Journal articles on the topic 'Louisiana Purchase Exposition Company'

En las postrimerías del siglo XIX, las ferias universales sirvieron como pantalla de exposición a las naciones emergentes. Las élites argentinas gobernantes buscaron proyectar la idea de una Argentina de perfil europeo y moderno. La participación argentina en la exposición de Saint Louis (Estados Unidos) en 1904 condensa el laissez faire del estado argentino en cuestiones del pasado prehispánico y presente etnográfico pero convergente con la promoción de un país donde el futuro lograba desprenderse del presente etnográfico y los vestigios de un pasado prehispánico eran posicionados como parte de la historia natural. El laissez faire se refleja en dos “otredades” trasladadas. Por un lado, un grupo de tehuelches formó parte de las exhibiciones del departamento de Antropología de la feria, transformándose de sujetos en objetos de consumo masivo. Por otro, el coleccionista Zavaleta llevó objetos arqueológicos, convirtiéndose los mismos en parte del panteón de las civilizaciones andinas. Se analiza la presencia de dichas otredades y cómo la exposición coadyuvó en posicionar esos ‘otros’ dentro del discurso político de la nación argentina.

AbstractChickasaw, Choctaw, Cherokee, Muscogee, and Seminole citizens employed the Indian Territory exhibits at the 1904 Louisiana Purchase Exposition to advance the separate statehood movement. Increasingly shut out of the formal political realm, they adopted creative measures to exert their political will, including participating in the world’s fair. Employing insights from settler-colonial theory and public history, this paper argues that the politics of display expanded the agency of a group marginalized from political representation. The U.S. government, pressured by the territory’s growing population of non-Native settlers, had begun planning for statehood, passing the 1898 Curtis Act to force allotment and dissolve the Five Tribes’ governments by 1906. To protect their land and sovereignty, a cohort of Native citizens pursued statehood for Indian Territory separate from Oklahoma Territory. Although joint statehood won out, separate statehood advocates succeeded in creating exhibits that centered on the survival of Native nations. They also articulated an Indigenous conception of citizenship, developing an imaginative vision for a future in which self-determination and U.S. citizenship could converge in a Native state. This represented a novel contribution to ongoing debates over how to integrate remaining western territories into the United States and how to incorporate diverse peoples within the citizenry.

El Field Museum of Natural History de Chicago (Illinois, Estados Unidos) posee una gran cantidad de piezas arqueológicas procedentes de tres provincias del Noroeste argentino (Salta, Tucumán y Catamarca) que fueron adquiridas en 1904 durante la Louisiana Purchase Exposition, feria universal llevada a cabo en Saint Louis (Missouri, Estados Unidos) donde Manuel Zavaleta, su colector, llevó parte de su compilación de objetos con fines de obtención de un rédito económico. Este artículo propone abordar un universo específico de éstos, las piezas elaboradas en diversos tipos de metal, desde un análisis integral no solo contemplando sus características, sino también haciendo una revisión desde la estadía de los objetos en Saint Louis hasta su actual resguardo en el museo de Chicago. Hoy día la muestra de objetos metálicos de la institución es de 185 ítems. Análisis morfológicos, funcionales y tecnológicos fueron efectuados así como un seguimiento de los mismos en el registro archivístico y fotográfico del museo. Los artefactos arqueológicos fueron también sometidos a evaluación composicional mediante un analizador portátil por fluorescencia de rayos X provisto por la institución. Sus resultados en términos semi-cuantitativos, y junto a una evaluación de los alcances y limitaciones de este tipo de acercamiento analítico, son presentados.

Fossil-bearing sites containing predominantly mastodon, Mammut americanum, remains were discovered west of the Mississippi River on the Osage River in Upper Louisiana only a few decades after the discovery by Longueuil of similar remains at Big Bone Lick in Kentucky. The first excavations were conducted in the 1790s by Pierre Chouteau, a fur trader and member of the founding family of St Louis. Chouteau's work was documented by several early travelers, including Georges-Henri-Victor Collot and later by Meriwether Lewis and William Clark, among others. It was from Chouteau's excavation that the first mastodon molar from west of the Mississippi River reached Baron Georges Cuvier in Paris, having been sent from Philadelphia by Benjamin Smith Barton. Early nineteenth-century travelers continued to mention the Osage River locality and, by 1816, William Clark displayed fossil specimens in his St Louis Museum. By 1840 the indefatigable fossil collector and museum entrepreneur, Albert C. Koch, began extensive digging in the Osage River basin along with sites in the Bourbeuse River valley and at Kimmswick along the Mississippi River in Missouri. Koch's extensive collection of mastodon bones enabled him to assemble a mounted specimen that he named the Missourium, an exaggerated and poorly reconstructed skeleton that was later identified and properly reassembled by Richard Owen at the British Museum. The specimen was later purchased by the trustees of that museum. The publicity surrounding Koch's work stimulated a veritable ‘bone rush’ to the Osage River in the years preceding the Civil War, with some of the fossils making their way into the collections of the American Philosophical Society and the Academy of Natural Sciences in Philadelphia. Following the Civil War, interest shifted to the Mississippi valley and the Kimmswick site just south of St Louis, where ongoing excavations became an attraction during the 1904 Louisiana Purchase Exposition in St Louis. C. W. Beehler, a St Louis resident, was responsible for the work, a venture that attracted scientists from the Smithsonian as well as other institutions. While none of the principals in the early exploration of fossil sites in Missouri had scientific training, the fact that their collections were passed on to scientific practitioners in Philadelphia, Washington, Paris, and London contributed to the expanding body of information that aided in the development of the field of vertebrate paleontology.

