Journal articles on the topic 'Low-income housing – Canada'

AbstractObjectives:To compare food expenditure patterns between low-income households and higher- income households in the Canadian population, and to examine the relationship between food expenditure patterns and the presence or absence of housing payments among low-income households.Design:Secondary data analysis of the 1996 Family Food Expenditure Survey conducted by Statistics Canada.Setting:Sociodemographic data and 1-week food expenditure data for 9793 households were analysed.Subjects:Data were collected from a nationally representative sample drawn through stratified multistage sampling. Low-income households were identified using Statistics Canada's Low Income Measures.Results:Total food expenditures, expenditures at stores and expenditures in restaurants were lower among low-income households compared with other households. Despite allocating a slightly greater proportion of their food dollars to milk products, low-income households purchased significantly fewer servings of these foods. They also purchased fewer servings of fruits and vegetables than did higher-income households. The effect of low income on milk product purchases persisted when the sample was stratified by education and expenditure patterns were examined in relation to income within strata. Among low-income households, the purchase of milk products and meat and alternatives was significantly lower for households that had to pay rents or mortgages than for those without housing payments.Conclusions:Our findings indicate that, among Canadian households, access to milk products and fruits and vegetables may be constrained in the context of low incomes. This study highlights the need for greater attention to the affordability of nutritious foods for low-income groups.

AbstractObjectivesA number of studies have pointed to the pressure that housing costs can exert on the resources available for food. The objectives of the present study were to characterise the relationship between the proportion of income absorbed by housing and the adequacy of household food expenditures across the Canadian population and within income quintiles; and to elucidate the impact of receipt of a housing subsidy on adequacy of food expenditures among low-income tenant households.DesignThe 2001 Survey of Household Spending, conducted by Statistics Canada, was a national cross-sectional survey that collected detailed information on expenditures on goods and services. The adequacy of food spending was assessed in relation to the cost of a basic nutritious diet.SettingCanada.SubjectsThe person with primary responsibility for financial maintenance from 15 535 households from all provinces and territories.ResultsAs the proportion of income allocated to housing increased, food spending adequacy declined significantly among households in the three lowest income quintiles. After accounting for household income and composition, receipt of a housing subsidy was associated with an improvement in adequacy of food spending among low-income tenant households, but still mean food spending fell below the cost of a basic nutritious diet even among subsidised households.ConclusionsThis study indicates that housing costs compromise the food access of some low-income households and speaks to the need to re-examine policies related to housing affordability and income adequacy.

The garden suburb of Lindenlea in Ottawa was designed by Thomas Adams and built by the Ottawa Housing commission to provide a model of low-income housing to municipalities across Canada in the post-World War One period. The planning of the suburb and the design of its houses reveal many of the ideological premises of the urban reform movement in Canada, and of the federal government's attitude toward publicly subsidized housing, in this early period of social welfare. Modern theories of rationalization, efficiency, and standardization, combined with late Victorian notions about physical, social and moral health, to produce housing designs that were technologically modern yet ideologically traditional.

This study identifies time-patterned trajectories of housing stability among homeless and vulnerably housed individuals who participated in a multisite four-year longitudinal study in Canada. Findings show four distinct trajectories for the homeless and vulnerably housed: high levels of sustained housing stability, improving levels over time leading to high levels of housing stability, decreasing levels of housing stability over time, and low levels of housing stability over time. The presence of resources rather than risk factors differentiated the trajectories of participants who achieved housing stability from those who had low levels of housing stability. Participants who had better housing stability were more likely to live in subsidized housing. Findings highlight the need for programs and policies directed at addressing the housing affordability problem through income support strategies and the creation of affordable housing.

In recent years, urban neighborhoods in many Western nations have undergone neighborhood restructuring initiatives, especially in public housing developments. Regent Park, Canada's oldest and largest public housing development, is a neighborhood currently undergoing ‘neighborhood revitalization’ based on the social mix model. One tenet of this model is the idea that original public housing residents are benefiting from interactions with middle class residents. Based on qualitative interviews and ethnographic observations with original housing residents as well as new middle–class homeowners, we examine whether cross–class interactions actually occur “on the ground” in Regent Park. By examining an iteration of the model that differs with respect to the direction of resident movement—that is, the revitalization of Regent Park involves more advantaged residents buying into the once low–income neighborhood, as opposed to providing lower–income residents with housing vouchers to move out of the community (and into more affluent neighborhoods across the city)—our study provides a unique contribution to the existing research on social mix. In particular, our research examines whether the direction of this resident movement has any distinct or demonstrable impact on: (1) the daily perceptions, attitudes, and actions of original and new residents, and (2) the nature of cross–class interactions. Second, unlike the vast majority of studies done in Europe and the United States, which are conducted “postrevitalization,” we examine the effects of neighborhood revitalization as the process unfolds.

There is little empirical evidence in the literature about the indoor environmental quality performance of residential buildings in general and of social housing in particular. To address this problem, this study used a mixed-method approach to evaluate the indoor environmental quality performance of 17 green low-income single attached family houses in Brandon, Manitoba, Canada. Questionnaires were administered to occupants to assess their snapshot and long-term satisfaction with the indoor environment. In addition, snapshot measurements were carried out to evaluate the indoor environmental quality factors of thermal comfort, indoor air quality, lighting and acoustics. Occupants' snapshot satisfaction was categorized into two groups (i.e. satisfied/comfortable or dissatisfied/uncomfortable) and compared with snapshot measurements. The results showed the measured IEQ parameters were well below recommended threshold levels. Further, occupants with higher snapshot satisfaction were generally exposed to relatively lower levels of indoor pollutants. A statistically significant difference was found in PM10 level only between the snapshot satisfied and snapshot dissatisfied groups of occupants. Apparent sound transmission classes were below the standard reference value of 50, suggesting potential problems in noise attenuation within different spaces in each apartment and between apartments. The findings of this study could help governments implement green shadowing for public-housing and also renovate existing houses using the same principles.

Introduction Housing affects an individual’s physical and mental health, particularly among people who use substances. Understanding the association between individual characteristics and housing status can inform housing policy and help optimize the care of people who use drugs. The objective of this study was to explore the factors associated with unstable housing among people who use drugs in Ottawa. Methods This is a cross-sectional analysis of data from 782 participants in the Participatory Research in Ottawa: Understanding Drugs (PROUD) Study. PROUD is a prospective cohort study of people who use drugs in Ottawa. Between March and December 2013, participants were recruited through peer-based recruitment on the streets and in social services settings and completed a peer-administered questionnaire that explored socio-demographic information, drug use patterns, community integration, experiences with police and incarceration, and access to health care and harm reduction services. Eligibility criteria included age of 16 years or older, self-reported illicit drug use within the past 12 months and having lived in Ottawa for at least 3 months. Housing status was determined by self-report. “Stable housing” was defined as residence in a house or apartment and “unstable housing” was defined as all other residence types. Exploratory multivariable logistic regression analyses of the association between characteristics of people who use drugs and their housing status were conducted. Results Factors that were associated with unstable housing included: recent incarceration; not having a regular doctor; not having received support from a peer worker; low monthly income; income source other than public disability support payments; and younger age. Gender, language, ethnicity, education level, opioid use and injection drug use were not independently associated with housing status. Conclusions People who use drugs face significant barriers to stable housing. These results highlight key areas to address in order to improve housing stability among this community.

COVID-19 has shone a harsh light on the extent of poverty in Canada. When normal economic activity was interrupted by the exigencies of public health driven lockdowns, the shutdown disproportionately affected people who, before the pandemic, were living on incomes beneath the poverty line or dependent upon low-paying hourly remunerated jobs, usually part time and without appropriate benefits. Those living beneath the poverty line in Canada, three million of welfare poor and working poor, include a disproportionately large population of Black and Indigenous people and people of colour. This paper addresses the challenge of inclusive economic recovery. In particular, we propose that the federal government introduce a Basic Income guarantee for all residents of Canada as part of a comprehensive social safety net that includes access to housing, child care, mental and physical health care, disability supports, education, and the many other public services essential to life in a high-income country. Residents with no other income would receive the full benefit that would be sufficient to ensure that no one lives in poverty, while those with low incomes would receive a reduced amount.

Purpose This paper aims to present a panel data econometric model of the main determinants of house prices in the ten largest census metropolitan areas (CMA) in Ontario, Canada, for the years 2001, 2006 and 2011. The impact of immigration on the housing market in Canada is little researched; however, immigration plays an important role into the economy of Canada. According to Statistics Canada, not only is immigration key to Canada’s population growth but also without immigration, in the next 20 years, Canada’s population growth will be zero. The motivation for this study is the bursting of housing bubbles in some developed countries (e.g. USA). The authors analyze variables that are related to the immigration policy in Canada, accounting also for the impact of the interest rate, income, unemployment, household size and housing supply to analyze housing price determinants. The study investigates the magnitude of the impact of the top three leading categories of immigrants to Canada, namely, Chinese, Indian and Filipino, on the housing prices in Ontario’s largest cities. The results show the main factors that explain home prices over time that are interest rate, immigration, unemployment rate, household size and income. Over the 10-year period from 2001 to 2011, immigration grew by 400 per cent in Toronto CMA, the largest receiving area in Ontario, while the nonimmigrant population grew by 14 per cent. For Toronto CMA, immigrants, income, unemployment rate and interest rate explain the CA$158,875 average home price increase over the 2001-2011 time period. Out of this, the three categories of immigrants’ share of total home price increase is 54.57 per cent, with the corresponding interest rate share 58.60 per cent and income share 11.32 per cent of the total price growth. Unemployment rate contributes negatively to the housing price and its share of the total price increase is 24.49 per cent. Design/methodology/approach The framework for the empirical analysis applies the hedonic pricing model theory to housing sales prices for the ten largest CMAs in Ontario over the years 2001-2011. Following Akbari and Aydede (2012) and O’Meara (2015), market clearing in the housing market results in the housing price as a function of several housing attributes. The authors selected the housing attributes based on data availability for the Canadian Census years of 2001, 2006 and 2011 and the variables that have been most used in the literature. The model has the average housing prices as the dependent variable, and the independent variables are: immigrants per dwelling (Chinese, Indian, and Filipino), unemployment rate, average employment income, household size, housing supply and the interest rate. To capture the relative scarcity of dwellings, the independent variable immigrants per dwelling was used. Findings This study seems to suggest that one cause of high prices in Ontario is large inflows of immigrants together with low mortgage interest rate. The authors focused their attention on Toronto CMA, as it is the main destination of immigrants and comprises the largest cities, including Toronto, Mississauga, Brampton and Oakville. Looking over the 10-year period from 2001 to 2011, the authors can see the factors that impact the home prices in Toronto CMA: immigration, unemployment rate, household size, interest rate and income. Over the period of 10 years from 2001 to 2011, immigrants’ group from China, India and the Philippines account for CA$86,701 increase in the home price (54.57 per cent share of the total increase). Income accounts for CA$17,986 increase in the home price (11.32 per cent share); interest rate accounts for CA$93,103 of the average home price increase in Toronto CMA (58.60 per cent share); and unemployment rate accounts for CA$38,916 decrease in the Toronto average home prices (24.49 per cent share). Household size remain stable over time in Toronto (2.8 average household size) and does not have a contribution to home price change. All these four factors, interest rate, immigrants, unemployment rate and income, together explain CA$158,875 increase in home prices in Toronto CMA between 2001 and 2011. Practical implications The housing market price analysis may be more complex, and there may be factors impacting the housing prices extending beyond immigration, interest rate, income and household size. Finally, the results of this paper can be extended to include the most recent census data for the year 2016 to reflect more accurately the price situation in the housing market for Ontario cities. Social implications The fact that currently, in 2017, the young working population cannot afford buying a property in the Toronto CMA area means there is a problem with this market and a corresponding decrease in the quality of life. According to The Globe and Mail (July 2017), a new pool in 2017 suggested that two in five Canadians believe housing in this country is not affordable for them. Further, 38 per cent of respondents who consider themselves middle or upper class believe in no affordability of housing. The Trudeau Government promised Canadians a national housing strategy for affordable housing. Designing a national housing strategy may be challenging because it has to account for the differential income ranges across regions. Municipal leaders are asking the government to prioritize repair and construct new affordable housing. Another reason discussed in the media of the unaffordability of housing in Toronto and Vancouver is foreign buyers. The Canadian Government recently implemented a tax measure on what it may seem the housing bubble problem: foreign buyers. Following Vancouver, in April 2017, Ontario Government imposed a 15 per cent tax on foreign buyers who are not Canadian citizens or permanent residents. This tax is levied on houses purchased in the area stretching from Niagara Region and Greater Toronto to Peterborough. Originality/value Few studies use Canadian data to explain house prices and analyze the effect of immigration on housing prices. There is not much research on the effect of the immigrants and immigrants’ ethnicity (e.g., Chinese, Indian and Filipino immigrants), on the housing prices in Canada cities. This study investigates the impact of the most prevalent immigrant races (e.g., from China, India and the Philippines) on housing prices, using data for Canadian major cities in Ontario within a panel data econometric framework. This paper fills this gap and contributes to the literature, which analyzes the determinants of housing prices based on a panel of cities in the Canadian province of Ontario.

