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1

Hudson, Maria. An assessment of short and long term recruitment methods in phase one of the Transport and General Workers' Union "Link-up" campaign. [s.l.]: typescript, 1989.

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2

United States. Bureau of Land Management. El Centro Field Office and United States. Bureau of Land Management. Palm Springs/South Coast Field Office, eds. Long-term camping on public lands. Yuma, AZ: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma Field Office, 2000.

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3

United States. Bureau of Land Management. Yuma Field Office, United States. Bureau of Land Management. El Centro Field Office, and United States. Bureau of Land Management. Palm Springs/South Coast Field Office, eds. Long-term camping on public lands. Yuma, AZ: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma Field Office, 2000.

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4

United States. Bureau of Land Management. Yuma Field Office., United States. Bureau of Land Management. El Centro Field Office., and United States. Bureau of Land Management. Palm Springs/South Coast Field Office., eds. Long-term camping on public lands. Yuma, AZ: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma Field Office, 2000.

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5

United States. Bureau of Land Management. Yuma Field Office., United States. Bureau of Land Management. El Centro Field Office., and United States. Bureau of Land Management. Palm Springs/South Coast Field Office., eds. Long-term camping on public lands. Yuma, AZ: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma Field Office, 2000.

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6

United States. Bureau of Land Management. Yuma Field Office., United States. Bureau of Land Management. El Centro Field Office., and United States. Bureau of Land Management. Palm Springs/South Coast Field Office., eds. Long-term camping on public lands. Yuma, AZ: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma Field Office, 2000.

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7

United States. Bureau of Land Management. Yuma Field Office., United States. Bureau of Land Management. El Centro Field Office., and United States. Bureau of Land Management. Palm Springs/South Coast Field Office., eds. Long-term camping on public lands. Yuma, AZ: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma Field Office, 2000.

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8

Long-term camping on public lands. Yuma, AZ: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma Field Office, 2000.

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9

United States. Bureau of Land Management. Yuma Field Office, United States. Bureau of Land Management. El Centro Field Office, and United States. Bureau of Land Management. Palm Springs/South Coast Field Office, eds. Long-term camping on public lands. Yuma, AZ: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma Field Office, 2000.

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10

United States. Bureau of Land Management. Yuma Field Office., ed. BLM, long-term camping on public lands. [Yuma, AZ]: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma Field Office, 1999.

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11

United States. Bureau of Land Management. Yuma Field Office., ed. BLM, long-term camping on public lands. [Yuma, AZ]: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma Field Office, 1999.

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12

United States. Bureau of Land Management. Yuma Field Office., ed. BLM, long-term camping on public lands. [Yuma, AZ]: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma Field Office, 1999.

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13

United States. Bureau of Land Management. Yuma District Office. and United States. Bureau of Land Management. California Desert District., eds. BLM, long-term camping on public lands. [Yuma, Ariz.?]: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma Field Office, 1997.

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14

United States. Bureau of Land Management., ed. BLM, long-term camping on public lands. [Yuma, Ariz.?]: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, 1998.

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15

BLM, long-term camping on public lands. [Yuma, Ariz.?]: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, 1998.

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16

BLM, long-term camping on public lands. [Yuma, Ariz.?]: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, 1998.

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17

United States. Bureau of Land Management. Yuma Field Office., ed. BLM, long-term camping on public lands. [Yuma, AZ]: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma Field Office, 1999.

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18

United States. Bureau of Land Management., ed. BLM, long-term camping on public lands. [Yuma, Ariz.?]: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, 1998.

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19

United States. Bureau of Land Management. Yuma District Office. and United States. Bureau of Land Management. California Desert District., eds. BLM, long-term camping on public lands. [Yuma, Ariz.?]: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma Field Office, 1997.

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20

BLM, long-term camping on public lands. [Yuma, Ariz.?]: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma Field Office, 1997.

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21

BLM, long-term camping on public lands. [Yuma, AZ]: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, Yuma Field Office, 1999.