The Kimmswick ‘bone bed’, a late Wisconsin paleontological locality in Jefferson County, Missouri, south of St. Louis, has been known since the early nineteenth century. The site gained international recognition in 1843 when a German immigrant and enterprising entrepreneur, Albert Koch, sold a composite skeleton of an American mastodon to the British Museum, parts of which came from Kimmswick. A half-century later a mechanic, inventor, and fossil hunter named Charles W. Beehler spent several months each year between 1897–1904 exhuming a massive collection of vertebrate fossils, representing several taxa, but one dominated by American mastodon (Mammut americanum). In addition, Beehler discovered human artifacts that he deemed were associated with the extinct fauna, thus adding Beehler to a growing number of proponents of what was termed the ‘American Paleolithic’. In retrospect he may have indeed uncovered evidence for an association between humans and extinct fauna, but the relationship went unrecognized by leading scientists of the time. Beehler constructed a wooden frame building on the site to house his collection, which he referred to as a museum. This was in preparation for visitors who would flock to the 1904 World's Fair in St. Louis, known officially as the Louisiana Purchase Exposition. Featuring his active excavation and mastodon-dominated bone collection, Beehler created an attraction that enticed fair goers—as well as the curious—to schedule trips to Kimmswick. Following the World's Fair Beehler returned to St. Louis, but the disposition of his collection remained a mystery. There is no evidence that any significant number of specimens made their way into institutional hands where they were preserved. Beehler attracted national and international attention through his work at Kimmswick, but his reluctance to share or donate his collection to a reputable institution left him with a legacy of notoriety, and led to the loss of this important collection of vertebrate fossils.

Globally, electricity has become a modern tool to supply energy to households. This study investigates the supply and demand of household electricity and sustainability of distribution centres at Emfuleni Local Municipality (ELM). South Africa follows a vigorous programme of electrification, spearheaded by Eskom. Eskom is a South African state-owned power company which strives to meet the country’s increasing demand for energy. Resi-dential energy demand is growing as population levels rise and the number of households in ELM increases. Recently (2008–2010) in South Africa there have been unprecedented levels of load shedding nationally and there is a shortage of centres to purchase electricity. Furthermore, households do not receive uninterrupted electricity on a daily basis, largely because of stolen electrical cables and illegal connections. Low-income residents of Evaton, ELM, were interviewed. Empirical surveys were conducted and a theoretical exposition drawn up to meet the objectives of the study. It was found that electricity supply and demand in ELM is adequate but there is a shortage of selling points in Evaton and there are barriers towards the effectiveness of electricity consumption. In addition, public awareness programmes must continue to educate the communities to avoid stealing the electrical cables. Illegal connection must be reported to the local councillors for them to make sure that this activity is stopped in Evaton.

Valaris Adds Fresh Rig Contracts to Backlog Valaris has scooped a number of new contracts and contract extensions, adding an associated $466 million to its contract backlog. The company received a 540-day contract with Equinor offshore Brazil for use of drillship Valaris DS-17. The rig will be reactivated for this contract, which is expected to begin in mid-2023. The total contract value is around $327 million, including an upfront payment totaling $86 million for mobilization costs, a contribution toward reactivation costs, and capital upgrades. The remaining contract value relates to the operating day rate and additional services. Also in Brazil, Valaris received a contract extension with TotalEnergies EP Brasil offshore Brazil for the use of drillship Valaris DS-15. The option is in direct continuation of the current firm program. “We are particularly pleased to have been awarded another contract for one of our preservation stacked drillships, Valaris DS-17, and look forward to partnering with Equinor on their flagship Bacalhau project in Brazil,” said Valaris Chief Executive Anton Dibowitz. “We expect Brazil to be a significant growth market for high-specification floaters over the next several years, and we are well positioned to benefit by now adding a third rig to this strategic basin.” The contractor also was awarded a two-well contract extension with Woodside offshore Australia for semisubmersible Valaris DPS-1. The two-well extension has an estimated duration of 38 days and will be in direct continuation of the existing firm program for Woodside’s Enfield plug-and-abandonment (P&A) campaign. The P&A work covers 18 wells in total. Woodside also awarded Valaris a separate one-well extension for the rig. The work has an estimated duration of 60 days