Research has shown high levels of housing precarity among government-assisted refugees (GARs) connected to difficult housing markets, limited social benefits, and other social and structural barriers to positive settlement (Lumley-Sapanski, 2021). The COVID-19 pandemic has likely exacerbated this precarity. Research to date demonstrates the negative consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for refugees and low-income households, including both health-related issues and economic challenges, that may exacerbate their ability to obtain affordable, suitable housing (Jones & Grigsby-Toussaint, 2020; Shields & Alrob, 2020). In this context, we examined Syrian government-assisted refugees’ experiences during the pandemic, asking: how the COVID-19 pandemic has impacted Syrian refugees’ experiences of housing stability. To examine this issue, we interviewed 38 families in Calgary, London, and Fredericton. Using a qualitative descriptive methodology for analysis and interpretation (Thorne et al., 1997), we found the liminality of settling as a GAR has been compounded by isolation, further economic loss, and new anxieties during the pandemic. Ultimately, for many participants, the pandemic has thwarted their housing stability goals and decreased their likelihood of improving their housing conditions. Based on our findings, we discuss potential policy and practice relevant solutions to the challenges faced by refugees in Canada during the pandemic and likely beyond.

Abstract The City of Toronto is creating a standalone housing corporation to focus on the specific needs of low-income older adults living in social housing. A key focus of this new corporation will be to provide housing, health and community support services needed to optimize older adult tenants’ ability to maintain their tenancy and age in place with dignity and in comfort. To support this work, we conducted an environmental scan of service delivery models that connect low-income older adults living in social housing with health and support services. Desktop research was undertaken to identify relevant programs. For each model, key details were extracted including housing type, services offered, provider information, rent structure and funding sources. The scan identified 34 examples of social housing programs for older adults run by public, private and non-profit agencies across Canada, the United States and Europe that integrated health and supportive services. Successful models were those that understood the needs of tenants and developed collaborative partnerships with health and social service providers to create flexible place-based programs. A common challenge across jurisdictions was privacy legislation that made it difficult to share health and tenancy data with program partners. The presence of on-site staff that focused on building trust and community among tenants was considered key for identifying tenants requiring additional supports in order to age in place. These insights offer important considerations on how integrated supportive housing service models promote housing stability and support better health and wellbeing among older adults residing in social housing.

Antiretroviral therapy (ART) dispensing is strongly associated with treatment adherence. Among illicit drug-using populations, whom experience greater structural barriers to adherence, directly administered antiretroviral therapy (DAAT) is often regarded as a stronger predictor of optimal adherence over self-administered medications. In Vancouver, Canada, people living with HIV (PLHIV) who use drugs and live in low-income housing are a critical population for treatment support. This group is typically able to access two key DAAT models, daily delivery and daily pickup, in addition to ART self-administration. This ethno-epidemiological qualitative study explores how key dispensing models impact ART adherence among PLHIV who use drugs living in low-income housing, and how this is framed by structural vulnerability. Semi-structured interviews lasting 30–45 minutes were conducted between February and May 2018 with 31 PLHIV who use drugs recruited from an ongoing prospective cohort of PLHIV who use drugs. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim, and analyzed using QSR International’s NVivo 12 software. Interviews focused on housing, drug use, and HIV management. Models that constrained agency were found to have negative impacts on adherence and quality of life. Treatment interruptions were framed by structural vulnerabilities (e.g., housing vulnerability) that impacted ability to maintain adherence under certain dispensing models, and led participants to consider other models. Participants using DAAT models which accounted for their structural vulnerabilities (e.g., mobility issues, housing instability), credited these models for their treatment adherence, but also acknowledged factors that constrained agency, and the negative impacts this could have on both adherence, and quality of life. Being able to integrate ART into an established routine is key to supporting ART adherence. ART models that account for the structural vulnerability of PLHIV who use drugs and live in low-income housing are necessary and housing-based supports could be critical, but the impacts of such models on agency must be considered to ensure optimal adherence.

The aim of this mixed-methods study was to investigate attrition at the age 10-year follow-up in a study of vulnerable children and their families living with low income following a two-generation preschool program in Calgary, Alberta, Canada. Quantitative factors associated with attrition included: (a) food bank use; (b) unstable housing; (c) child welfare involvement; (d) unpartnered status; and (e) caregiver noncompletion of high school. Qualitative themes related to attrition included: (a) income and employment; (b) health; (c) unstable housing; (d) change of guardianship; (e) domestic violence; (f) work and time management challenges; and (g) negative caregiver–child relationships. Triangulation of quantitative and qualitative results occurred using Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs; families with unmet physiological, safety, belongingness and love needs, and esteem needs were more likely to attrite. Attrition in longitudinal studies with vulnerable families is complex, affected by frequently changing life circumstances, and struggles to access necessities of life. Strategies for retaining vulnerable families in longitudinal research are offered.

Abstract. The aim of this paper is to explore housing alternatives for the elderly. Staying in a single family owner occupied home is compared with moving to a mobile home, a condominium, or rental property, in terms of cost, services available, and location within the city of Brandon, Manitoba, Canada. Interviews, promotional material and published reports are used to research these choices and their availability. Three groups of elderly are identified: those who live in low income apartments, those who remain in their homes, and those who live in age segregated communities including mobile home parks, condominiums and private rental apartments.

Equitable access to adequate housing has increasingly been recognized as a matter of life and death during the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite this, there has been limited gendered analysis of how COVID-19 has shaped girls’ access to housing. In this article we analyze how the socio-economic exclusion of girls who are homeless is likely to increase during the COVID-19 pandemic in Canada. We suggest that three structural inequities will deepen this exclusion: the disproportionate burden of poverty faced by women; the inequitible childcare responsibilities women bear; and the proliferation of violence against women. We argue for the development of a research agenda that can address the structural conditions that foster pathways into homelessness for low-income and marginalized girls in the context of COVID-19 and beyond.

Abstract Access to affordable housing is a rising concern for many older adults, and government-sponsored social housing programs are one approach to support low-income older adult renters; however, these housing models are limited in availability and may not all be well-suited to support aging in place. To better understand how to promote the physical, mental and social wellbeing of older tenants in social housing, this scoping review mapped relevant literature to examine: 1) the characteristics of older adults in social housing; and 2) social housing service models and policies. Seven peer reviewed databases were searched for relevant articles, which were screened by two independent reviewers. A total of 140 articles met the inclusion criteria. Studies were predominately from the US and Canada; spanning over five decades of research, with publications surging in the 1980’s and in the 2010’s. Almost all studies reported on the sociodemographic and health characteristics of older tenants, and two thirds presented findings on social housing service models, including policies, staff positions and training, and access to on-site support services. This review points to a high level of vulnerability among older adult tenants living in social housing and highlights the importance of co-locating support services in social housing buildings, with dedicated tenant-support staff to identify vulnerable tenants and link them to these services. There is an acute need for more research on key issues related to housing retention, such as eviction prevention, in order to identify opportunities for social housing landlords to help older tenants age in place.

Through an analysis of two international cases from Canada and Germany, this paper highlights the role of the state in governing gentrification and displacement in areas previously thought to be unattractive for profit-seeking capital, that is, ‘un-gentrifiable’. With this, we seek to contribute to the debate on how the role of the local state has changed from securing affordable housing for low-income households into becoming an essential player involved in real estate speculation. Taking Little Mountain in Vancouver as the first example, we examine the privatization and demolition of the public housing complex and thus the withdrawal of the state. Our second example, Ostend in Frankfurt, investigates the restructuring of a working-class neighbourhood through active state-led interventions including massive public investment. We analyse the two empirical examples along five dimensions: causal drivers and mechanisms that have led to the changing role of the state in governing urban transformations; policy instruments used by state agencies to encourage gentrification; strategies to legitimize state-led gentrification; outcomes in terms of direct and exclusionary displacement; and the forms of contestation and protest. We maintain that both cases, although presenting a stark contrast, follow the same rule, namely state-led gentrification.

Objectives We aimed to estimate associations between COVID-19 incidence and mortality with neighbourhood-level immigration, race, housing, and socio-economic characteristics. Methods We conducted a population-based study of 28,808 COVID-19 cases in the provincial reportable infectious disease surveillance systems (Public Health Case and Contact Management System) which includes all known COVID-19 infections and deaths from Ontario, Canada reported between January 23, 2020 and July 28, 2020. Residents of congregate settings, Indigenous communities living on reserves or small neighbourhoods with populations <1,000 were excluded. Comparing neighbourhoods in the 90th to the 10th percentiles of socio-demographic characteristics, we estimated the associations between 18 neighbourhood-level measures of immigration, race, housing and socio-economic characteristics and COVID-19 incidence and mortality using Poisson generalized linear mixed models. Results Neighbourhoods with the highest proportion of immigrants (relative risk (RR): 4.0, 95%CI:3.5–4.5) and visible minority residents (RR: 3.3, 95%CI:2.9–3.7) showed the strongest association with COVID-19 incidence in adjusted models. Among individual race groups, COVID-19 incidence was highest among neighbourhoods with the high proportions of Black (RR: 2.4, 95%CI:2.2–2.6), South Asian (RR: 1.9, 95%CI:1.8–2.1), Latin American (RR: 1.8, 95%CI:1.6–2.0) and Middle Eastern (RR: 1.2, 95%CI:1.1–1.3) residents. Neighbourhoods with the highest average household size (RR: 1.9, 95%CI:1.7–2.1), proportion of multigenerational families (RR: 1.8, 95%CI:1.7–2.0) and unsuitably crowded housing (RR: 2.1, 95%CI:2.0–2.3) were associated with COVID-19 incidence. Neighbourhoods with the highest proportion of residents with less than high school education (RR: 1.6, 95%CI:1.4–1.8), low income (RR: 1.4, 95%CI:1.2–1.5) and unaffordable housing (RR: 1.6, 95%CI:1.4–1.8) were associated with COVID-19 incidence. Similar inequities were observed across neighbourhood-level sociodemographic characteristics and COVID-19 mortality. Conclusions Neighbourhood-level inequities in COVID-19 incidence and mortality were observed in Ontario, with excess burden experienced in neighbourhoods with a higher proportion of immigrants, racialized populations, large households and low socio-economic status.

INTRODUCTION: Significant benefits of companion animals (i.e., pets) for older adults are recognized and publications on Animal-Assisted Intervention, Animal-Assisted Activities and Animal-Assisted Therapies with older adults are growing. Studies on housing and community- residing older adults with companion animals from a non-utilitarian perspective on other animals, however, are rather limited.METHODS: For this scoping review, we used a Critical Animal Studies perspective, in particular, a trans-species social justice framework to address two questions: “What are the scope and size of the literature on housing for community living older adults with companion animals?” and “What is known from the existing literature?” We searched peer-reviewed publications from 1980 to 2019 by using MEDLINE, PsychINFO, ProQuest and Scopus.FINDINGS: Six works from Canada, Aotearoa New Zealand and US met our criteria. A disturbing reality was discovered: Restrictive leasing (‘no pets’ for rental housing) among low-income older adults with companion animals in public housing has persisted for the last 40 years and prevents them from accessing affordable housing. Also, the discourse of pets as problems or risk seems to justify prohibiting older adults from living with companion animals.CONCLUSION: Utilising the concept of speciesism and a trans-species social justice framework for analysis, we argue that intersectional institutional oppression of speciesism and classism is a root cause of the situation. Justice for older adults cannot be achieved without justice for their companion animals. Future studies in human–animal relations and education and practice in social work need to incorporate ideas of speciesism and justice beyond humans.

