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Journal articles on the topic 'Lollardism'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Plumb, Derek. "The Social and Economic Spread of Rural Lollardy: A Reappraisal." Studies in Church History 23 (1986): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400010573.

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The evidence given us by John Foxe in his Book of Martyrs provides more information about the social and theological standing of Lollards than we know about many later religious dissidents. Recent work has added to our knowledge. Geoffrey Dickens and Claire Cross have reconsidered the place of the Lollards in the development of the English Reformation, especially in theological matters. John Thomson drew our attention to the continuity shown in some areas. Claire Cross and Margaret Aston showed the importance of women Lollards. J.F. Davis has supported the idea of a continuous movement, and stressed the involvement of the remaining Lollard brotherhoods in the Reformation proper. Margaret Aston saw the reformers using Lollard texts to settle the Reformation into a tradition. And John Fines found one group of Lollards definitely not of a low or ‘middling sort’. But despite this attention on the part of historians, we still know little of the people labelled Lollards. How did they react to developments locally and nationally? Did they assimilate into their local communities despite their beliefs? What social and economic standing did they have? Was contemporary abuse, which dismissed them as ‘lowly sorts’, justified?

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2

Jurkowski, M. (Maureen). "The Lollards (review)." Catholic Historical Review 91, no. 1 (2005): 154–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2005.0111.

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3

Cameron, Euan. "The Lollards. Richard Rex." Speculum 79, no. 4 (October 2004): 1129–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003871340008725x.

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4

McSHEFFREY, SHANNON, and NORMAN TANNER. "LOLLARDS OF COVENTRY 1486–1522." Camden Fifth Series 23 (December 2003): i—x. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960116303000010.

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5

Holsinger, Bruce W. "The vision of music in a Lollard florilegium: Cantus in the Middle English Rosarium theologie (Cambridge, Gonville and Caius College MS 354/581)." Plainsong and Medieval Music 8, no. 2 (October 1999): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137100001650.

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Despite their intriguing testimony to the vagaries of musical life in late medieval England, relatively little attention has been given by musicologists and historians of religion to the wealth of commentary on liturgical and secular music penned by the followers of the Oxford heretic John Wyclif. In a brief mention of this material in The Premature Reformation, her magisterial study of Wyclif and the Lollards, Anne Hudson suggests that the Lollards’ suspicion of musical display reflected their more general hostility towards the decoration of churches.

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6

Poling, Frederick, Norman Tanner, and Shannon McSheffrey. "Lollards of Coventry, 1486-1522." Sixteenth Century Journal 36, no. 4 (December 1, 2005): 1144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477624.

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7

Aston, Margaret. "Were The Lollards a Sect?" Studies in Church History. Subsidia 11 (1999): 163–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002271.

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Historians should not need Wyclif to alert them to the dangers of words. Even if our professional futures are unlikely to be threatened, as his was, by the challenging of accepted terms, the words we use can lead us into false positions, and we sometimes need, like Wyclif, to probe the historical dimension of our terminology. What exactly do we mean when we call Wycliffites or Lollards a ‘sect’? How does our word relate to contemporary usage? Do we import alien interpretations by failure to recognize semantic change? If ‘sect’ is a word that leads us into something of an impasse, this paper does not attempt the impossible of pointing to a way out; my aim is merely to indicate some of the hazards of the linguistic terrain and to suggest that looking at the term may itself tell us something useful about Wycliffites and contemporary attitudes towards them.

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8

FLETCHER. "JOHN MIRK AND THE LOLLARDS." Medium Ævum 56, no. 2 (1987): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/43629105.

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9

Dove, Mary. "The Lollards (review)." Parergon 21, no. 1 (2004): 211–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2004.0062.

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10

Jurkowski, Maureen. "Review: Lollards of Coventry, 1486–1522." English Historical Review 120, no. 485 (February 1, 2005): 205–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei062.

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11

POWELL. "LOLLARDS AND LOMBARDS: LATE MEDIAEVAL BOGEYMEN?" Medium Ævum 59, no. 1 (1990): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/43629290.

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12

Corpus, Martha M. "The English Lollards: a reference pathfinder." Collection Building 16, no. 4 (December 1997): 179–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01604959710187705.

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13

Harman, Erika. "Evasive Manoeuvers: Inquisitio and the Lollards." Yearbook of Langland Studies 32 (January 2018): 127–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.yls.5.116150.

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14

Forrest, I. "Lollards and their Influence in Late Medieval England." English Historical Review 119, no. 482 (June 1, 2004): 781–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/119.482.781.

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15

Jenks, Susanne. "Lollards and their Influence in Late Medieval England." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 122, no. 1 (August 1, 2005): 564–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga.2005.122.1.564.

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16

Smeeton, Donald Dean, and Margaret Aston. "Lollards and Reformers: Images and Literacy in Late Medieval Religion." Sixteenth Century Journal 16, no. 1 (1985): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2540944.