with Woodside’s Scarborough development campaign. Elsewhere, Shell awarded a 4-year contract for heavy-duty modern jackup Valaris 115 offshore Brunei. The $159-million contract is expected to begin in April 2023. The contract was also awarded various short-term deals for jackups with Shell in the UK, an undisclosed operator in the Gulf of Mexico (GOM), Cantium in the GOM, and GB Energy offshore Australia. Shell Joins Equinor in GOM Sparta Development Shell has agreed to purchase 51% of Equinor’s interest in the North Platte deepwater development project in the US Gulf of Mexico (GOM). Equinor will retain 49% interest in the project, and Shell will become the new operator of the field. The new partners also have agreed to rename North Platte to Sparta. Sparta straddles four blocks of the Garden Banks area, 275 km off the coast of Louisiana in approximately 1300 m of water depth. Front-end engineering and design has been matured for the project. Equinor and Shell will review the work that has been completed and update the development plan. Shell said that Sparta aligns with its strategy to pursue upstream investments that can remain competitive over time, both from a financial and environmental-intensity perspective. North Platte was discovered by Cobalt Energy and Total in 2012. The partners said the Wilcox-aged discovery would require 20K-psi technology to develop. Cobalt went bankrupt in 2017 and its stake in the asset was sold to Equinor and Total. In early 2022, TotalEnergies walked away from the project and its operatorship to focus on other projects, leaving Equinor with 100% interest. BP Awarded King Mariout Block in Egypt’s West Med BP has been awarded the King Mariout exploration block offshore Egypt following its participation last year in the limited bid round organized by the Egyptian Natural Gas Holding Company. The King Mariout Offshore area is located 20 km west of the Raven field in the Mediterranean Sea and covers 2600 km2 with water depths ranging between 500 and 2100 m. The block is within the West Nile Delta area, for which material gas discoveries could be developed using existing infrastructure. BP holds a 100% stake in the block. BP is a major player in Egypt investing more than $35 billion in the area over the past 60 years. LLOG Begins Production From Spruance in GOM LLOG has kicked off production from its operated Spruance Field located in Ewing Bank Blocks 877 and 921 in the US GOM. The two-well subsea development is producing, in combination, approximately 16,000 B/D of oil and 13 MMcf/D via a 14-mile subsea tieback to the EnVen-operated Lobster platform in nearby Block 873. The Spruance Field was initially discovered by LLOG and its partners in mid-2019 via a subsalt exploratory well, the Ewing Bank 877 #1, which was drilled in 1,570 ft to a total depth of 17,000 ft and logged around 150 net ft of oil pay in multiple high-quality Miocene sands. A second well, the Ewing Bank 921 #1, was drilled from the same surface location as the discovery well to a total depth of 16,600 ft in early October 2020. The well delineated the main field pays and logged additional oil pay in the exploratory portion of the well, finding a total of more than 200 net ft of oil. LLOG is the operator of the Spruance Field and owns a 22.64% working interest with partners Ridgewood Energy (23.89%), EnVen (13.5%), Beacon Asset Holdings (11.61%), Houston Energy (11.2%), Red Willow (11.15%), and CL&F (6%). Egypt Signs Agreement With Chevron To Drill First Exploration Well in East Med Chevron is planning to drill the first exploration well in its concession area in the Eastern Mediterranean this September. The well plans come as Egyptian Natural Gas Holding signed a memorandum of understanding with the US-based producer to cooperate in transporting, importing, and exporting natural gas from the area. Chevron expanded its presence in the area following its $5-billion acquisition of Noble Energy in 2020. The two companies will evaluate options for natural gas transmission from the East Mediterranean to Egypt to optimize its value through liquefaction before re-exporting and selling it, according to the memorandum. In addition, the two firms will perform research on low-carbon natural gas. APA Suriname Campaign Offers Mixed Results APA Corporation successfully flow tested its Krabdagu exploration well (KBD-1) on Block 58 offshore Suriname, while its Rasper exploration well on Block 53 offered disappointing results. Flow-test data collected in the two lower intervals, the Upper Campanian (32 m of net oil pay) and Lower Campanian (32 m of net oil pay), indicate oil-in-place resources of approximately 100 million bbl and 80 million bbl, respectively, connected to the KBD-1 well. Appraisal drilling will be necessary to confirm additional resource and development-well locations, according to APA. The exploration well encountered another high-quality interval in the Upper Campanian that was not in a location suitable for flow testing. This shallower Campanian zone will need to be flow tested in the appraisal stage from a better location. The APA-TotalEnergies joint venture is currently drilling the Dikkop exploration well in the central portion of Block 58 with drilling rig Maersk