AbstractA defining characteristic of contemporary welfare governance in many western countries has been a reduced role for governments in direct provision of welfare, including housing, education, health and income support. One of the unintended consequences of devolutionary trends in social welfare is the development of a ‘shadow welfare state’ (Fairbanks, 2009; Gottschalk, 2000), which is a term used to describe the complex partnerships between state-based social protection, voluntarism and marketised forms of welfare. Coupled with this development, conditional workfare schemes in countries such as the United States, Canada, the UK and Australia are pushing more people into informal and semi-formal means of poverty survival (Karger, 2005). These transformations are actively reshaping welfare subjectivities and the role of the state in urban governance. Like other countries such as the US, Canada and the UK, the fringe lending sector in Australia has experienced considerable growth over the last decade. Large numbers of people on low incomes in Australia are turning to non-mainstream financial services, such as payday lenders, for the provision of credit to make ends meet. In this paper, we argue that the use of fringe lenders by people on low incomes reveals important theoretical and practical insights into the relationship between the mixed economy of welfare and the mixed economy of credit in poverty survival.

Objective. The goal of this pilot study was to develop and field-test questions for use as a poverty case-finding tool to assist primary care providers in identifying poverty in clinical practice. Methods. 156 questionnaires were completed by a convenience sample of urban and rural primary care patients presenting to four family practices in British Columbia, Canada. Univariate and multivariate logistic regression analyses compared questionnaire responses with low-income cut-off (LICO) levels calculated for each respondent. Results. 35% of respondents were below the “poverty line” (LICO). The question “Do you (ever) have difficulty making ends meet at the end of the month?” was identified as a good predictor of poverty (sensitivity 98%; specificity 60%; OR 32.3, 95% CI 5.4–191.5). Multivariate analysis identified a 3-item case-finding tool including 2 additional questions about food and housing security (sensitivity 64.3%; specificity 94.4%; OR 30.2, 95% CI 10.3–88.1). 85% of below-LICO respondents felt that poverty screening was important and 67% felt comfortable speaking to their family physician about poverty. Conclusions. Asking patients directly about poverty may help identify patients with increased needs in primary care.

ObjectiveTo determine the feasibility of a Community-Based Participatory Tobacco Dependence Strategy (PROMPT) in the inner city population of Ottawa (Canada).DesignA feasibility mixed methods prospective cohort study following principles of community-based participatory action research.InterventionRecruited 80 people whouse drugs, followed them for 6 months while providing access to counselling, nicotine replacement therapy and peer-support in a community setting.SettingCommunity research office in downtown Ottawa, adjacent to low-income housing, shelter services and street-based drug consumption.Primary outcomeRetention rate at 6-month follow-up.Secondary outcomeBiochemically validated 7-day point prevalence smoking abstinence at 26 weeks, self-reported abstinence in the past 7 days with exhaled carbon monoxide ≤10 ppm.ResultsThe average age of participants was 43.8 years. The 6-month follow-up rate was 42.5%. The mean number of smoking years reported was 27.3 years. The participants were 70% male, 33.7% reported less than a high-school education, 21% identified as indigenous and 43.8% reported an income between US$1000 and US$1999 per month. The baseline mean daily cigarette use was 20.5 and 9.3 cigarettes at study end, with mean reduction of 11.2 cigarettes at 6 months (P=0.0001). There was a considerable reduction in self-reported illicit substance use (18.8%), including a reduction in the opioids heroin (6.3%), fentanyl (2.6%) and Oxycontin (3.8%). The study findings also reveal psycho-socioeconomic benefits such as improved health, return to work and greater community engagement.ConclusionsThe PROMPT project describes socioeconomic variables associated with tobacco and polysubstance use. A programme focused on tobacco dependence, easily accessible in the community and led by community peers with lived experience is feasible to implement and has the potential to support positive life changes. PROMPT’s patient engagement model is an effective harm-reduction strategy for the growing opioid use crisis and can improve the health outcomes of marginalised at-risk populations worldwide.

Precarious employment is on the rise in Canada, increasing by nearly 50% in the last two decades. However, little is known about the mechanisms by which it can impact upon geographical mobility. Employment-related geographical mobility refers to mobility to, from and between workplaces, as well as mobility as part of work. We report on a qualitative study conducted among 27 immigrant men and women in Toronto that investigates the relationship between precarious employment and daily commutes while exploring the ways in which gender, class and migration structure this relationship. Interview data reveal that participants were largely unable to work where they lived or live where they worked. Their precarious jobs were characterized by conditions that resulted in long, complex, unfamiliar, unsafe and expensive commutes. These commuting difficulties, in turn, resulted in participants having to refuse or quit jobs, including desirable jobs, or being unable to engage in labour market strategies that could improve their employment conditions (e.g. taking courses, volunteering, etc.). Participants’ commuting difficulties were amplified by the delays, infrequency, unavailability and high cost of public transportation. These dynamics disproportionately and/or differentially impacted certain groups of workers. Precarious work has led to workers having to absorb an ever-growing share of the costs associated with their employment, underscored in our study as time, effort and money spent travelling to and from work. We discuss the forces that underlie the spatial patterning of work and workers in Toronto, namely the growing income gap and the increased polarization among neighbourhoods that has resulted in low-income immigrants increasingly moving from the centre to the edges of the city. We propose policy recommendations for public transportation, employment, housing and child care that can help alleviate some of the difficulties described.

So-called project operators such as the State, local governments, Land and Housing Corporation, and Urban Development Corporation implement public projects based on the Land Compensation Act, the Urban Development Act, the Housing Site Development Promotion Act, etc., tourism complexes, logistics complexes, etc. are being developed or constructed. Recently, public service projects have been delayed due to the increase in expropriation decisions, objection rulings, and administrative lawsuits filed by project operators regarding the compensation for losses from public service projects. In addition, despite the increasing number of lands of unknown ownership due to the impact of low birth rate and population aging and the decrease in land use desire due to movement from non-urban areas to urban areas, there are limitations in promoting smooth public projects by temporarily applying the Act on Special Measures for Registration of Ownership Transfer. , the economic cost is increasing. To clarify that capital gains tax, business income tax, other income tax, corporate tax, value-added tax, inheritance tax, gift tax, etc. are imposed according to the concept of transfer following the expropriation of land, etc. A special taxation system under the Restriction Act will be considered. By comparatively examining legislative cases in the United States, France, Canada, Japan, etc. on the special taxation system based on public expropriation, we present Korea's tax improvement points. In the case of land, etc., when a purchase by agreement is concluded within 6 months from the date of request for the purchase by agreement or real estate is transferred for public service use within 2 years due to alternative acquisition through land expropriation, a special limit of KRW 100 million per year is limited to KRW 300 million for 5 years A deduction system should be introduced. In addition, as the promotion of public utility projects is delayed due to the land of unknown owner and a lot of administrative expenses are required, the Act on Special Measures for the Use of Unknown Owner is enacted and special taxation system for land of unknown owner as in Japanese legislation. should be institutionalized. In addition, if the inmate files an objection or an administrative litigation when the project operator expropriates land, etc. for public works, the amount of compensation for losses is increased by adding the management principle while maintaining the principle of determination of the timing of attributing income and expenses. In such cases, it shall be the date of final judgment or final judgment of the objection, and if the amount of compensation for loss has not changed or has been reduced, it shall be regarded as the date on which the project operator deposits according to the judgment of expropriation.

So-called project operators such as the State, local governments, Land and Housing Corporation, and Urban Development Corporation implement public projects based on the Land Compensation Act, the Urban Development Act, the Housing Site Development Promotion Act, etc., tourism complexes, logistics complexes, etc. are being developed or constructed. Recently, public service projects have been delayed due to the increase in expropriation decisions, objection rulings, and administrative lawsuits filed by project operators regarding the compensation for losses from public service projects. In addition, despite the increasing number of lands of unknown ownership due to the impact of low birth rate and population aging and the decrease in land use desire due to movement from non-urban areas to urban areas, there are limitations in promoting smooth public projects by temporarily applying the Act on Special Measures for Registration of Ownership Transfer. , the economic cost is increasing. To clarify that capital gains tax, business income tax, other income tax, corporate tax, value-added tax, inheritance tax, gift tax, etc. are imposed according to the concept of transfer following the expropriation of land, etc. A special taxation system under the Restriction Act will be considered. By comparatively examining legislative cases in the United States, France, Canada, Japan, etc. on the special taxation system based on public expropriation, we present Korea's tax improvement points. In the case of land, etc., when a purchase by agreement is concluded within 6 months from the date of request for the purchase by agreement or real estate is transferred for public service use within 2 years due to alternative acquisition through land expropriation, a special limit of KRW 100 million per year is limited to KRW 300 million for 5 years A deduction system should be introduced. In addition, as the promotion of public utility projects is delayed due to the land of unknown owner and a lot of administrative expenses are required, the Act on Special Measures for the Use of Unknown Owner is enacted and special taxation system for land of unknown owner as in Japanese legislation. should be institutionalized. In addition, if the inmate files an objection or an administrative litigation when the project operator expropriates land, etc. for public works, the amount of compensation for losses is increased by adding the management principle while maintaining the principle of determination of the timing of attributing income and expenses. In such cases, it shall be the date of final judgment or final judgment of the objection, and if the amount of compensation for loss has not changed or has been reduced, it shall be regarded as the date on which the project operator deposits according to the judgment of expropriation.

Abstract Where we live impacts our health, but this is more apt for older adults (aged 55+) aging-in-place in their neighborhoods. Gentrification, i.e. the transformation of neighborhoods from low to high value, can put community-dwelling older adults at risk for residential displacement with limited retirement incomes and financial stressors like increased housing costs and property taxes, residential turnover and changing access to resources. As a place-based stressor, gentrification may exacerbate social vulnerabilities (e.g., lower socioeconomic status and racial/ethnic minority status) related to chronic condition (CC) disparities. But, little gentrification research focuses on these issues. This research examines associations between gentrification and older adults’ CC management related to broader social determinants in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada from health and social service providers’ perspectives. Hamilton, a recovering steel industry city with in-migration from Toronto, is experiencing higher costs of living, income inequality and tension with recent gentrifiers. I conducted key informant interviews with service providers in city government and community-based organizations using thematic analysis. Across providers, food insecurity, social isolation and displacement were the biggest issues associated with gentrification and CC, particularly for older adults with lower incomes and government disability support. Results thus far reveal Hamilton has numerous older adult-focused providers, but older adults often have difficulties accessing services due to a lack of knowledge, not always asking or realizing when they need help and coordinated referral difficulties across providers. To address these challenges, providers consider environmental scans, mapping resources and advertisement in an online community information database from the city’s public library.

Abstract Most global cities, like Toronto, have rapidly aging populations who want to remain in homes and communities of their choice. Concurrently, seniors face vulnerabilities associated with low income, ageism, social isolation and loneliness. These vulnerabilities inhibit many seniors’ desires to age-in-place. The Toronto HomeShare Program, an intergenerational homesharing program facilitates aging-in-place by matching seniors with post-secondary students. The program, with an implementation focus and a research study, was developed to address and understand the needs of seniors seeking assistance, light supports and companionship at home, in exchange for reduced-rent housing for students. A mixed methods research design was employed. Seniors and students (n=22) completed a 167 question survey (n=22) and in-depth interviews (n=18). Quantitative data yielded descriptive statistics and qualitative data was subject to thematic content analysis. Participants agreed that homesharing programs could address risk for social isolation (95%), the need to move from their community (96%), and reduce risks of economic and social exclusion for young and old (97%). From the qualitative data, six benefits were apparent for all participants: (1) reduced social isolation and loneliness, (2) increased intergenerational exchange, (3) increase financial security, (4) household assistance, (5) increased general wellbeing; (6) enhanced companionship/safety. In 2020, Toronto HomeShare (now Canada HomeShare) was recognized by the World Health Organization as an age-friendly best practice, and has been scaled nationally in 16 cities. Intergenerational homesharing programs could be a catalyst for policy and cultural reform and to support older adults to not only remain in their communities, but to thrive-in-place.