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22

United States. Bureau of Land Management. California Desert District. and United States. Bureau of Land Management. Yuma District Office., eds. Long-term camping on public lands: Arizona Yuma District, California Desert District. [Washington, D.C.?]: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, 1986.

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23

United States. Bureau of Land Management. California Desert District and United States. Bureau of Land Management. Yuma District Office, eds. Long-term camping on public lands: Arizona Yuma District, California Desert District. [Washington, D.C.?]: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, 1986.

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24

Long-term camping on public lands: Arizona Yuma District, California Desert District. [Washington, D.C.?]: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, 1986.

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25

Long-term camping on public lands: Arizona Yuma District, California Desert District. [Washington, D.C.?]: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, 1986.

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26

Rider, Toby C. A Campaign of Truth. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040238.003.0004.

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This chapter demonstrates how U.S. information officers devised plans to showcase the friendliness and sportsmanship of the U.S. Olympic team and encouraged private businesses to make the hosting cities a showground for U.S. enterprise and culture. In tandem with these efforts, U.S. propaganda depicted communist sport in a highly negative manner. Furthermore, in order to create and implement a propaganda strategy for the winter and summer Olympic festivals of 1952, the U.S. information program also facilitated cooperation with both the United States Olympic Committee (USOC) and the Amateur Athletic Union of the United States (AAU). This intervention challenged a long-held tradition, as the U.S. government began to work in concert with the private sphere in sport-related propaganda to new and uncharted levels under the mounting demands of the Cold War.
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27

Older Americans Act: The National Eldercare Campaign : report to the Chairman, Subcommittee on Human Resources, Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives. Washington, D.C: The Office, 1994.

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28

Older Americans Act: The National Eldercare Campaign : report to the Chairman, Subcommittee on Human Resources, Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives. Washington, D.C: The Office, 1994.

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29

Chubarova, Natalia, Yekaterina Zhdanova, Yelizaveta Androsova, Alexander Kirsanov, Marina Shatunova, Yulia Khlestova, Yelena Volpert, et al. THE AEROSOL URBAN POLLUTION AND ITS EFFECTS ON WEATHER, REGIONAL CLIMATE AND GEOCHEMICAL PROCESSES. LLC MAKS Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29003/m1475.978-5-317-06464-8.

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The monograph is devoted to the study of atmospheric aerosol and its dynamics in the urban environment of Moscow megacity. Based on the AeroRadCity 2018-2019 complex experiment, composed of measurement campaign and numerical experiments using the COSMO-ART chemical transport model, a number of new results were obtained, which contributed to a deeper understanding of the gas-aerosol composition of the urban atmosphere, wet aerosol deposition with accounting of geochemical processes and aerosol radiative effects. Aerosol pollution in the Moscow region and its dynamics in the 21st century were estimated according to the aerosol retrievals using the MAIAC algorithm developed for the MODIS satellite instrument, and long-term AERONET measurements. The effects of aerosol on meteorological and radiative characteristics of the atmosphere were obtained from the numerical experiments with the COSMO model and long-term observations. The indirect aerosol effects on cloud characteristics and weather forecast were estimated.
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30

Locke, Joseph. Making the Bible Belt. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190216283.001.0001.

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By reconstructing the religious crusade to achieve prohibition in Texas, Making the Bible Belt reveals how southern religious leaders overcame long-standing anticlerical traditions and built a powerful political movement that injected religion irreversibly into public life. H.L. Mencken coined the term “Bible Belt” in the 1920s to capture the peculiar alliance of religion and public life in the American South, but the reality he described was only the closing chapter of a long historical process. Through the politics of prohibition, and in the face of bitter resistance, a complex but shared commitment to expanding the power and scope of religion transformed southern evangelicals’ inward-looking restraints into an aggressive, self-assertive, and unapologetic political activism. Early defeats forced prohibitionist clergy to recast their campaign as a broader effort that churned notions of history, race, gender, and religion into a moral crusade that elevated ambitious leaders such as the pugnacious fundamentalist J. Frank Norris and US senator Morris Sheppard, the “Father of National Prohibition,” into national figures. By exploring the controversies surrounding the religious support of prohibition in Texas, Making the Bible Belt reconstructs the purposeful, decades-long campaign to politicize southern religion, hints at the historical origins of the religious right, and explores a compelling and transformative moment in American history.
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31

Inclán, María. Opportunities for Survival. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190869465.003.0005.