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17

Hudson, Anne. "The King and Erring Clergy: A Wycliffite Contribution." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 9 (1991): 269–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014304590000199x.

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One of the questions that appeared in the theologians’ list of questions to be asked of suspected Lollards was ‘An reges et domini temporales existentes in peccato mortali eo ipso cadunt ab omni iure et titulo ad illa regna vel dominia.’ This question appears between one that enquires whether anyone may preach without authority from the pope or a bishop, and another that seeks to know whether the suspect considers that the laity may freely ad suum arbitrium correct and judge delinquent lords. At the same position in the longer list put together by a jurist appears a somewhat different question: ‘an domini temporales possunt ad arbitrium suum auferre bona temporalia ab ecclesia et a viris ecclesiasticis.’ Wyclif’s followers would have returned a positive answer to both questions, though the enthusiasm of their reply would have been the more audible for the second. Throughout the history of the movement Lollards were notable for the stridency of their objections to clerical prerogatives, and, especially in the view of their opponents, for their sympathy towards the secular rulers. Individual heretics and isolated texts applied Wyclif’s views of dominion to kings and secular lords, but the theory was undoubtedly primarily used against ecclesiastics. Academic debate of Wyclif’s theory of dominion was early, and the issue formed the heart of Gregory XI’s condemnation in 1377. But the question does not seem to have figured largely in the disputations that followed Wyclif’s departure from Oxford in 1381.

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18

Hanna, R. "The Difficulty of Ricardian Prose Translation the Case of The Lollards." Modern Language Quarterly 51, no. 3 (January 1, 1990): 319–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00267929-51-3-319.

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19

Wallerich, François. "Des cathares aux lollards. Des miracles eucharistiques inédits dans l'Angleterre duxvesiècle." Revue Mabillon 29 (January 2018): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rm.4.2019009.

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20

Cross, Claire. "A. G. Dickens as a Yorkshire historian." Historical Research 77, no. 195 (February 1, 2004): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.2004.00201.x.

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AbstractFor thirty years after graduating from Oxford in 1932 Dickens, a devoted Yorkshireman, produced a stream of articles on the intellectual, social and political history of the county in the sixteenth century, which culminated in 1959 in his pioneering work Lollards and Protestants in the Diocese of York, 1509–58. After leaving Hull for London in 1962 he never found a county in the south of England to replace Yorkshire in his affections, and moved from the history of the Reformation in its local context to concentrate upon the national and international history of religion in the early modern period.

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21

Marshall, Peter, and Curtis V. Bostick. "The Antichrist and the Lollards: Apocalypticism in Late Medieval and Reformation England." Sixteenth Century Journal 30, no. 2 (1999): 499. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544725.

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22

McSheffrey, Shannon, and Curtis V. Bostick. "The Antichrist and the Lollards: Apocalypticism in Late Medieval and Reformation England." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 31, no. 3 (1999): 452. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052969.

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23

Royal, Susan. "Reforming Household Piety: John Foxe and the Lollard Conventicle Tradition." Studies in Church History 50 (2014): 188–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400001716.

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That the ecclesia in antiquity met in private homes was well known to first- and second-generation English reformers who sought to reshape the late medieval established Church. In the wake of Catholic accusations of novelty – and thus illegitimacy – evangelicals developed a history of their movement that stretched back through the generations to the early Church itself, and none more successfully than John Foxe (d. 1587), author of Acts and Monuments and England’s major martyrologist. A crucial link in this historical chain would prove to be the Lollards, medieval English heretics whose ‘privy assemblies’ saw the reading of vernacular Scripture and its exposition, recitation of the Ten Commandments and the Lord’s Prayer, and even hints of liturgical activity, all in the private space of the home.

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24

Rex, R. "Lollards of Coventry, 1486-1522. Edited and translated by SHANNON MCSHEFFREY and NORMAN TANNER." Journal of Theological Studies 59, no. 1 (February 6, 2008): 393–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flm194.

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25

Linde, Cornelia. "Arguing with Lollards: Thomas Palmer, O.P., and De Translatione Scripture Sacre in Linguam Barbaricam." Viator 46, no. 3 (September 2015): 235–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.5.108333.

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26

Zakharov, Sergey A. "So-called “Lollardsʼs Catechism”. The translation of part from middle English to Russian with commentary and introduction article." Russian Journal of Church History 1, no. 2 (July 8, 2020): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15829/2686-973x-2020-2-23.

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Publication of the Russian translation of part of so-called “Lollardsʼs Catechism”, which was written by anonymous author in 14th century England. The title “Lollardsʼs Catechism” was given by first editors in the early 20th century, because the text wasnʼt originally entitled. The text is an expanded version of official Catechism, written by ordered archbishop of York John de Thoresby (died 1373). In comparison with the original, anonymous author focused on the ethos of clergy. For some time, researchers believed that the author of the text was John Wycliffe (1320-1384), but now this point of view isn’t shared by scientists. The rhetoric presented in the text gives the reasons to believe that the text was written by one of the wandering preachers, who may have belonged to the Lollards, who were especially active in England in the second half of the 14th century.