Valiant. Following completion of operations at Dikkop, the rig is expected to continue exploration and appraisal activities in the central portion of Block 58. APA Suriname and operator TotalEnergies each hold a 50% working interest in the block. Meanwhile, APA’s Rasper well in Block 53 off Suriname encountered water-bearing reservoirs in the Campanian and Santonian intervals. The Noble Gerry de Souza drillship has been mobilized to the next exploration prospect, Baja, in the southwestern corner of Block 53. Baja lies 11 km northeast of the recently announced Block 58 discovery at Krabdagu and will test Maastrichtian and Campanian targets. APA Suriname, the operator, holds a 45% working interest in the block, Petronas holds a 30% working interest, and CEPSA a 25% working interest. Novatek JV Wins North Yarudeyskoye License Novatek’s Yargeo joint venture has won the license to survey, explore, and develop production at the North Yarudeyskoye oil and gas condensate field over the next 27 years. The license area is in the Yamal-Nenets autonomous region in the Arctic, Russia’s principal gas-producing area. North Yarudeyskoye holds an estimated hydrocarbon resource potential of 93.5 million BOE. The greater Yarudeyskoye field began producing in 2015 and by 2017 was responsible for nearly a third of Novatek’s liquids production. The company, Russia’s largest private natural gas producer, noted that it had participated in the recent auction to explore and develop North Yarudeyskoye through Gazprom Bank’s Electronic Trading Platform and that the win was Novatek’s first on that platform. PDC Energy Gets Green Light for Kenosha, Broe Developments The Colorado Oil and Gas Conservation Commission has approved PDC Energy’s Kenosha and Broe developments’ permit applications. The Kenosha development, which encompasses 69 wells on three pads in rural Weld County, Colorado, further increases PDC’s permitted inventory by another rig year and solidifies drilling and completion activity well into 2024. The Broe permit encompasses 30 wells in rural Weld County. The Broe plan was initiated by Great Western Petroleum, which was acquired by PDC in May 2022 and represents PDC’s first development plan approval on Great Western acreage. Combined with the Kenosha plan approval, PDC added 99 new wells to its inventory in June and will soon have more than 675 permits and drilled and uncompleted wells. Both fields are in the greater Wattenberg area. The new permits add to an already-established multiyear inventory of projects in the DJ Basin. Kenosha is the second oil and gas development plan to be approved, and the company anticipates further approvals with its Guanella area plan and others. PDC’s operations in the Wattenberg field are focused in the horizontal Niobrara and Codell plays. The Wattenberg represents PDC Energy’s largest asset with more than 85% of its 2021 production and 90% of its year-end 2021 proved reserves.

After the Boxer Rebellion ended with China’s crushing defeat and the signing of the Boxer Protocol, China participated in the 1904 Louisiana Purchase Exposition as its official debut at world’s fairs. The Chinese pavilion was supposed to represent the country’s national pride and cultural identity, yet ironically, the pavilion materialised the Chinese government’s weak position in its quasi-colonial relationship with the US – both politically and culturally – in terms of the appointment of architects, the design process, and the arrangement of construction. Such power interaction shaped an ambiguous ‘Chinese architecture’ presented at the fair, imitating the Beijing residence of a Chinese Prince while incorporating vernacular architectural elements from south China. It reflected the Chinese government’s early self-vision of its global image in an age of political turmoil and cultural uncertainty, and pioneered the exploration of an architectural ‘Chinese-ness’ in the early twentieth century.

AbstractThis paper contrasts the London Olympics of 2012 with the St Louis Games of 1904 in the context of their cultural and historical context, especially the World’s Fair (the Louisiana Purchase Exposition). What I suggest is that the 1904 World’s Fair, with its supporting academic congress at which Adolf von Harnack and Ernst Troeltsch lectured, played a modest part in the early phases of the deabsolutization of western culture, together with the Christianity upon which it was constructed. Despite the widespread patronizing and racialist atti­tudes in St Louis, the sheer variety and breadth of cultures seen by millions demonstrated a cultural relativism that was emerging as a serious approach to anthropology and other branches of knowledge, including theology. The fruits of such a deabsolutization can perhaps be glimpsed in the gradual transformation of the absolutes of western religion through the twentieth century into the new universals of nationhood and sport, both of which clearly coalesce in the contemporary version of the Olympic Games. I conclude by suggesting that sport and national myths may be the only universals that will have the strength to survive into the future. Of the two, the modern Olympic ideal seems better suited to promoting harmony between peoples than most national myths.