SummaryIn this study, we suggest an explanation for the low growth rates of real housing prices in Canada and Germany in comparison to other OECD countries over the period 1975-2005. We show that the long-run development of housing markets is determined by real disposable per-capita income, the real long-term interest rate, population growth, and urbanization. The differential development of real housing prices in Canada and Germany is attributed to the fundamentals in these two countries. Canada and Germany are characterized by relatively low average growth rates of real disposable income and relatively high interest rates, resulting in depressed housing prices over a long period of time. Institutional structure accentuates these tendencies. Given the importance of housing wealth for private consumption, our paper aims at drawing the attention of policymakers to the necessity of preventing not only overheating but also overcooling of the housing market that entails lower economic growth rate.

Abstract Background Income and housing are pervasive social determinants of health. Subsidized housing is a prominent affordability mechanism in Canada; however, waitlists are lengthy. Subsidized rents should provide greater access to residual income, which may theoretically improve health outcomes. However, little is known about the health of tenants who wait for and receive subsidized housing. This is especially problematic for New Brunswick, a Canadian province with low population density, whose inhabitants experience income inequality, social exclusion, and challenges with healthcare access. Methods This study will use a longitudinal, prospective matched cohort design. All 4,750 households on New Brunswick’s subsidized housing wait list will be approached to participate. The survey measures various demographic, social and health indicators at six-month intervals for up to 18 months as they wait for subsidized housing. Those who receive housing will join an intervention group and receive surveys for an additional 18 months post-move date. With consent, participants will have their data linked to a provincial administrative database of medical records. Discussion Knowledge of housing and health is sparse in Canada. This study will provide stakeholders with a wealth of health information on a population that is historically under-researched and underserved.

Background: Access to housing is an important social determinant of health and has a positive influence on health outcomes. In one large municipal city in Western Canada, over 12,000 units of affordable housing are available to support low-income individuals. Objectives: However, little is known about resident experiences living in affordable housing, how affordable housing affects their movements through the housing continuum (i.e., from housing instability to stability), how affordable housing affects their lives and the lives of their families, and how gender factors into these questions. Methods: The current study, part of the larger quantitative project, involved a survey with 160 residents of affordable housing units in Calgary, Alberta, Canada. Results: The results show that few gender differences exist in demographic factors such as age, income, and ethnicity. However, important differences exist in the experiences of women versus men, including employment status, barriers to employment, parenting, trajectory of affordable housing residency, and reasons for accessing affordable housing in the first place. Conclusion: We argue that gendered supports to reduce barriers to sustainable employment must be embedded in affordable housing programs and coupled with low or no cost childcare and supports to heal from trauma in order to break cycles of dependency for women and their children. This research builds on the scant Canadian literature that examines characteristics and experiences in affordable housing using a gender-lens.

Introduction Housing is an important determinant of health. Little research has explored hospital and community agency staff perspectives on how to support the housing needs of low-income older adults. Therefore, this paper examines the challenges associated with supporting low-income seniors as they transition from hospital to home and explores what role, if any, patient navigation models of care could have in addressing housing needs. Methods A thematic secondary analysis that triangulated data from two qualitative studies was used. In total, interviews and/or focus groups with 109 hospital and community care workers were re-analyzed, applying a new interpretive lens to the data to reveal new insights. Data were collected in Ontario, Canada. Results Participants described how low-income older adults have increasing complex care needs that influence their housing, but housing supports are limited and difficult to navigate. Participants believed further support was needed and suggested that a housing-specific patient navigation model of care may be beneficial, but difficult to implement due to the limitations of existing services. Discussion Our findings provide a unique perspective on the challenges hospital and community staff face in caring for older adults with housing needs. Patient navigation with a focus on housing may support these older adults. Further work needs to be undertaken to better understand how to best implement sustainable housing patient navigation models of care.

How public housing tenant activism altered Canadian housing policy in the 1960s continues to be underresearched within urban renewal, Canadian Left, or North American housing studies. Organizing against local governance and the federal rental contract, their nationwide activism directly led to the Hellyer Report, which officially ended urban renewal in 1969. Situated within this period are the tenants of Habitations Jeanne-Mance (HJM) in Montreal. Contrasting the prevailing view of Canadian tenants being politically isolated, HJM tenants led movements against the rental contract, demanded tenant representation, and sought social rights for low-income people within the Montreal Left. As more representative of the Canadian experience in the 1960s, HJM demonstrates how tenant activism has shaped the history of housing in Canada.

ABSTRACT ObjectivePublic housing residents, who live in low income government rental housing, are often in poorer health than the rest of the population. However, few studies have been able to untangle the relationships between health and public housing residency, and to assess whether health contributes to the decision to apply. We used linked population-based administrative data from one Canadian province to compare the health and health service use of people who applied to public housing to that of people who did not apply. ApproachAdministrative data housed in the Manitoba Centre for Health Policy’s Population Health Research Data Repository were used to identify a cohort of individuals who applied to public housing in 2005 and 2006. They were matched one-to-one to a cohort from the general population using socio-demographic variables. A population registry provided demographic and geographic characteristics. Economic measures included receipt of income assistance and an area-level measure from the Statistics Canada Census. Measures of health and health service use were derived from hospital, physician, emergency department, and prescription drug databases. Conditional logistic regression was used to test the association between a public housing application and health status and health service use, after controlling for income. ResultsThere were 10,324 individuals in each of the public housing applicant and matched cohorts; the majority were female (72.4%), young (62% less than 40 years), urban residents (61.2%), and received income assistance (52.8%). A higher percent of the public housing applicant cohort had physician-diagnosed physical and mental health conditions and used more health services compared to the matched cohort. Having a physician-diagnosed respiratory illness (odds ratio [OR] = 1.14, 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.05,1.25), diabetes (OR = 1.24, 95% CI 1.09,1.40), schizophrenia (OR = 1.58, 95% CI 1.30,1.92), affective disorders (OR = 1.37, 95% CI 1.27,1.48), and substance abuse disorders (OR = 1.46, 95% CI 1.25,1.71) were associated with an increased likelihood of applying for public housing, while being diagnosed with cancer (OR = 0.76, 95% CI 0.61,0.96) was associated with a decreased likelihood of applying, after controlling for income differences. High health service users were also more likely to apply for public housing, after controlling for income differences. ConclusionIndividuals who move into public housing are in poor health before they apply. Health and social service supports that are co-located with public housing facilities may help to ensure that residents have successful tenancies.

Purpose This study aims to make two major contributions. First, given the literature gap in housing unaffordability for different immigrant groups in Canada, it makes an essential contribution to the literature. To the best of the knowledge, this study is the first study of its kind to examine housing unaffordability by examining different immigrant groups. Second, differences in unaffordability can help understand the decline in welfare, as it can have financial implications and a negative impact on health outcomes. Third, this study’s findings are valuable for policy formulation to improve immigrant integration and ease the housing unaffordability crisis. Design/methodology/approach This study examines the determinants of housing affordability to investigate differences among various immigrant groups in Canada. A bivariate logit model using public microdata from the Canadian census estimates the determinants of moderate and severe unaffordability. Additionally, the separation of tenants and owners provides insights into the dynamics of unaffordability. The results show significant differences between immigrant groups with higher levels of unaffordability among Asian immigrants. The insights can help devise and implement housing assistance programs to address the challenges arising from the post-COVID-19 pandemic phase. Findings The results indicate that unaffordability declines with increasing age, education and full-time employment. Gender dynamics are evident, with women faring worse than men regarding the likelihood of extreme housing unaffordability. Households face a greater likelihood of unaffordability in more populous provinces and larger census metropolitan areas that struggle with the high cost of living, racial disparities and low income. Immigrants, especially from Asia, Africa and the Middle East, continue to struggle with chronic and severe unaffordability issues. The impact is much more severe for those renting, exemplifying the strain it is taking on the financial health of recent immigrants. Originality/value Given the literature gap in housing unaffordability for different immigrant groups in Canada, it makes an essential contribution to the literature. To the best of the knowledge, this study is the first study of its kind to examine housing unaffordability by examining different immigrant groups.

Abstract Background Household food insecurity is a potent marker of material deprivation with adverse health consequences. Studies have repeatedly found a strong, independent relationship between owning a home and lower vulnerability to food insecurity in Canada and elsewhere, but the reasons for this relationship are poorly understood. We aimed to examine the influence of housing asset, housing debt and housing expenditure on the relationship between homeownership status and food insecurity in Canada. Methods Cross-sectional data on food insecurity, housing tenure and expenditures, home value, income and sociodemographic characteristics were derived from the 2010 Survey of Household Spending, a population-based survey. Multivariable logistic regression models were conducted to estimate odds ratios of food insecurity among households of all incomes (n = 10,815) and those with lower incomes (n = 5547). Results Food insecurity prevalence was highest among market renters (28.5%), followed by homeowners with a mortgage (11.6%) and mortgage-free homeowners (4.3%). Homeowners with a mortgage (OR: 0.51, 95% CI: 0.39–0.68) and those without a mortgage (OR: 0.23, 95% CI: 0.16–0.35) had substantially lower adjusted odds of food insecurity than market renters, and accounting for the burden of housing cost had minimal impact on the association. Mortgage-free homeowners had lower adjusted odds ratios of food insecurity compared to homeowners with a mortgage, but differences in the burden of housing cost fully accounted for the association. When stratifying homeowners based on presence of mortgage and housing asset level, the adjusted odds ratios of food insecurity for market renters were not significant when compared to mortgage holders with low housing asset. Mortgage-free owners with higher housing asset were least vulnerable to food insecurity (adjusted OR: 0.18, 95% CI: 0.11–0.27). Conclusions Substantial disparities in food insecurity exist between households with different homeownership status and housing asset level. Housing policies that support homeownership while ensuring affordable mortgages may be important to mitigate food insecurity, but policy actions are required to address renters’ high vulnerability to food insecurity.

Abstract Background There may be less primary health care engagement among people who use drugs (PWUD) than among the general population, even though the former have greater comorbidity and more frequent use of emergency department care. We investigated factors associated with primary care engagement among PWUD. Methods The Participatory Research in Ottawa: Understanding Drugs (PROUD) cohort study meaningfully engaged and trained people with lived experience to recruit and survey marginalized PWUD between March–December 2013. We linked this survey data to provincial-level administrative databases held at ICES. We categorized engagement in primary care over the 2 years prior to survey completion as: not engaged (< 3 outpatient visits to the same family physician) versus engaged in care (3+ visits to the same family physician). We used multivariable logistic regression to determine factors associated with engagement in primary care. Results Characteristics of 663 participants included a median age of 43 years, 76% men, and 67% living in the two lowest income quintile neighborhoods. Despite high comorbidity and a median of 4 (interquartile range 0–10) primary care visits in the year prior to survey completion, only 372 (56.1%) were engaged in primary care. Engagement was most strongly associated with the following factors: receiving provincial benefits, including disability payments (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] 4.14 (95% confidence interval [CI] 2.30 to 7.43)) or income assistance (AOR 3.69 (95% CI 2.00 to 6.81)), having ever taken methadone (AOR 3.82 (95% CI 2.28 to 6.41)), mental health comorbidity (AOR 3.43 (95% CI 2.19 to 5.38)), and having stable housing (AOR 2.09 (95% CI 1.29 to 3.38)). Conclusions Despite high comorbidity, engagement in primary care among PWUD was low. Our findings suggest that social care (housing, disability, and income support) and mental health care are associated with improved primary care continuity; integration of these care systems with primary care and opioid substitution therapy may lessen the significant morbidity and acute care use among PWUD.

