : unionism in Arkansas, 1861-1865." Connect to resource, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1162321711.
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Magee, David G. "The deconstruction of violent masculinities amongst Ulster loyalists." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2013. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=201700.
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Despite recent interest in masculinities and the Northern Ireland peace process, the gender dynamics of Ulster Loyalism has yet to capture serious interest among scholars. This research attempts to address this omission in the literature that informs our understanding of Loyalism. The research was conducted with groups of UDA and UVF aligned young men, who participated in a series of workshops. Groups of older Loyalist men and Loyalist women also participated in focus groups and semi-structured interviews. The thesis focuses on three aspects of Loyalist masculinity. Loyalism is presented as a highly gendered form of military masculinity, deeply rooted in local community narratives and social and cultural practices. Loyalist masculinity is not monolithic, but instead is understood as multiple and fluid. The thesis addresses how allegiance to patriarchal hypermasculinities damaged the emotions of Loyalist men and left many struggling with relationship problems, substance abuse, and mental health issues relating to the conflict. The thesis also explores the extent to which Loyalist men are engaging in transformation, if and why Loyalist men have changed, and in what forms this change takes. It understands the transformation of Loyalist masculinities as the transcending of patriarchal values and the will to dominate. It outlines the uneven nature of transformation of Loyalist men and describes the factors that influenced their transformation as twin pressures that both simultaneously encourage and discourage change in Loyalist men as Northern Ireland advances further into a post-violent terrain.
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Hughes, Jacqueline. "They're just normal people : an account of aspects of a Shankill Road way of life." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.366307.
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Maskill, Craig. "Where one Scot comes, others soon follow, the 42nd Royal Highland Regiment (Black Watch) and the settlement of the Nashwaak River Valley, 1783-1823." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0029/MQ62136.pdf.
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MacDonald, Darach. "Proud to be prod: music, memory and motivation in an Ulster loyalist band." Thesis, Ulster University, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.675466.
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This dissertation considers the role of Blood and Thunder marching bands in the creation, development and transmission of Ulster Protestant identity. This is explored through an examination of a loyalist marching band from Castlederg, County Tyrone, a small and relatively isolated frontier town that carries a bitter legacy of the recent Northern Ireland conflict on both sides of its community. In order to construct an anthropologically and sociologically plausible account of the band and the wider role of Protestant parading culture in Northern Ireland, I adopted an ethnographic form of research observation. This extended over a period of five years to reflect the generational cycle of band membership. Taking a Cultural Studies approach, I have supplemented my ethnographic data with wide-ranging research on the marching band movement and changes within working class Protestant id entity, especially since the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. Applying theories developed within the realm of Memory Studies, I then sought to explain the impact of band membership on collective memory and generational identity, as well as the central role of the band in transforming trauma into performative rituals of remembrance by adapting established codes of commemorative practice to youth participation in musical performance.
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Amalou, Thierry. "Loyalisme monarchique et consensus urbain : Senlis devant les désordres religieux vers 1520 - vers 1610)." Paris 1, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA010545.
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Pourquoi la ville de Senlis demeura-t-elle fidèle à son roi alors que les cités voisines d'île-de-France et de Picardie adhéraient massivement à la Ligue ? Au-delà de l'attachement précoce des élites officières à un ordre politique corporatiste neutralisant les passions religieuses, l'unanimisme urbain incarné dans la fidélité à la personne royale se renforça au lendemain des guerres de Religion. Ici comme ailleurs, le service du roi qui assurait promotion et reconnaissance sociale permit de légitimer le pouvoir d'une oligarchie dominée par les officiers royaux. Toute la société se retrouva dans des célébrations civiques où le patriotisme urbain fusionnait avec le culte monarchique. Ces rites s'imposèrent d'autant plus facilement qu'ils avaient bénéficié, indirectement, d'une restauration de la Tradition locale (culte du saint patron) sous l'impulsion réformatrice gallicane des évêques depuis 1520. Le cas de Senlis permet ainsi de mettre en évidence le tour de force de la monarchie qui détourna à son profit le fruit des efforts entrepris par l'Église depuis plus d'un demi-siècle pour réparer la déchirure religieuse.
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Wilson, Timothy James. "Old offenders, Loyalists in the lower Delmarva Peninsula, 1775-1800." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0003/NQ41532.pdf.
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Burke, William Paul. "The North Carolina Loyalists: Faulty Linchpin of a Failed Strategy." W&M ScholarWorks, 1988. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539624400.
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Minogue, M. W. "Performing Protestantism : the representations of Protestant, Unionist, and Loyalist identities in selected Northern Irish drama." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.680055.
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This dissertation discusses the work of three Northern Irish playwrights: Stewart Parker, Christina Reid, and Gary Mitchell. Specifically, it examines the Protestant, unionist, and loyalist identities of the characters within their plays. During the Troubles and post-Good Friday Agreement era, during which these plays were written and performed, such identities were in flux, as the socio-political landscape of Northern Ireland was undergoing a volatile and violent upheaval. Chapter One discusses the roles and identities of the main ' actors ' in the Troubles: paramilitaries, the police, the British Army, and politicians. This chapter examines the identities of such actors themselves, and also their interactions with the civilians of the province. Chapter Two focuses on the performance of masculinities, and has its basis in contemporary theories of Western masculinities. The specific performance of Northern Irish masculinities is examined, as well as the potential for future masculinities posited by these playwrights. Chapter Three turns its attention to the roles of women in Northern Ireland and their representations on stage in the works of Parker, Reid, and Mitchell. The political, social, and cultural mores of the province are examined in detail, as it is these conditions to which the playwrights, and their works, are reacting against. Chapter Four examines the works for radio and television by Parker, Reid, and Mitchell. Within these mediums, these authors are able to more effectively write against media stereotypes perpetuated by news footage and inadequate reporting from the province, allowing their audiences to see the 'reality' of the everyday lives of Northern Irish men and women.
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Chan, Wa Kimmy. "Three studies on understanding customer relationship management in services customer-firm affection, customer-staff proximity, and customer co-production /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2008. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B39794039.
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