En 1904, en San Luis, Missouri, las competiciones Olímpicas y las Jornadas Antropológicas, quedaron perdidas entre el caos de una exposición internacional, la Exposición de la Compra de Louisiana. A pesar de que se esperaba que prevaleciera el espíritu universal, en San Luis destacaron los prejuicios raciales de sus organizadores. En contra de lo que los diferentes presidentes del COI trataban con esfuerzo de hacer creer en las décadas anteriores, el efecto de las investigaciones raciales sobre las formas de pensamiento deportivo no se quedó solamente en una desafortunada ocasión en la historia del Movimiento Olímpico. Nos gustaría demostrar, a partir de estos hechos, de qué modo las ciencias del deporte, junto con la antropología en auge, comenzaron a apoyar a causas tan cuestionables como la jerarquía racial o el derecho de colonización y de qué modo aportaron una gran contribución al nacimiento de unos Estados Unidos que colocaban al deporte en el corazón de su constitución. San Luis representó la oportunidad de definir nuevas fronteras físicas, geográficas, raciales y tecnológicas.Palabras clave: Jornadas Antropológicas, Juegos Olímpicos, Razas, Deporte. THE OLYMPIC GAMES OF ST. LOUIS AND THE NEW AMERICAN SPORTING “MANIFEST DESTINY”In 1904, in St. Louis, Missouri, the Olympic competitions and the Anthropology Days were lost in the chaos of a World Show, the Louisiana Purchase Exposition. In spite of the universal spirit that was expected to prevail, Saint-Louis showed the racial prejudices of their organizers. The impact of the race studies on the ways of thinking sport, contrary to what the different chairmen of the IOC tried hard to make believe during the new decades, was not only an unfortunate moment in the history of the Olympic movement. From these facts, we would like to show how sports sciences and burgeoning anthropology began, together, to serve such questionable causes as racial hierarchy and the right to colonize and how they greatly contributed to the birth of an American nation that put sport in the heart of its constitution. St. Louis so represented the opportunity to define new technological, racial, geographical, and physical frontiers.Key words: Anthropological Days, Olympic Games, Races, Sport.

Introduction This paper offers a survey of familiar popular music performers and songwriters who reference coffee in their work. It examines three areas of discourse: the psychoactive effects of caffeine, coffee and courtship rituals, and the politics of coffee consumption. I claim that coffee carries a cultural and musicological significance comparable to that of the chemical stimulants and consumer goods more readily associated with popular music. Songs about coffee may not be as potent as those featuring drugs and alcohol (Primack; Schapiro), or as common as those referencing commodities like clothes and cars (Englis; McCracken), but they do feature across a wide range of genres, some of which enjoy archetypal associations with this beverage. m.o.m.m.y. Needs c.o.f.f.e.e.: The Psychoactive Effect of Coffee The act of performing and listening to popular music involves psychological elements comparable to the overwhelming sensory experience of drug taking: altered perceptions, repetitive grooves, improvisation, self-expression, and psychological empathy—such as that between musician and audience (Curry). Most popular music genres are, as a result, culturally and sociologically identified with the consumption of at least one mind-altering substance (Lyttle; Primack; Schapiro). While the analysis of lyrics referring to this theme has hitherto focused on illegal drugs and alcoholic beverages (Cooper), coffee and its psychoactive ingredient caffeine have been almost entirely overlooked (Summer). The most recent study of drugs in popular music, for example, defined substance use as “tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, cocaine and other stimulants, heroin and other opiates, hallucinogens, inhalants, prescription drugs, over-the-counter drugs, and nonspecific substances” (Primack 172), thereby ignoring a chemical stimulant consumed by 90 per cent of adult Americans every day (Lovett). The wide availability of coffee and the comparatively mild effect of caffeine means that its consumption rarely causes harm. One researcher has described it as a ubiquitous and unobtrusive “generalised public activity […] ‘invisible’ to analysts seeking distinctive social events” (Cooper 92). Coffee may provide only a relatively mild “buzz”—but it is now accepted that caffeine is an addictive substance (Juliano) and, due to its universal legality, coffee is also the world’s most extensively traded and enthusiastically consumed psychoactive consumer product (Juliano 1). The musical genre of jazz has a longstanding relationship with marijuana and narcotics (Curry; Singer; Tolson; Winick). Unsurprisingly, given its Round Midnight connotations, jazz standards also celebrate the restorative impact of coffee. Exemplary compositions include Burke/Webster’s insomniac torch song Black Coffee, which provided hits for Sarah Vaughan (1949), Ella Fitzgerald (1953), and Peggy Lee (1960); and Frank Sinatra’s recordings of Hilliard/Dick’s The Coffee Song (1946, 1960), which satirised the coffee surplus in Brazil at a time when this nation enjoyed a near monopoly on production. Sinatra joked that this ubiquitous drink was that country’s only means of liquid refreshment, in a refrain that has since become a headline writer’s phrasal template: “There’s an Awful Lot of Coffee in Vietnam,” “An Awful Lot of Coffee in the Bin,” and “There’s an Awful Lot of Taxes in Brazil.” Ethnographer Aaron Fox has shown how country music gives expression to the lived social experience of blue-collar and agrarian workers (Real 29). Coffee’s role in energising working class America (Cooper) is featured in such recordings as Dolly Parton’s Nine To Five (1980), which