A framework of agent-based models for housing recovery is presented and used to investigate post-earthquake recovery in the City of Vancouver, Canada. Housing recovery is modeled for a portfolio of buildings, contrasting with the practice of assessing the reconstruction of buildings in isolation. Thus, the presented approach better captures the effect of competition for resources, infrastructure disruptions, and socioeconomic factors on recovery. The analyses include models for damage, inspection, financing, power infrastructure, and labor/materials for repairs. The presented approach is applied to simulate the recovery of 114,832 residential buildings in 22 neighborhoods in Vancouver. Results indicate that recovery after a strong earthquake will take more than three years. The density of old and rented buildings, and the income and immigration status of the homeowners are shown to be good predictors of the speed of recovery for a neighborhood. Mitigation measures are compared and it is shown that retrofitting the most physically vulnerable buildings or doubling the available workforce are effective at reducing housing recovery times. It is demonstrated that the equity in recovery between low and high socioeconomic status homeowners is improved if mitigation measures are implemented. The results presented in this article can inform disaster recovery plans and mitigation actions in Vancouver and similar communities.

PurposeRemote and isolated indigenous communities in Nunavik (Canada) currently face a number of housing related challenges. This paper proposes a conceptual framework to identify the factors affecting value creation within the supply chain of social housing construction in that region. The term “social” refers to the fact that governments subsidise construction and operation of these buildings intended for low-income households.Design/methodology/approachThe research used a literature review and information collected from 3 semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders to identify the desired features of improvement or solutions (e.g. prefabrication) with respect to value creation. A SWOT analysis, an influence/dependence map and a causal loop diagram were developed to represent the supply chain.FindingsLocal job creation and the number of buildings to build were identified as the key factors that can roughly represent value creation. Energy resources, construction time, type and amount of labour force, shipping constraints, number of replacement parts and waste disposal were identified as the main factors constraining the range of solutions to implement.Practical implicationsThe framework can be used to support the decision-making in supply chain management and the design of solutions for remote areas such as Nunavik.Originality/valueThis paper is the first to analyse value creation in social building construction in remote and isolated communities such as those from Nunavik. Conceptual models achieved within the framework allowed identifying the factors that could roughly represent this value creation, as well as logical relationships that link them with other factors.

Abstract Population-level public health policies aim to improve health for the entire population. Yet, in doing so, they may unintentionally neglect vulnerable populations' specific needs, which may perpetuate social inequalities in health. As an example, tobacco control policies (e.g. media campaigns, smoke-free places, tax increases, and tobacco product regulation) have been found to significantly reduce overall smoking prevalence in many high-income countries. However, social inequalities in smoking have been increasing, with smoking prevalence being higher, notably for those of low socio-economic status (SES). Low SES individuals start smoking at younger ages, smoke more cigarettes per day, have lower cessation rates, and are exposed to more second-hand smoke than higher SES individuals. These social inequalities in smoking translate into social inequalities in health such that low SES groups carry a disproportionately heavier burden of smoking-related illnesses. Based on data from a critical discourse analysis of tobacco control policy in Quebec, Canada, as well as from a literature review of vulnerable populations' experiences with tobacco control policies, this presentation will: 1) illustrate ways in which tobacco control policies may be increasing social inequalities in smoking, including the absence of vulnerable populations who smoke from policy planning, smoking denormalization's unintended stigmatizing effects, and targeting behaviours rather than the 'causes of the cause' in policy; 2) provide ideas for future population-level policies based on a health equity approach, which includes integrating vulnerable population's voices in policy design, prioritizing vulnerable populations and health equity in policy, and shifting attention towards policies addressing social inequalities in access to social determinants (e.g. education, income, employment security, safe, clean, and affordable housing) to improve health rather than targeting behaviours, such as smoking.

Previous studies identify owner-related issues, such as cost and housing, as common reasons for relinquishment of companion animals to animal shelters. It is likely that the burden of surrendering for owner-related reasons falls on those who are socially vulnerable (e.g., low income, unemployed); however, very few studies have assessed social determinants as a predictor of animal relinquishment. The present study used the Canadian Index of Multiple Deprivation (CIMD), which uses four factors of social vulnerability (Ethnocultural Composition, Economic Dependency, Residential Instability, and Situational Vulnerability) to predict risk of surrender for various reasons, of various species and breeds, and of various health statuses across British Columbia, Canada (n = 29,236). We found that CIMD factors predicted increased risk of surrender across many shelter variables. For further understanding of differences between areas in the province, the present study also analyzed the relationship between CIMD factors and animal surrender variables in two areas of interest: Metro Vancouver (n = 3,445) and Kamloops (n = 2,665), and plotted these relationships on a geospatial scale. We found that there were some similarities across areas, such as Situational Vulnerability predicting increased odds of surrendering pit bull-labeled dogs vs. all other dog breeds. There were also differences in predictors of animal surrender variables, suggesting that provision of animal services, such as veterinary care, for vulnerable groups may be specific to location. For example, whereas Ethnocultural Composition predicted increased risk of owner surrender for multiple owner-related reasons in Metro Vancouver, these same reasons for surrender were predicted by Residential Instability in Kamloops, indicating demographic differences that affect animal shelter service use. The results of this research validate the use of geospatial analysis to understand relationships between human vulnerability and animal welfare, but also highlight the need for further interventions in marginalized populations to increase retention of animals.

Abstract Background Vulnerable persons are individuals whose life situations create or exacerbate vulnerabilities, such as low income, housing insecurity and social isolation. Vulnerable people often receive a patchwork of health and social care services that does not appropriately address their needs. The cost of health and social care services escalate when these individuals live without appropriate supports. Compassionate Communities apply a population health theory of practice wherein citizens are mobilized along with health and social care supports to holistically address the needs of persons experiencing vulnerabilities. Aim The purpose of this study was to evaluate the implementation of a compassionate community intervention for vulnerable persons in Windsor Ontario, Canada. Methods This applied qualitative study was informed by the Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research. We collected and analyzed focus group and interview data from 16 program stakeholders: eight program clients, three program coordinators, two case managers from the regional health authority, one administrator from a partnering community program, and two nursing student volunteers in March through June 2018. An iterative analytic process was applied to understand what aspects of the program work where and why. Results The findings suggest that the program acts as a safety net that supports people who are falling through the cracks of the formal care system. The ‘little things’ often had the biggest impact on client well-being and care delivery. The big and little things were achieved through three key processes: taking time, advocating for services and resources, and empowering clients to set personal health goals and make authentic community connections. Conclusion Compassionate Communities can address the holistic, personalized, and client-centred needs of people experiencing homelessness and/or low income and social isolation. Volunteers are often untapped health and social care capital that can be mobilized to promote the health of vulnerable persons. Student volunteers may benefit from experiencing and responding to the needs of a community’s most vulnerable members.

Abstract Background Multiple individual risk factors for morbidity and mortality during heat waves have previously been identified. Based on these, five categories of area-level indicators are used in Quebec, Canada, to identify geographical regions with presumed increased vulnerability: economic, social and biological vulnerability, housing characteristics and urban environment. However, we do not know which indicators correlate with an increase in morbidity and mortality during heat waves. This study evaluated, among 13 different area-level vulnerability factors from these five categories, which ones predict an effect modification of hot temperatures on morbidity and mortality. Methods For 2008 to 2018, we first explored the association between average daily temperature and four daily health indicators for the Eastern Townships region in Quebec: all-cause ambulance transports, all-cause emergency department (ED) visits, all-cause mortality and heat-related hospitalizations. We then used Poisson regression linear mixed models to investigate effect modification from the 13 area-level risk factors. Results Three vulnerability factors significantly caused positive effect modification between temperature and daily all-cause ambulance counts: the chronic diseases index, the percentage of people aged 65 years or older and the percentage of people aged 65 or older and living alone. For heat-related hospitalizations, four factors caused positive effect modification: the same three as for ambulance counts, plus the proportion of people that spend 30% or more household income on rent. For the ED-temperature association, only the percentage of people with low income caused positive effect modification. There was no significant association between temperature and daily mortality. Conclusions This study will help public health officials target preventive interventions to areas with the vulnerability factors that most strongly predict heat-related morbidity. Key messages Some, but not all, individual risk factors are useful at the area-level to predict areas with the strongest increases in morbidity associated with hot temperatures. The chronic diseases index and the percentage of people 65 and older living alone both accentuated the association between hot temperatures and ambulance transports or hospitalizations.

Aim/Purpose: This article aims at exploring how systemic racism predisposes Canadian Blacks to COVID 19 infection, thereby raising the question as to whether Black Live Matters amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Background: Although many discourses about Blacks' vulnerability abound in the public media and academic literature, their vulnerabilities seem to have been overlooked amid the current COVID-19 global health crisis. Since COVID-19 was detected public health authorities deem older people, children, Indigenous people, and low-income Canadian families and those with weakened immune systems from underlying medical conditions as vulnerable to the pandemic. One group of people conspicuously missing from the vulnerable groups’ list is Black people. Drawing on evidence-based data from secondary sources, the article demonstrates that the gravities of the COVID-19 pandemic are deepening racial inequalities in Canada. The article also illustrates how many Black people and other racialized groups are at increased risk of COVID 19 infections and deaths due to a longstanding health inequality. Methodology: This study relies on evidence-based data drawn from various secondary sources, including academic papers, policy briefs, government reports, credible media sources, press notes and advisories, current newspapers, and online media reportage of the unfolding health crisis about COVID-19 to demonstrate that the gravities of the COVID-19 pandemic are deepening racial inequalities in Canada. Although research that articulates existing studies on Black people and the COVID-19 pandemic is very scanty, this paper is mostly exploratory as it emphasizes synthesizing secondary sources of literature review. Findings: The study finds that many Black people and other racialized groups are at increased risk of COVID 19 infections and deaths due to a longstanding health inequality. Further, the paper demonstrates that, historically, social determinants of health have prevented Black people from equal access to economic, social and healthcare opportunities. And thus, have exposed a longstanding systemic racism in employment, housing, education, and healthcare. Finally, the paper recommends two innovative strategies to achieve social transformation: 1) Black Canadians should shift from vulnerability to recognizing their vitalities/resiliencies and 2) building allyships with other oppressed groups to stop the spread of the two pandemics: anti-black racism and COVID-19. Impact on Society: This paper does not only contribute to our knowledge about the challenges Black people experience during the pandemic, but also enhances our understanding about the innovative strategy to defeat anti-black racism. This strategy implies that the time has come for Black Canadians to move beyond their vulnerabilities to discover their vitality and agency – moving from the discourse of victim hood to resilience, agency, vitality and creativity