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This chapter reviews the assumptions that the literature makes about the role that mobilizing networks and discourse framing play in sustaining and achieving a social movement’s objectives. It compares these assumptions to the development of the Zapatista movement. Using illustrations from Zapatismo, the chapter shows how despite lacking opportunities for success, mobilizing opportunities can be enough for a movement to construct a transnational solidarity network of support to maintain its campaign. In doing so, it also highlights the long-term effects of transnational organizations in shaping a local movement’s discourse through time, which in turn may contribute to the movement’s survival. The ability of the movement to reframe its discourse also enables it to adapt to changing national and international political environments.
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32

Campbell, Lindsay K. City of Forests, City of Farms. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501707506.001.0001.

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This book begins with the question of why PlaNYC2030—New York City’s municipal, long-term sustainability plan, launched during the Mayor Michael Bloomberg administration—had a robust urban forestry agenda, but lacked an urban agriculture agenda. PlaNYC launched the MillionTreesNYC campaign, investing over $400 million in city funds and leveraging a public-private partnership to plant one million trees citywide. Meanwhile, despite NYC having a long tradition of community gardening and burgeoning interest in local food systems, the plan contained no mention of community gardens or urban farms. In contrasting the top-down, centralized investment in the urban forest with the dispersed and decentralized social movement around urban agriculture, the book describes the ways in which political, discursive, and material processes intertwine to construct nature in the city. Urban greening unfolds through the strategic interplay of actors, the deployment of different narrative frames, and the mobilizing and manipulation of the physical environment—including other living, non-human entities. Understanding how and why the sustainability agenda is set and implemented provides crucial lessons to scholars, policymakers, and activists alike as they engage in the greening of cities.
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33

Attanasio, John. Politics and Capital. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190847029.001.0001.

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This book is about good government, especially an ethical and fair government and constitution. It has five key ideas. Understanding these ideas is critical to addressing the problems besetting the American political and economic systems. First, the book proposes the new principle of distributive autonomy to guarantee first-order rights. The principle sharply contrasts with modern, individualistic libertarian ideas. Good governance must be centrally concerned with the distribution of freedom for all. If your own autonomy matters, so does everyone else’s. Valuing the autonomy of others is authentic autonomy. A core aspect of ethical governance must value the autonomy of everyone. Second, the book demonstrates how the campaign finance cases violate distributive autonomy and completely subvert the American system of government. Third, the book deploys Thomas Piketty’s data to correlate the campaign finance cases with the dramatic rise in wealth and particularly income inequality in the United States. Fourth, the book demonstrates that the distorted allocation of income has adversely affected the centrally important demand curve of the American economy, which may be helping to drive economic stagnation and the debt overhang. Fifth, the book concludes that political freedom, in the sense of distributive autonomy, is necessary for participatory democracy and that participatory democracy may be a necessary condition to sustain long-term, prosperous capitalism.
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34

Shaw, Daron R., Brian E. Roberts, and Mijeong Baek. The Appearance of Corruption. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197548417.001.0001.

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The sanctity of political speech is a key element of the U.S. Constitution and a cornerstone of the American republic. When the Supreme Court linked political speech to campaign finance in its landmark Buckley v. Valeo (1976) decision, the modern era of campaign finance regulation was born. In practical terms, this decision meant that in order to pass constitutional muster, any laws limiting money in politics must be narrowly tailored and serve a compelling state interest. The lone state interest the Court was willing to entertain was the mitigation of corruption. In order to reach this argument the Court advanced a sophisticated behavioral model, one with key assumptions about how laws will affect voters’ opinions and behavior. These assumptions have received surprisingly little attention in the literature. This book takes up the task of identifying and analyzing empirically the Court’s presumed links between campaign finance regulations and political opinions and behavior. In so doing, we rely on original survey data and experiments from 2009–2016 to openly confront the question of what happens when the Supreme Court is wrong, and when the foundation of over forty years of jurisprudence is simply not true.
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35

Llano, Samuel. The Band and Social Disorder. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199392469.003.0015.