describes her morning routine using a memorable “kitchen/cup of ambition” rhyme, and Don't Forget the Coffee Billy Joe (1973) by Tom T. Hall which laments the hardship of unemployment, hunger, cold, and lack of healthcare. Country music’s “tired truck driver” is the most enduring blue-collar trope celebrating coffee’s analeptic powers. Versions include Truck Drivin' Man by Buck Owens (1964), host of the country TV show Hee Haw and pioneer of the Bakersfield sound, and Driving My Life Away from pop-country crossover star Eddie Rabbitt (1980). Both feature characteristically gendered stereotypes of male truck drivers pushing on through the night with the help of a truck stop waitress who has fuelled them with caffeine. Johnny Cash’s A Cup of Coffee (1966), recorded at the nadir of his addiction to pills and alcohol, has an incoherent improvised lyric on this subject; while Jerry Reed even prescribed amphetamines to keep drivers awake in Caffein [sic], Nicotine, Benzedrine (And Wish Me Luck) (1980). Doye O’Dell’s Diesel Smoke, Dangerous Curves (1952) is the archetypal “truck drivin’ country” song and the most exciting track of its type. It subsequently became a hit for the doyen of the subgenre, Red Simpson (1966). An exhausted driver, having spent the night with a woman whose name he cannot now recall, is fighting fatigue and wrestling his hot-rod low-loader around hairpin mountain curves in an attempt to rendezvous with a pretty truck stop waitress. The song’s palpable energy comes from its frenetic guitar picking and the danger implicit in trailing a heavy load downhill while falling asleep at the wheel. Tommy Faile’s Phantom 309, a hit for Red Sovine (1967) that was later covered by Tom Waits (Big Joe and the Phantom 309, 1975), elevates the “tired truck driver” narrative to gothic literary form. Reflecting country music’s moral code of citizenship and its culture of performative storytelling (Fox, Real 23), it tells of a drenched and exhausted young hitchhiker picked up by Big Joe—the driver of a handsome eighteen-wheeler. On arriving at a truck stop, Joe drops the traveller off, giving him money for a restorative coffee. The diner falls silent as the hitchhiker orders up his “cup of mud”. Big Joe, it transpires, is a phantom trucker. After running off the road to avoid a school bus, his distinctive ghost rig now only reappears to rescue stranded travellers. Punk rock, a genre closely associated with recreational amphetamines (McNeil 76, 87), also features a number of caffeine-as-stimulant songs. Californian punk band, Descendents, identified caffeine as their drug of choice in two 1996 releases, Coffee Mug and Kids on Coffee. These songs describe chugging the drink with much the same relish and energy that others might pull at the neck of a beer bottle, and vividly compare the effects of the drug to the intense rush of speed. The host of “New Music News” (a segment of MTV’s 120 Minutes) references this correlation in 1986 while introducing the band’s video—in which they literally bounce off the walls: “You know, while everybody is cracking down on crack, what about that most respectable of toxic substances or stimulants, the good old cup of coffee? That is the preferred high, actually, of California’s own Descendents—it is also the subject of their brand new video” (“New Music News”). Descendents’s Sessions EP (1997) featured an overflowing cup of coffee on the sleeve, while punk’s caffeine-as-amphetamine trope is also promulgated by Hellbender (Caffeinated 1996), Lagwagon (Mr. Coffee 1997), and Regatta 69 (Addicted to Coffee 2005). Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night: Coffee and Courtship Coffee as romantic metaphor in song corroborates the findings of early researchers who examined courtship rituals in popular music. Donald Horton’s 1957 study found that hit songs codified the socially constructed self-image and limited life expectations of young people during the 1950s by depicting conservative, idealised, and traditional relationship scenarios. He summarised these as initial courtship, honeymoon period, uncertainty, and parting (570-4). Eleven years after this landmark analysis, James Carey replicated Horton’s method. His results revealed that pop lyrics had become more realistic and less bound by convention during the 1960s. They incorporated a wider variety of discourse including the temporariness of romantic commitment, the importance of individual autonomy in relationships, more liberal attitudes, and increasingly unconventional courtship behaviours (725). Socially conservative coffee songs include Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night by The Boswell Sisters (1933) in which the protagonist swears fidelity to her partner on condition that this desire is expressed strictly in the appropriate social context of marriage. It encapsulates the restrictions Horton identified on courtship discourse in popular song prior to the arrival of rock and roll. The Henderson/DeSylva/Brown composition You're the Cream in My Coffee, recorded by Annette Hanshaw (1928) and by Nat King Cole (1946), also celebrates the social ideal of monogamous devotion. The persistence of such idealised traditional themes continued into the 1960s. American pop singer Don Cherry had a hit with Then You Can Tell Me Goodbye (1962) that used coffee as a metaphor for undying and everlasting love. Otis Redding’s version of Butler/Thomas/Walker’s Cigarettes and Coffee (1966)—arguably soul music’s exemplary romantic coffee song—carries a similar message as a couple proclaim their devotion in a late night conversation over coffee. Like much of the Stax catalogue, Cigarettes and Coffee, has a distinctly “down home” feel and timbre. The lovers are simply content with each other; they don’t need “cream” or “sugar.” Horton found 1950s blues and R&B lyrics much more sexually explicit than pop songs (567). Dawson (1994) subsequently