Introduction The scientific validity of climate change claims, how to intervene (if at all) in environmental, economic, political and social consequences of climate change, and the adaptation and mitigation needed with any given climate change scenario, are contested areas of public, policy and academic discourses. For marginalised populations, the climate discourses around adaptation, mitigation, vulnerability and resilience are of particular importance. This paper considers the silence around disabled people in these discourses. Marci Roth of the Spinal Cord Injury Association testified before Congress in regards to the Katrina disaster: [On August 29] Susan Daniels called me to enlist my help because her sister in-law, a quadriplegic woman in New Orleans, had been unsuccessfully trying to evacuate to the Superdome for two days. […] It was clear that this woman, Benilda Caixetta, was not being evacuated. I stayed on the phone with Benilda, for the most part of the day. […] She kept telling me she’d been calling for a ride to the Superdome since Saturday; but, despite promises, no one came. The very same paratransit system that people can’t rely on in good weather is what was being relied on in the evacuation. […] I was on the phone with Benilda when she told me, with panic in her voice “the water is rushing in.” And then her phone went dead. We learned five days later that she had been found in her apartment dead, floating next to her wheelchair. […] Benilda did not have to drown. (National Council on Disability, emphasis added) According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), adaptation is the “Adjustment in natural or human systems in response to actual or expected climatic stimuli or their effects, which moderates harm or exploits beneficial opportunities” (IPCC, Climate Change 2007). Adaptations can be anticipatory or reactive, and depending on their degree of spontaneity they can be autonomous or planned (IPCC, Fourth Assessment Report). Adaptations can be private or public (IPCC, Fourth Assessment Report), technological, behavioural, managerial and structural (National Research Council of Canada). Adaptation, in the context of human dimensions of global change, usually refers to a process, action or outcome in a system (household, community, group, sector, region, country) in order for that system to better cope with, manage or adjust to some changing condition, stress, hazard, risk or opportunity (Smit and Wandel). Adaptation can encompass national or regional strategies as well as practical steps taken at the community level or by individuals. According to Smit et al, a framework for systematically defining adaptations is based on three questions: (i) adaptation to what; (ii) who or what adapts; and (iii) how does adaptation occur? These are essential questions that have to be looked at from many angles including cultural and anthropological lenses as well as lenses of marginalised and highly vulnerable populations. Mitigation (to reduce or prevent changes in the climate system), vulnerability (the degree to which a system is susceptible to, and unable to cope with, the adverse effects of climate change), and resilience (the amount of change a system can undergo without changing state), are other important concepts within the climate change discourse. Non-climate stresses can increase vulnerability to climate change by reducing resilience and can also reduce adaptive capacity because of resource deployment to competing needs. Extending this to the context of disabled people, ableism (sentiment to expect certain abilities within humans) (Wolbring, “Is there an end to out-able?”) and disablism (the unwillingness to accommodate different needs) (Miller, Parker and Gillinson) are two concepts that will thus play themselves out in climate discourses. The “Summary for Policymakers” of the IPCC 2007 report, Climate Change 2007: Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability, states: “Poor communities can be especially vulnerable, in particular those concentrated in high-risk areas. They tend to have more limited adaptive capacities, and are more dependent on climate-sensitive resources such as local water and food supplies.” From this quote one can conclude that disabled people are particularly impacted, as the majority of disabled people live in poverty (Elwan). For instance, CARE International, a humanitarian organisation fighting global poverty, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, and Maplecroft, a company that specialises in the calculation, analysis and visualisation of global risks, conclude: “The degree of vulnerability is determined by underlying natural, human, social, physical and financial factors and is a major reason why poor people—especially those in marginalised social groups like women, children, the elderly and people with disabilities—are most affected by disasters” (CARE International). The purpose of this paper is to expose the reader to (a) how disabled people are situated in the culture of the climate, adaptation, mitigation and resilience discourse; (b) how one would answer the three questions, (i) adaptation to what, (ii) who or what adapts, and (iii) how does adaptation occur (Smit et al), using a disabled people lens; and (c) what that reality of the involvement of disabled people within the climate change discourse might herald for other groups in the future. The paper contends that there is a pressing need for the climate discourse to be more inclusive and to develop a new social contract to modify existing dynamics of ableism and disablism so as to avoid the uneven distribution of evident burdens already linked to climate change. A Culture of Neglect: The Situation of Disabled People As climates changes, environmental events that are classified as natural disasters are expected to be more frequent. In the face of recent disaster responses, how effective have these efforts been as they relate to the needs and challenges faced by disabled people? Almost immediately after Hurricane Katrina devastated the Gulf Coast, the National Council on Disability (NCD) in the United States estimated that 155,000 people with disabilities lived in the three cities hardest hit by the hurricane (about 25 per cent of the cities’ populations). The NCD urged emergency managers and government officials to recognise that the need for basic necessities by hurricane survivors with disabilities was “compounded by chronic health conditions and functional impairments … [which include] people who are blind, people who are deaf, people who use wheelchairs, canes, walkers, crutches, people with service animals, and people with mental health needs.” The NCD estimated that a disproportionate number of fatalities were people with disabilities. They cited one statistic from the American Association of Retired Persons (AARP): “73 per cent of Hurricane Katrina-related deaths in New Orleans area were among persons age 60 and over, although they comprised only 15 per cent of the population in New Orleans.” As the NCD stated, “most of those individuals had medical conditions and functional or sensory disabilities that made them more vulnerable. Many more people with disabilities under the age of 60 died or were otherwise impacted by the hurricanes.” As these numbers are very likely linked to the impaired status of the elderly, it seems reasonable to assume similar numbers for non-elderly disabled people. Hurricane Katrina is but one example of how disabled people are neglected in a disaster (Hemingway and Priestley; Fjord and Manderson). Disabled people were also disproportionately impacted in other disasters, such as the 1995 Great Hanshin Earthquake in Japan (Nakamura) or the 2003 heatwave in France, where 63 per cent of heat-related deaths occurred in institutions, with a quarter of these in nursing homes (Holstein et al.). A review of 18 US heatwave response plans revealed that although people with mental or chronic illnesses and the homeless constitute a significant proportion of the victims in recent heatwaves, only one plan emphasised outreach to disabled persons, and only two addressed the shelter and water needs of the homeless (Ebi and Meehl; Bernhard and McGeehin). Presence of Disabled People in Climate Discourse Although climate change will disproportionately impact disabled people, despite the less than stellar record of disaster adaptation and mitigation efforts towards disabled people, and despite the fact that other social groups (such as women, children, ‘the poor’, indigenous people, farmers and displaced people) are mentioned in climate-related reports such as the IPCC reports and the Human Development Report 2007/2008, the same reports do not mention disabled people. Even worse, the majority of the material generated by, and physically set up for, discourses on climate, is inaccessible for many disabled people (Australian Human Rights Commission). For instance, the IPCC report, Climate Change 2007: Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability, contains Box 8.2: Gender and natural disasters, makes the following points: (a) “men and women are affected differently in all phases of a disaster, from exposure to risk and risk perception; to preparedness behaviour, warning communication and response; physical, psychological, social and economic impacts; emergency response; and ultimately to recovery and reconstruction”; (b) “natural disasters have been shown to result in increased domestic violence against, and post-traumatic stress disorders in, women”; and (c) “women make an important contribution to disaster reduction, often informally through participating in disaster management and acting as agents of social change. Their resilience and their networks are critical in household and community recovery.” The content of Box 8.2 acknowledges the existence of different perspectives and contributions to the climate discourse, and that it is beneficial to explore these differences. It seems reasonable to assume that differences in perspectives, contributions and impact may well also exist between people with and without disabilities, and that it may be likewise beneficial to explore these differences. Disabled people are differently affected in all phases of a disaster, from exposure to risk and risk perception; to preparedness behaviour, warning communication and response; physical, psychological, social and economic impacts; emergency response; and ultimately to recovery and reconstruction. Disabled people could also make an important contribution to disaster reduction, often informally through participating in disaster management and acting as agents of social change. Their resilience and their networks are critical in household and community recovery, important as distributors of relief efforts and in reconstruction design. The Bonn Declaration from the 2007 international conference, Disasters are always Inclusive: Persons with Disabilities in Humanitarian Emergency Situations, highlighted many problems disabled people are facing and gives recommendations for inclusive disaster preparedness planning, for inclusive response in acute emergency situations and immediate rehabilitation measures, and for inclusive post-disaster reconstruction and development measures. Many workshops were initiated by disabled people groups, such as Rehabilitation International. However, the disabled people disaster adaptation and mitigation discourse is not mainstreamed. Advocacy by people with disability for accessible transport and universal or “life-cycle” housing (among other things) shows how they can contribute significantly to more effective social systems and public facilities. These benefit everyone and help to shift public expectations towards accessible and flexible amenities and services—for example, emergency response and evacuation procedures are much easier for all if such facilities are universally accessible. Most suggestions by disabled people for a more integrative, accessible physical environment and societal attitude benefit everyone, and gain special importance with the ever-increasing proportion of elderly people in society. The IPCC Fourth Assessment Report is intended to be a balanced assessment of current knowledge on climate change mitigation. However, none of the 2007 IPCC reports mention disabled people. Does that mean that disabled people are not impacted by, or impact, climate change? Does no knowledge of adaptation, mitigation and adaptation capacity from a disabled people lens exist, or does the knowledge not reach the IPCC, or does the IPCC judge this knowledge as irrelevant? This culture of neglect and unbalanced assessment of knowledge evident in the IPCC reports was recognised before for rise of a ‘global’ climate discourse. For instance, a 2001 Canadian government document asked that research agendas be developed with the involvement of, among others, disabled people (Health Canada). The 2009 Nairobi Declaration on Africa’s response to climate change (paragraph 36) also asks for the involvement of disabled people (African Ministerial Conference on the Environment). However, so far nothing has trickled up to the international bodies, like the IPCC, or leading conferences such as the United Nations Climate Change Conference Copenhagen 2009. Where Will It End? In his essay, “We do not need climate change apartheid in adaptation”, in the Human Development Report 2007/2008, Archbishop Desmond Tutu suggests that we are drifting into a situation of global adaptation apartheid—that adaptation becomes a euphemism for social injustice on a global scale (United Nations Development Programme). He uses the term “adaptation apartheid” to highlight the inequality of support for adaptation capacity between high and low income countries: “Inequality in capacity to adapt to climate change is emerging as a potential driver of wider disparities in wealth, security and opportunities for human development”. I submit that “adaptation apartheid” also exists in regard to disabled people, with the invisibility of disabled people in the climate discourse being just one facet. The unwillingness to accommodate, to help the “other,” is nothing new for disabled people. The ableism that favours species-typical bodily functioning (Wolbring, “Is there an end to out-able?”; Wolbring, “Why NBIC?”) and disablism (Miller, Parker, and Gillinson)—the lack of accommodation enthusiasm for the needs of people with ‘below’ species-typical body abilities and the unwillingness to adapt to the needs of “others”—is a form of “adaptation apartheid,” of accommodation apartheid, of adaptation disablism that has been battled by disabled people for a long time. In a 2009 online survey of 2000 British people, 38 per cent believed that most people in British society see disabled people as a “drain on resources” (Scope). A majority of human geneticist concluded in a survey in 1999 that disabled people will never be given the support they need (Nippert and Wolff). Adaptation disablism is visible in the literature and studies around other disasters. The 1988 British Medical Association discussion document, Selection of casualties for treatment after nuclear attack, stated “casualties whose injuries were likely to lead to a permanent disability would receive lower priority than those expected to fully recover” (Sunday Morning Herald). Famine is seen to lead to increased infanticide, increased competitiveness and decreased collaboration (Participants of the Nuclear Winter: The Anthropology of Human Survival Session). Ableism and disablism notions experienced by disabled people can now be extended to include those challenges expected to arise from the need to adapt to climate change. It is reasonable to expect that ableism will prevail, expecting people to cope with certain forms of climate change, and that disablism will be extended, with the ones less affected being unwilling to accommodate the ones more affected beyond a certain point. This ableism/disablism will not only play itself out between high and low income countries, as Desmond Tutu described, but also within high income countries, as not every need will be accommodated. The disaster experience of disabled people is just one example. And there might be climate change consequences that one can only mitigate through high tech bodily adaptations that will not be available to many of the ones who are so far accommodated in high income countries. Desmond Tutu submits that adaptation apartheid might work for the fortunate ones in the short term, but will be destructive for them in the long term (United Nations Development Programme). Disability studies scholar Erik Leipoldt proposed that the disability perspective of interdependence is a practical guide from the margins for making new choices that may lead to a just and sustainable world—a concept that reduces the distance between each other and our environment (Leipoldt). This perspective rejects ableism and disablism as it plays itself out today, including adaptation apartheid. Planned adaptation involves four basic steps: information development and awareness-raising; planning and design; implementation; and monitoring and evaluation (Smit et al). Disabled people have important knowledge to contribute to these four basic steps that goes far beyond their community. Their understanding and acceptance of, for example, the concept of interdependence, is just one major contribution. Including the concept of interdependence within the set of tools that inform the four basic steps of adaptation and other facets of climate discourse has the potential to lead to a decrease of adaptation apartheid, and to increase the utility of the climate discourse for the global community as a whole. References African Ministerial Conference on the Environment. 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CARE International, 2008. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.careclimatechange.org/files/reports/Human_Implications_PolicyBrief.pdf ›, ‹ http://www.careclimatechange.org/files/reports/CARE_Human_Implications.pdf ›. "Disasters Are Always Inclusive: Persons with Disabilities in Humanitarian Emergency Situations." Bonn Declaration from the International Conference: Disasters Are Always Inclusive: Persons with Disabilities in Humanitarian Emergency Situations. 2007. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.disabilityfunders.org/webfm_send/6, http://www.disabilityfunders.org/emergency_preparedness ›, ‹ http://bezev.de/bezev/aktuelles/index.htm ›. Ebi, K., and G. Meehl. Heatwaves and Global Climate Change: The Heat Is On: Climate Change and Heatwaves in the Midwest. 2007. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ www.pewclimate.org/docUploads/Regional-Impacts-Midwest.pdf ›. Elwan, A. Poverty and Disability: A Survey of the Literature. Worldbank, Social Protection Discussion Paper Series (1999): 9932. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://siteresources.worldbank.org/DISABILITY/Resources/Poverty/Poverty_and_Disability_A_Survey_of_the_Literature.pdf ›. Fjord, L., and L. Manderson. “Anthropological Perspectives on Disasters and Disability: An Introduction.” Human Organisation 68.1 (2009): 64-72. Health Canada. First Annual National Health and Climate Change Science and Policy Research Consensus Conference: How Will Climate Change Affect Priorities for Your Health Science and Policy Research? Health Canada, 2001. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/ewh-semt/pubs/climat/research-agenda-recherche/population-eng.php ›. Hemingway, L., and M. Priestley. “Natural Hazards, Human Vulnerability and Disabling Societies: A Disaster for Disabled People?” The Review of Disability Studies (2006). 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.rds.hawaii.edu/counter/count.php?id=13 ›. Holstein, J., et al. “Were Less Disabled Patients the Most Affected by the 2003 Heatwave in Nursing Homes in Paris, France?” Journal of Public Health Advance 27.4 (2005): 359-65. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Climate Change 2007: Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability. 2007. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.ipcc.ch/publications_and_data/publications_ipcc_fourth_assessment_report_wg2_report_impacts_adaptation_and_vulnerability.htm ›. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. “Summary for Policymakers.” Eds. O. F. Canziani, J. P. Palutikof, P. J. van der Linden, C. E. Hanson, and M.L.Parry. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2007. 7-22. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.ipcc.ch/pdf/assessment-report/ar4/wg2/ar4-wg2-spm.pdf ›. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. IPCC Fourth Assessment Report Working Group III Report: Mitigation of Climate Change Glossary. 2007. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.ipcc.ch/ipccreports/ar4-wg3.htm, http://www.ipcc.ch/pdf/assessment-report/ar4/wg3/ar4-wg3-annex1.pdf ›. Leipoldt, E. “Disability Experience: A Contribution from the Margins. Towards a Sustainable Future.” Journal of Futures Studies 10 (2006): 3-15. Miller, P., S. Parker and S. Gillinson. “Disablism: How to Tackle the Last Prejudice.” Demos, 2004. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.demos.co.uk/files/disablism.pdf ›. Nakamura, K. “Disability, Destitution, and Disaster: Surviving the 1995 Great Hanshin Earthquake in Japan.” Human Organisation 68.1 (2009): 82-88. National Council on Disability, National Council on Independent Living, National Organization on Disability, and National Spinal Cord Injury Association and the Paralyzed Veterans of America. Emergency Management and People with Disabilities: before, during and after Congressional Briefing, 10 November 2005. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.ncd.gov/newsroom/publications/2005/transcript_emergencymgt.htm ›. National Council on Disability. National Council on Disability on Hurricane Katrina Affected Areas. 2005. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.ncd.gov/newsroom/publications/2005/katrina2.htm ›. National Research Council of Canada. From Impacts to Adaptation: Canada in a Changing Climate 2007. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://adaptation.nrcan.gc.ca/assess/2007/pdf/full-complet_e.pdf ›. Nippert, I. and G. Wolff. “Ethik und Genetik: Ergebnisse der Umfrage zu Problemaspekten angewandter Humangenetik 1994-1996, 37 Länder.” Medgen 11 (1999): 53-61. Participants of the Nuclear Winter: The Anthropology of Human Survival Session. Proceedings of the 84th American Anthropological Association's Annual Meeting. Washington, D.C., 6 Dec. 1985. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.fas.org/sgp/othergov/doe/lanl/lib-www/la-pubs/00173165.pdf ›. Scope. “Most Britons Think Others View Disabled People ‘As Inferior’.” 2009. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.scope.org.uk/cgi-bin/np/viewnews.cgi?id=1244379033, http://www.comres.co.uk/resources/7/Social%20Polls/Scope%20PublicPoll%20Results%20May09.pdf ›. Smit, B., et al. “The Science of Adaptation: A Framework for Assessment.” Mitigation and Adaptation Strategies for Global Change 4 (1999): 199-213. Smit, B., and J. Wandel. “Adaptation, Adaptive Capacity and Vulnerability.” Global Environmental Change 16 (2006): 282-92. Sunday Morning Herald. “Who Lives and Dies in Britain after the Bomb.” Sunday Morning Herald 1988. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1301&dat=19880511&id=wFYVAAAAIBAJ&sjid=kOQDAAAAIBAJ&pg=3909,113100 ›. United Nations Development Programme. Human Development Report 2007/2008: Fighting Climate Change – Human Solidarity in a Divided World. 2008. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/HDR_20072008_EN_Complete.pdf ›. Wolbring, Gregor. “Is There an End to Out-Able? Is There an End to the Rat Race for Abilities?” M/C Journal 11.3 (2008). 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/viewArticle/57 ›. Wolbring, Gregor. “Why NBIC? Why Human Performance Enhancement?” Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research 21.1 (2008): 25-40.