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This chapter discusses how the privatization of social aid from the 1850s allowed the San Bernardino band to make certain choices about the events it played at. This asset would backfire in the long term, as the band started to get involved in a series of politically radical events. At the Children’s Festival (1888), the San Bernardino band was used by the Liberals to silence the antiliberal song “En revenant de la revue” played by competing bands. The homage in 1897 to General Camilo Polavieja, hero of the Philippine campaign of the Spanish-American War, was an expression of opposition to the government, which was adamant that the war would end in victory. Patriotic fervor peaked as the San Bernardino band played the Cádiz march, but this made the clash with the police more violent and bloody. Surely, episodes like this were part of the reason that funding for the band was discontinued in 1900.
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36

Lucander, David. “These Women Really Did the Work”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038624.003.0005.

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This chapter describes a series of sit-ins during 1944. Led by largely forgotten African American women, this interracial direct-action campaign sought to challenge the color line at department-store lunch counters. Integrating, or at least improving, access to food service at major downtown retailers was an important step in the process of breaking down elements of Jim Crow segregation in St. Louis. That same year, the March on Washington Movement (MOWM) shifted its attention toward obtaining and retaining jobs for black workers in publicly funded workplaces. Gaining access to jobs operating switchboards and in the local administration of Southwestern Bell Telephone offices was presented as a stride toward securing sustainable employment for a largely female contingent of working-class African Americans who wanted long-term white- and pink-collar employment. This sort of local women's activism, juxtaposed against national men's leadership, is consistent with a gendered pattern of activism in civil rights campaigns that persisted through the 1960s.
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37

Steiner, Linda, Carolyn Kitch, and Brooke Kroeger, eds. Front Pages, Front Lines. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043109.001.0001.

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This book addresses the role of media, particularly periodicals, in the American women’s suffrage movement, and in public understandings of the campaign for a Constitutional amendment enfranchising women. Chapters deal with the rhetoric of pro- and antisuffrage activists as covered in the mainstream regional and national press; several chapters deal with suffragists’ own periodicals, as well as with other non-mainstream periodicals, including the black press and socialist and radical periodicals. These new studies offer fresh perspectives on relatively familiar suffrage narratives while exploring lesser-known aspects of the roles of journalism, publicity, visual communication, and external alliances with organizations and individuals. Taken collectively, the chapters clarify intersections of suffrage ideas with other social and political movements as well as differences by geography and culture. The essays are marked by attention to the movement’s long-term implications; to contemporary concepts such as social movement and countermovement strategies, status conflict, and the public sphere; and by sensitivity to race, class, and regional politics. As the historiography offered here makes clear, these issues were largely ignored in the first wave of suffrage research.
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38

Andries Junior, Orival, and Bruno Henrique Pignata. Triathlon: terceira coletânea de estudos. Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Faculdade de Educação Física, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/isbn9786588397022.

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A Faculdade de Educação Física (FEF) da Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP), lançou um PROGRAMA DE FORMAÇÃO DE TREINADORES DE TRIATHLON em 2014, com o princípio e objetivo de atualização dos conhecimentos de profissionais do triathlon. O programa é composto por um curso de especialização de longa duração, com módulos e aulas referentes a temática em questão, além de eventos relacionados com a modalidade triathlon. Este livro é fruto de parte dos estudos desenvolvidos no Terceiro Curso de Especialização em Metodologia do Treinamento em Triathlon, edição 2019, e tem o intuito de contribuir na disseminação da modalidade. Esperamos aqui contribuir para fazer do triathlon, uma modalidade esportiva de grande repercussão nacional.
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39

Makley, Charlene. The Battle for Fortune. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501719646.001.0001.