characterised black popular music as a distinct public sphere, and Squires (2002) argued that it displayed elements of what she defined as “enclave” and “counterpublic” traits. Lawson (2010) has argued that marginalised and/or subversive blues artists offered a form of countercultural resistance against prevailing social norms. Indeed, several blues and R&B coffee songs disregard established courtship ideals and associate the product with non-normative and even transgressive relationship circumstances—including infidelity, divorce, and domestic violence. Lightnin’ Hopkins’s Coffee Blues (1950) references child neglect and spousal abuse, while the narrative of Muddy Waters’s scorching Iodine in my Coffee (1952) tells of an attempted poisoning by his Waters’s partner. In 40 Cups of Coffee (1953) Ella Mae Morse is waiting for her husband to return home, fuelling her anger and anxiety with caffeine. This song does eventually comply with traditional courtship ideals: when her lover eventually returns home at five in the morning, he is greeted with a relieved kiss. In Keep That Coffee Hot (1955), Scatman Crothers supplies a counterpoint to Morse’s late-night-abandonment narrative, asking his partner to keep his favourite drink warm during his adulterous absence. Brook Benton’s Another Cup of Coffee (1964) expresses acute feelings of regret and loneliness after a failed relationship. More obliquely, in Coffee Blues (1966) Mississippi John Hurt sings affectionately about his favourite brand, a “lovin’ spoonful” of Maxwell House. In this, he bequeathed the moniker of folk-rock band The Lovin’ Spoonful, whose hits included Do You Believe in Magic (1965) and Summer in the City (1966). However, an alternative reading of Hurt’s lyric suggests that this particular phrase is a metaphorical device proclaiming the author’s sexual potency. Hurt’s “lovin’ spoonful” may actually be a portion of his seminal emission. In the 1950s, Horton identified country as particularly “doleful” (570), and coffee provides a common metaphor for failed romance in a genre dominated by “metanarratives of loss and desire” (Fox, Jukebox 54). Claude Gray’s I'll Have Another Cup of Coffee (Then I’ll Go) (1961) tells of a protagonist delivering child support payments according to his divorce lawyer’s instructions. The couple share late night coffee as their children sleep through the conversation. This song was subsequently recorded by seventeen-year-old Bob Marley (One Cup of Coffee, 1962) under the pseudonym Bobby Martell, a decade prior to his breakthrough as an international reggae star. Marley’s youngest son Damian has also performed the track while, interestingly in the context of this discussion, his older sibling Rohan co-founded Marley Coffee, an organic farm in the Jamaican Blue Mountains. Following Carey’s demonstration of mainstream pop’s increasingly realistic depiction of courtship behaviours during the 1960s, songwriters continued to draw on coffee as a metaphor for failed romance. In Carly Simon’s You’re So Vain (1972), she dreams of clouds in her coffee while contemplating an ostentatious ex-lover. Squeeze’s Black Coffee In Bed (1982) uses a coffee stain metaphor to describe the end of what appears to be yet another dead-end relationship for the protagonist. Sarah Harmer’s Coffee Stain (1998) expands on this device by reworking the familiar “lipstick on your collar” trope, while Sexsmith & Kerr’s duet Raindrops in my Coffee (2005) superimposes teardrops in coffee and raindrops on the pavement with compelling effect. Kate Bush’s Coffee Homeground (1978) provides the most extreme narrative of relationship breakdown: the true story of Cora Henrietta Crippin’s poisoning. Researchers who replicated Horton’s and Carey’s methodology in the late 1970s (Bridges; Denisoff) were surprised to find their results dominated by traditional courtship ideals. The new liberal values unearthed by Carey in the late 1960s simply failed to materialise in subsequent decades. In this context, it is interesting to observe how romantic coffee songs in contemporary soul and jazz continue to disavow the post-1960s trend towards realistic social narratives, adopting instead a conspicuously consumerist outlook accompanied by smooth musical timbres. This phenomenon possibly betrays the influence of contemporary coffee advertising. From the 1980s, television commercials have sought to establish coffee as a desirable high end product, enjoyed by bohemian lovers in a conspicuously up-market environment (Werder). All Saints’s Black Coffee (2000) and Lebrado’s Coffee (2006) identify strongly with the culture industry’s image of coffee as a luxurious beverage whose consumption signifies prominent social status. All Saints’s promotional video is set in a opulent location (although its visuals emphasise the lyric’s romantic disharmony), while Natalie Cole’s Coffee Time (2008) might have been itself written as a commercial. Busting Up a Starbucks: The Politics of Coffee Politics and coffee meet most palpably at the coffee shop. This conjunction has a well-documented history beginning with the establishment of coffee houses in Europe and the birth of the public sphere (Habermas; Love; Pincus). The first popular songs to reference coffee shops include Jaybird Coleman’s Coffee Grinder Blues (1930), which boasts of skills that precede the contemporary notion of a barista by four decades; and Let's Have Another Cup of Coffee (1932) from Irving Berlin’s depression-era musical Face The Music, where the protagonists decide to stay in a restaurant drinking coffee and eating pie until the economy improves. Coffee in a Cardboard Cup (1971) from the Broadway musical 70 Girls 70 is an unambiguous condemnation of consumerism, however, it was written, recorded and produced a generation before Starbucks’ aggressive expansion and rapid dominance of the coffee house market during the 1990s. The growth of this company caused