On May 18, 2003, the Australian Minister for Education, Brendon Nelson, appeared on the Channel Nine Sunday programme. The Yoda of political journalism, Laurie Oakes, attacked him personally and professionally. He disclosed to viewers that the Minister for Education, Science and Training had suffered a false start in his education, enrolling in one semester of an economics degree that was never completed. The following year, he commenced a medical qualification and went on to become a practicing doctor. He did not pay fees for any of his University courses. When reminded of these events, Dr Nelson became agitated, and revealed information not included in the public presentation of the budget of that year, including a ‘cap’ on HECS-funded places of five years for each student. He justified such a decision with the cliché that Australia’s taxpayers do not want “professional students completing degree after degree.” The Minister confirmed that the primary – and perhaps the only – task for university academics was to ‘train’ young people for the workforce. The fact that nearly 50% of students in some Australian Universities are over the age of twenty five has not entered his vision. He wanted young people to complete a rapid degree and enter the workforce, to commence paying taxes and the debt or loan required to fund a full fee-paying place. Now – nearly two years after this interview and with the Howard government blessed with a new mandate – it is time to ask how this administration will order education and value teaching and learning. The curbing of the time available to complete undergraduate courses during their last term in office makes plain the Australian Liberal Government’s stance on formal, publicly-funded lifelong learning. The notion that a student/worker can attain all required competencies, skills, attributes, motivations and ambitions from a single degree is an assumption of the new funding model. It is also significant to note that while attention is placed on the changing sources of income for universities, there have also been major shifts in the pattern of expenditure within universities, focusing on branding, marketing, recruitment, ‘regional’ campuses and off-shore courses. Similarly, the short-term funding goals of university research agendas encourage projects required by industry, rather than socially inflected concerns. There is little inevitable about teaching, research and education in Australia, except that the Federal Government will not create a fully-funded model for lifelong learning. The task for those of us involved in – and committed to – education in this environment is to probe the form and rationale for a (post) publicly funded University. This short paper for the ‘order’ issue of M/C explores learning and teaching within our current political and economic order. Particularly, I place attention on the synergies to such an order via phrases like the knowledge economy and the creative industries. To move beyond the empty promises of just-in-time learning, on-the-job training, graduate attributes and generic skills, we must reorder our assumptions and ask difficult questions of those who frame the context in which education takes place. For the term of your natural life Learning is a big business. Whether discussing the University of the Third Age, personal development courses, self help bestsellers or hard-edged vocational qualifications, definitions of learning – let alone education – are expanding. Concurrent with this growth, governments are reducing centralized funding and promoting alternative revenue streams. The diversity of student interests – or to use the language of the time, client’s learning goals – is transforming higher education into more than the provision of undergraduate and postgraduate degrees. The expansion of the student body beyond the 18-25 age group and the desire to ‘service industry’ has reordered the form and purpose of formal education. The number of potential students has expanded extraordinarily. As Lee Bash realized Today, some estimates suggest that as many as 47 percent of all students enrolled in higher education are over 25 years old. In the future, as lifelong learning becomes more integrated into the fabric of our culture, the proportion of adult students is expected to increase. And while we may not yet realize it, the academy is already being transformed as a result. (35) Lifelong learning is the major phrase and trope that initiates and justifies these changes. Such expansive economic opportunities trigger the entrepreneurial directives within universities. If lifelong learning is taken seriously, then the goals, entry standards, curriculum, information management policies and assessments need to be challenged and changed. Attention must be placed on words and phrases like ‘access’ and ‘alternative entry.’ Even more consideration must be placed on ‘outcomes’ and ‘accountability.’ Lifelong learning is a catchphrase for a change in purpose and agenda. Courses are developed from a wide range of education providers so that citizens can function in, or at least survive, the agitation of the post-work world. Both neo-liberal and third way models of capitalism require the labeling and development of an aspirational class, a group who desires to move ‘above’ their current context. Such an ambiguous economic and social goal always involves more than the vocational education and training sector or universities, with the aim being to seamlessly slot education into a ‘lifestyle.’ The difficulties with this discourse are two-fold. Firstly, how effectively can these aspirational notions be applied and translated into a real family and a real workplace? Secondly, does this scheme increase the information divide between rich and poor? There are many characteristics of an effective lifelong learner including great personal motivation, self esteem, confidence and intellectual curiosity. In a double shifting, change-fatigued population, the enthusiasm for perpetual learning may be difficult to summon. With the casualization of the post-Fordist workplace, it is no surprise that policy makers and employers are placing the economic and personal responsibility for retraining on individual workers. Instead of funding a training scheme in the workplace, there has been a devolving of skill acquisition and personal development. Through the twentieth century, and particularly after 1945, education was the track to social mobility. The difficulty now – with degree inflation and the loss of stable, secure, long-term employment – is that new modes of exclusion and disempowerment are being perpetuated through the education system. Field recognized that “the new adult education has been embraced most enthusiastically by those who are already relatively well qualified.” (105) This is a significant realization. Motivation, meta-learning skills and curiosity are increasingly being rewarded when found in the already credentialed, empowered workforce. Those already in work undertake lifelong learning. Adult education operates well for members of the middle class who are doing well and wish to do better. If success is individualized, then failure is also cast on the self, not the social system or policy. The disempowered are blamed for their own conditions and ‘failures.’ The concern, through the internationalization of the workforce, technological change and privatization of national assets, is that failure in formal education results in social exclusion and immobility. Besides being forced into classrooms, there are few options for those who do not wish to learn, in a learning society. Those who ‘choose’ not be a part of the national project of individual improvement, increased market share, company competitiveness and international standards are not relevant to the economy. But there is a personal benefit – that may have long term political consequences – from being ‘outside’ society. Perhaps the best theorist of the excluded is not sourced from a University, but from the realm of fictional writing. Irvine Welsh, author of the landmark Trainspotting, has stated that What we really need is freedom from choice … People who are in work have no time for anything else but work. They have no mental space to accommodate anything else but work. Whereas people who are outside the system will always find ways of amusing themselves. Even if they are materially disadvantaged they’ll still find ways of coping, getting by and making their own entertainment. (145-6) A blurring of work and learning, and work and leisure, may seem to create a borderless education, a learning framework uninhibited by curriculum, assessment or power structures. But lifelong learning aims to place as many (national) citizens as possible in ‘the system,’ striving for success or at least a pay increase which will facilitate the purchase of more consumer goods. Through any discussion of work-place training and vocationalism, it is important to remember those who choose not to choose life, who choose something else, who will not follow orders. Everybody wants to work The great imponderable for complex economic systems is how to manage fluctuations in labour and the market. The unstable relationship between need and supply necessitates flexibility in staffing solutions, and short-term supplementary labour options. When productivity and profit are the primary variables through which to judge successful management, then the alignments of education and employment are viewed and skewed through specific ideological imperatives. The library profession is an obvious occupation that has confronted these contradictions. It is ironic that the occupation that orders knowledge is experiencing a volatile and disordered workplace. In the past, it had been assumed that librarians hold a degree while technicians do not, and that technicians would not be asked to perform – unsupervised – the same duties as librarians. Obviously, such distinctions are increasingly redundant. Training packages, structured through competency-based training principles, have ensured technicians and librarians share knowledge systems which are taught through incremental stages. Mary Carroll recognized the primary questions raised through this change. If it is now the case that these distinctions have disappeared do we need to continue to draw them between professional and para-professional education? Does this mean that all sectors of the education community are in fact learning/teaching the same skills but at different levels so that no unique set of skills exist? (122) With education reduced to skills, thereby discrediting generalist degrees, the needs of industry have corroded the professional standards and stature of librarians. Certainly, the abilities of library technicians are finally being valued, but it is too convenient that one of the few professions dominated by women has suffered a demeaning of knowledge into competency. Lifelong learning, in this context, has collapsed high level abilities in information management into bite sized chunks of ‘skills.’ The ideology of lifelong learning – which is rarely discussed – is that it serves to devalue prior abilities and knowledges into an ever-expanding imperative for ‘new’ skills and software competencies. For example, ponder the consequences of Hitendra Pillay and Robert Elliott’s words: The expectations inherent in new roles, confounded by uncertainty of the environment and the explosion of information technology, now challenge us to reconceptualise human cognition and develop education and training in a way that resonates with current knowledge and skills. (95) Neophilliacal urges jut from their prose. The stress on ‘new roles,’ and ‘uncertain environments,’ the ‘explosion of information technology,’ ‘challenges,’ ‘reconceptualisations,’ and ‘current knowledge’ all affirms the present, the contemporary, and the now. Knowledge and expertise that have taken years to develop, nurture and apply are not validated through this educational brief. The demands of family, work, leisure, lifestyle, class and sexuality stretch the skin taut over economic and social contradictions. To ease these paradoxes, lifelong learning should stress pedagogy rather than applications, and context rather than content. Put another way, instead of stressing the link between (gee wizz) technological change and (inevitable) workplace restructuring and redundancies, emphasis needs to be placed on the relationship between professional development and verifiable technological outcomes, rather than spruiks and promises. Short term vocationalism in educational policy speaks to the ordering of our public culture, requiring immediate profits and a tight dialogue between education and work. Furthering this logic, if education ‘creates’ employment, then it also ‘creates’ unemployment. Ironically, in an environment that focuses on the multiple identities and roles of citizens, students are reduced to one label – ‘future workers.’ Obviously education has always been marinated in the political directives of the day. The industrial revolution introduced a range of technical complexities to the workforce. Fordism necessitated that a worker complete a task with precision and speed, requiring a high tolerance of stress and boredom. Now, more skills are ‘assumed’ by employers at the time that workplaces are off-loading their training expectations to the post-compulsory education sector. Therefore ‘lifelong learning’ is a political mask to empower the already empowered and create a low-level skill base for low paid workers, with the promise of competency-based training. Such ideologies never need to be stated overtly. A celebration of ‘the new’ masks this task. Not surprisingly therefore, lifelong learning has a rich new life in ordering creative industries strategies and frameworks. Codifying the creative The last twenty years have witnessed an expanding jurisdiction and justification of the market. As part of Tony Blair’s third way, the creative industries and the knowledge economy became catchwords to demonstrate that cultural concerns are not only economically viable but a necessity in the digital, post-Fordist, information age. Concerns with intellectual property rights, copyright, patents, and ownership of creative productions predominate in such a discourse. Described by Charles Leadbeater as Living on Thin Air, this new economy is “driven by new actors of production and sources of competitive advantage – innovation, design, branding, know-how – which are at work on all industries.” (10) Such market imperatives offer both challenges and opportunity for educationalists and students. Lifelong learning is a necessary accoutrement to the creative industries project. Learning cities and communities are the foundations for design, music, architecture and journalism. In British policy, and increasingly in Queensland, attention is placed on industry-based research funding to address this changing environment. In 2000, Stuart Cunningham and others listed the eight trends that order education, teaching and learning in this new environment. The Changes to the Provision of Education Globalization The arrival of new information and communication technologies The development of a knowledge economy, shortening the time between the development of new ideas and their application. The formation of learning organizations User-pays education The distribution of knowledge through interactive communication technologies (ICT) Increasing demand for education and training Scarcity of an experienced and trained workforce Source: S. Cunningham, Y. Ryan, L. Stedman, S. Tapsall, K. Bagdon, T. Flew and P. Coaldrake. The Business of Borderless Education. Canberra: DETYA Evaluation and Investigations Program [EIP], 2000. This table reverberates with the current challenges confronting education. Mobilizing such changes requires the lubrication of lifelong learning tropes in university mission statements and the promotion of a learning culture, while also acknowledging the limited financial conditions in which the educational sector is placed. For university scholars facilitating the creative industries approach, education is “supplying high value-added inputs to other enterprises,” (Hartley and Cunningham 5) rather than having value or purpose beyond the immediately and applicably economic. The assumption behind this table is that the areas of expansion in the workforce are the creative and service industries. In fact, the creative industries are the new service sector. This new economy makes specific demands of education. Education in the ‘old economy’ and the ‘new economy’ Old Economy New Economy Four-year degree Forty-year degree Training as a cost Training as a source of competitive advantage Learner mobility Content mobility Distance education Distributed learning Correspondence materials with video Multimedia centre Fordist training – one size fits all Tailored programmes Geographically fixed institutions Brand named universities and celebrity professors Just-in-case Just-in-time Isolated learners Virtual learning communities Source: T. Flew. “Educational Media in Transition: Broadcasting, Digital Media and Lifelong Learning in the Knowledge Economy.” International Journal of Instructional Media 29.1 (2002): 20. There are myriad assumptions lurking in Flew’s fascinating table. The imperative is short courses on the web, servicing the needs of industry. He described the product of this system as a “learner-earner.” (50) This ‘forty year degree’ is based on lifelong learning ideologies. However Flew’s ideas are undermined by the current government higher education agenda, through the capping – through time – of courses. The effect on the ‘learner-earner’ in having to earn more to privately fund a continuance of learning – to ensure that they keep on earning – needs to be addressed. There will be consequences to the housing market, family structures and leisure time. The costs of education will impact on other sectors of the economy and private lives. Also, there is little attention to the groups who are outside this taken-for-granted commitment to learning. Flew noted that barriers to greater participation in education and training at all levels, which is a fundamental requirement of lifelong learning in the knowledge economy, arise in part out of the lack of provision of quality technology-mediated learning, and also from inequalities of access to ICTs, or the ‘digital divide.’ (51) In such a statement, there is a misreading of teaching and learning. Such confusion is fuelled by the untheorised gap between ‘student’ and ‘consumer.’ The notion that technology (which in this context too often means computer-mediated platforms) is a barrier to education does not explain why conventional distance education courses, utilizing paper, ink and postage, were also unable to welcome or encourage groups disengaged from formal learning. Flew and others do not confront the issue of motivation, or the reason why citizens choose to add or remove the label of ‘student’ from their bag of identity labels. The stress on technology as both a panacea and problem for lifelong learning may justify theories of convergence and the integration of financial, retail, community, health and education provision into a services sector, but does not explain why students desire to learn, beyond economic necessity and employer expectations. Based on these assumptions of expanding creative industries and lifelong learning, the shape of education is warping. An ageing population requires educational expenditure to be reallocated from primary and secondary schooling and towards post-compulsory learning and training. This cost will also be privatized. When coupled with immigration flows, technological changes and alterations to market and labour structures, lifelong learning presents a profound and personal cost. An instrument for economic and social progress has been individualized, customized and privatized. The consequence of the ageing population in many nations including Australia is that there will be fewer young people in schools or employment. Such a shift will have consequences for the workplace and the taxation system. Similarly, those young workers who remain will be far more entrepreneurial and less loyal to their employers. Public education is now publically-assisted education. Jane Jenson and Denis Saint-Martin realized the impact of this change. The 1980s ideological shift in economic and social policy thinking towards policies and programmes inspired by neo-liberalism provoked serious social strains, especially income polarization and persistent poverty. An increasing reliance on market forces and the family for generating life-chances, a discourse of ‘responsibility,’ an enthusiasm for off-loading to the voluntary sector and other altered visions of the welfare architecture inspired by neo-liberalism have prompted a reaction. There has been a wide-ranging conversation in the 1990s and the first years of the new century in policy communities in Europe as in Canada, among policy makers who fear the high political, social and economic costs of failing to tend to social cohesion. (78) There are dense social reorderings initiated by neo-liberalism and changing the notions of learning, teaching and education. There are yet to be tracked costs to citizenship. The legacy of the 1980s and 1990s is that all organizations must behave like businesses. In such an environment, there are problems establishing social cohesion, let alone social justice. To stress the product – and not the process – of education contradicts the point of lifelong learning. Compliance and complicity replace critique. (Post) learning The Cold War has ended. The great ideological battle between communism and Western liberal democracy is over. Most countries believe both in markets and in a necessary role for Government. There will be thunderous debates inside nations about the balance, but the struggle for world hegemony by political ideology is gone. What preoccupies decision-makers now is a different danger. It is extremism driven by fanaticism, personified either in terrorist groups or rogue states. Tony Blair (http://www.number-10.gov.uk/output/Page6535.asp) Tony Blair, summoning his best Francis Fukuyama impersonation, signaled the triumph of liberal democracy over other political and economic systems. His third way is unrecognizable from the Labour party ideals of Clement Attlee. Probably his policies need to be. Yet in his second term, he is not focused on probing the specificities of the market-orientation of education, health and social welfare. Instead, decision makers are preoccupied with a war on terror. Such a conflict seemingly justifies large defense budgets which must be at the expense of social programmes. There is no recognition by Prime Ministers Blair or Howard that ‘high-tech’ armory and warfare is generally impotent to the terrorist’s weaponry of cars, bodies and bombs. This obvious lesson is present for them to see. After the rapid and successful ‘shock and awe’ tactics of Iraq War II, terrorism was neither annihilated nor slowed by the Coalition’s victory. Instead, suicide bombers in Saudi Arabia, Morocco, Indonesia and Israel snuck have through defenses, requiring little more than a car and explosives. More Americans have been killed since the war ended than during the conflict. Wars are useful when establishing a political order. They sort out good and evil, the just and the unjust. Education policy will never provide the ‘big win’ or the visible success of toppling Saddam Hussein’s statue. The victories of retraining, literacy, competency and knowledge can never succeed on this scale. As Blair offered, “these are new times. New threats need new measures.” (ht tp://www.number-10.gov.uk/output/Page6535.asp) These new measures include – by default – a user pays education system. In such an environment, lifelong learning cannot succeed. It requires a dense financial commitment in the long term. A learning society requires a new sort of war, using ideas not bullets. References Bash, Lee. “What Serving Adult Learners Can Teach Us: The Entrepreneurial Response.” Change January/February 2003: 32-7. Blair, Tony. “Full Text of the Prime Minister’s Speech at the Lord Mayor’s Banquet.” November 12, 2002. http://www.number-10.gov.uk/output/Page6535.asp. Carroll, Mary. “The Well-Worn Path.” The Australian Library Journal May 2002: 117-22. Field, J. Lifelong Learning and the New Educational Order. Stoke on Trent: Trentham Books, 2000. Flew, Terry. “Educational Media in Transition: Broadcasting, Digital Media and Lifelong Learning in the Knowledge Economy.” International Journal of Instructional Media 29.1 (2002): 47-60. Hartley, John, and Cunningham, Stuart. “Creative Industries – from Blue Poles to Fat Pipes.” Department of Education, Science and Training, Commonwealth of Australia (2002). Jenson, Jane, and Saint-Martin, Denis. “New Routes to Social Cohesion? Citizenship and the Social Investment State.” Canadian Journal of Sociology 28.1 (2003): 77-99. Leadbeater, Charles. Living on Thin Air. London: Viking, 1999. Pillay, Hitendra, and Elliott, Robert. “Distributed Learning: Understanding the Emerging Workplace Knowledge.” Journal of Interactive Learning Research 13.1-2 (2002): 93-107. Welsh, Irvine, from Redhead, Steve. “Post-Punk Junk.” Repetitive Beat Generation. Glasgow: Rebel Inc, 2000: 138-50. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Brabazon, Tara. "Freedom from Choice: Who Pays for Customer Service in the Knowledge Economy?." M/C Journal 7.6 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0501/02-brabazon.php>. APA Style Brabazon, T. (Jan. 2005) "Freedom from Choice: Who Pays for Customer Service in the Knowledge Economy?," M/C Journal, 7(6). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0501/02-brabazon.php>.