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Based on long-term fieldwork in a rural Tibetan region in China’s northwest (2002-13), The Battle for Fortune is an ethnography of state-local relations among Tibetans marginalized underChina’s Great Develop the West campaign and during the 2008 military crackdown on Tibetan unrest. The study brings anthropological approaches to states and development into dialogue with recent interdisciplinary debates about the very nature of human subjectivity and relations with nonhuman others (including deities). The author does this by drawing on a linguistic anthropological approach to contested presence (as an ongoing “battle for fortune”). For most Tibetans, the active presence of deities and other invisible beings has been the ground of power, causation, and fertile or fortunate landscapes. The author thus takes divine beings seriously as interlocutors and parties to exchange in Rebgong, refusing to relegate them to a separate, less consequential, “religious” or “premodern” world. The book thus challenges readers to grasp the unpredictable, even violent, interpersonal dynamics at the heart of development projects in China and elsewhere. And it encourages a more multidimensional and dynamic understanding of state-local relations than mainstream accounts of development and unrest that portray Tibet and China as a kind of yin-and-yang pair for models of statehood and development in a new global order.
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40

Wilmarth Jr., Arthur E. Taming the Megabanks. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190260705.001.0001.

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This book demonstrates that universal banks—which accept deposits, make loans, and engage in securities activities—played central roles in precipitating the Great Depression of the early 1930s and the Great Recession of 2007–09. Universal banks promoted a dangerous credit boom and a hazardous stock market bubble in the U.S. during the 1920s, which led to the Great Depression. Congress responded by passing the Glass-Steagall Act of 1933, which separated banks from the securities markets and prohibited nonbanks from accepting deposits. Glass-Steagall’s structural separation of the banking, securities, and insurance sectors prevented financial panics from spreading across the U.S. financial system for more than four decades. Despite Glass-Steagall’s success, large U.S. banks pursued a twenty-year campaign to remove the statute’s prudential buffers. Regulators opened loopholes in Glass-Steagall during the 1980s and 1990s, and Congress repealed Glass-Steagall in 1999. The United Kingdom and the European Union adopted similar deregulatory measures, thereby allowing universal banks to dominate financial markets on both sides of the Atlantic. In addition, large U.S. securities firms became “shadow banks” as regulators allowed them to issue short-term deposit substitutes to finance long-term loans and investments. Universal banks and shadow banks fueled a toxic subprime credit boom in the U.S., U.K., and Europe during the 2000s, which led to the Great Recession. Limited reforms after the Great Recession have not broken up universal banks and shadow banks, thereby leaving in place a financial system that is prone to excessive risk-taking and vulnerable to contagious panics. A new Glass-Steagall Act is urgently needed to restore a financial system that is less risky, more stable and resilient, and better able to serve the needs of our economy and society.
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41

Li, Xiaobing. Building Ho's Army. University Press of Kentucky, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813177946.001.0001.

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As a Communist state bordering Vietnam, China actively supported Ho Chi Minh’s wars against France in 1950–1954 and then America in 1965–1970. This book uses new Communist sources to offer an unprecedented Chinese military perspective on the Vietnam War. By documenting the level of Chinese military assistance to Vietnam, it reveals the extent to which the Chinese support of Ho’s military and political objective in the wars was a crucial and indispensable factor in North Vietnam’s victory. The study offers an overview and the particulars of Chinese aid to Ho’s army, or PAVN, in terms of training, weaponry, logistics, advisors, and technology during its transformative years of 1950–1956 in depth and detail based on a foundation of multiple documentary sources, memoirs, interviews, and secondary sources both in China and in Vietnam. With Chinese assistance, the PAVN experienced three important transformative changes from a peasant, rebellion force to a regular, national army. In retrospect, international Communist support to North Vietnam proved to be the decisive edge that enabled the PAVN, or NVA, to survive the American Rolling Thunder bombing campaign and helped the NLF, also known as the Viet Cong, to prevail in the war of attrition and eventually defeat South Vietnam. An international perspective may help students and the public in the West to gain a better understanding of America’s long war.
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