significant criticism and protest against what seemed to be a ruthless homogenising force that sought to overwhelm local competition (Holt; Thomson). In response, Starbucks has sought to be defined as a more responsive and interactive brand that encourages “glocalisation” (de Larios; Thompson). Koller, however, has characterised glocalisation as the manipulative fabrication of an “imagined community”—whose heterogeneity is in fact maintained by the aesthetics and purchasing choices of consumers who make distinctive and conscious anti-brand statements (114). Neat Capitalism is a more useful concept here, one that intercedes between corporate ideology and postmodern cultural logic, where such notions as community relations and customer satisfaction are deliberately and perhaps somewhat cynically conflated with the goal of profit maximisation (Rojek). As the world’s largest chain of coffee houses with over 19,400 stores in March 2012 (Loxcel), Starbucks is an exemplar of this phenomenon. Their apparent commitment to environmental stewardship, community relations, and ethical sourcing is outlined in the company’s annual “Global Responsibility Report” (Vimac). It is also demonstrated in their engagement with charitable and environmental non-governmental organisations such as Fairtrade and Co-operative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE). By emphasising this, Starbucks are able to interpellate (that is, “call forth”, “summon”, or “hail” in Althusserian terms) those consumers who value environmental protection, social justice and ethical business practices (Rojek 117). Bob Dylan and Sheryl Crow provide interesting case studies of the persuasive cultural influence evoked by Neat Capitalism. Dylan’s 1962 song Talkin’ New York satirised his formative experiences as an impoverished performer in Greenwich Village’s coffee houses. In 1995, however, his decision to distribute the Bob Dylan: Live At The Gaslight 1962 CD exclusively via Starbucks generated significant media controversy. Prominent commentators expressed their disapproval (Wilson Harris) and HMV Canada withdrew Dylan’s product from their shelves (Lynskey). Despite this, the success of this and other projects resulted in the launch of Starbucks’s in-house record company, Hear Music, which released entirely new recordings from major artists such as Ray Charles, Paul McCartney, Joni Mitchell, Carly Simon and Elvis Costello—although the company has recently announced a restructuring of their involvement in this venture (O’Neil). Sheryl Crow disparaged her former life as a waitress in Coffee Shop (1995), a song recorded for her second album. “Yes, I was a waitress. I was a waitress not so long ago; then I won a Grammy” she affirmed in a YouTube clip of a live performance from the same year. More recently, however, Crow has become an avowed self-proclaimed “Starbucks groupie” (Tickle), releasing an Artist’s Choice (2003) compilation album exclusively via Hear Music and performing at the company’s 2010 Annual Shareholders’s Meeting. Songs voicing more unequivocal dissatisfaction with Starbucks’s particular variant of Neat Capitalism include Busting Up a Starbucks (Mike Doughty, 2005), and Starbucks Takes All My Money (KJ-52, 2008). The most successful of these is undoubtedly Ron Sexsmith’s Jazz at the Bookstore (2006). Sexsmith bemoans the irony of intense original blues artists such as Leadbelly being drowned out by the cacophony of coffee grinding machines while customers queue up to purchase expensive coffees whose names they can’t pronounce. In this, he juxtaposes the progressive patina of corporate culture against the circumstances of African-American labour conditions in the deep South, the shocking incongruity of which eventually cause the old bluesman to turn in his grave. Fredric Jameson may have good reason to lament the depthless a-historical pastiche of postmodern popular culture, but this is no “nostalgia film”: Sexsmith articulates an artfully framed set of subtle, sensitive, and carefully contextualised observations. Songs about coffee also intersect with politics via lyrics that play on the mid-brown colour of the beverage, by employing it as a metaphor for the sociological meta-narratives of acculturation and assimilation. First popularised in Israel Zangwill’s 1905 stage play, The Melting Pot, this term is more commonly associated with Americanisation rather than miscegenation in the United States—a nuanced distinction that British band Blue Mink failed to grasp with their memorable invocation of “coffee-coloured people” in Melting Pot (1969). Re-titled in the US as People Are Together (Mickey Murray, 1970) the song was considered too extreme for mainstream radio airplay (Thompson). Ike and Tina Turner’s Black Coffee (1972) provided a more accomplished articulation of coffee as a signifier of racial identity; first by associating it with the history of slavery and the post-Civil Rights discourse of African-American autonomy, then by celebrating its role as an energising force for African-American workers seeking economic self-determination. Anyone familiar with the re-casting of black popular music in an industry dominated by Caucasian interests and aesthetics (Cashmore; Garofalo) will be unsurprised to find British super-group Humble Pie’s (1973) version of this song more recognisable. Conclusion Coffee-flavoured popular songs celebrate the stimulant effects of caffeine, provide metaphors for courtship rituals, and offer critiques of Neat Capitalism. Harold Love and Guthrie Ramsey have each argued (from different perspectives) that the cultural micro-narratives of small social groups allow us to identify important “ethnographic truths” (Ramsey 22). Aesthetically satisfying and intellectually stimulating coffee songs are found where these micro-narratives intersect with the ethnographic truths of coffee culture. 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