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27

Kerby-Fulton, Kathryn. "The Antichrist and the Lollards: Apocalypticism in Late Medieval and Reformation England. Curtis V. Bostick." Speculum 77, no. 3 (July 2002): 880–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3301126.

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28

Hill II, Bracy. "Apocalyptic Lollards?: The Conservative Use of The Book of Daniel in the English Wycliffite Sermons." Church History and Religious Culture 90, no. 1 (2010): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124110x506518.

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AbstractToo frequently the biblical hermeneutics of the Lollards have been oversimplified and described as “sola scriptura” or “literal” for the purpose of comparison. Limited attention has been given to the hermeneutic of Scripture particularly that of the Old Testament, present in the Wycliffite homiletic tradition as espoused in the Middle English Wycliffite festial. Building on the work of Kantik Ghosh and Curtis V. Bostick, this study asserts that the Middle English Wycliffite sermons' focus upon the Old Testament prophetic literature as a source of figures fulfilled in the New Testament, the reluctance of the politically conservative Wycliffite movement to embrace a radical apocalyptic vision, and the overriding concern of Lollard hermeneuts to acquire certitude resulted in the limited use of the book of Daniel in Wycliffite sermonic literature. When compared to contemporary sermon cycles and later uses of Daniel by more radical English groups, it becomes obvious that the Wycliffite sermons did not utilize a radical critique of empire or maintain a radical apocalyptic vision that might have found greater use for Daniel.

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29

Horner, Patrick J. "'The King Taught Us the Lesson': Benedictine Support for Henry V's Suppression of the Lollards." Mediaeval Studies 52 (January 1990): 190–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.ms.2.306378.

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30

David, Zdeněk V. "Central Europe's Gentle Voice of Reason: Bílejovský and the Ecclesiology of Utraquism." Austrian History Yearbook 28 (January 1997): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800016313.

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The Utraquist Church of Bohemia was unique among the late medieval defections in Western Christendom from the Church of Rome in that it involved the separation of an entire church, organized on a national territory, not merely an underground resistance of relatively isolated and scattered groups of sectarians, like the Waldensians or the Lollards. Moreover, the Bohemian Reformation was linked with a major social upheaval, the Hussite Revolution, lasting from 1419 to 1434, which historians have viewed as an early specimen, if not a prototype or the first link in the chain, of the revolutions of the early modern period in the Euroatlantic world: the Dutch, the English, the American, and the French revolutions. Building mainly on the Bohemian Reform movement that had gathered momentum since the mid-fourteenth century, the Utraquists' defiance of Rome, leading to the Hussite Revolution, was sparked by the burning of Jan Hus at the Council of Constance on July 6, 1415.

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31

Galloway, Andrew. "Lollards and Their Influence in Late Medieval England. Fiona Somerset , Jill C. Havens , Derrick G. Pitard." Speculum 80, no. 1 (January 2005): 326–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400007545.

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32

Lewis, Anna. "“Give the Reason for the Hope that you Have”: Reginald Pecock’s Challenge to (Non)Disputing Lollards." Studies in Philology 112, no. 1 (2015): 39–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sip.2015.0007.

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33

Davies, Richard G. "Lollardy and Locality." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 1 (December 1991): 191–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679036.

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There can now be no doubt of the intellectual substance and cohesion of early Wyclifitism as expressed in the writings of educated clerks in immediate contact with the man himself. Most would accept, too, that this coherence was successfully transferred from Latin to English. However, although these Wyclifite scholars recognised the need for a corpus of literature to cater for a non-academic audience and provide the basis in ideas for a sustained movement, they had difficulty in supplying it. This might seem to offer easy comfort to those who are already doubtful whether people called Lollards could or did grasp Wyclifitism; whether they just amputated the bits they liked, debased or perverted them, or really did not take anything on board at all. Even some less cynical would agree that the Church itself played a large part in shaping Lollardy's ideas and characteristics: such is so often the way in the birth of protest movements. Indeed, to some hardliners ‘Lollardy’ seems little more than a scare-story invented by the Church in order to damn a large but motley crew of critics and dissenters. Or, if not the Church, then those historians in whom hope triumphs over experience.

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Nichols, Ann Eljenholm. "Books-for-Laymen: The Demise of a Commonplace." Church History 56, no. 4 (December 1987): 457–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3166428.

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The exact relationship between Lollardy and the sixteenth-century Reformation long has eluded students of English history. Recent detailed studies of Lollard texts have underlined a continuity of belief and polemic.1 One significant difference, however, is the way in which reformers in the two periods used the commonplace saying that images are “laymen's books.” The Lollards, even those who were the most outspoken critics of images, used Gregory the Great's metaphor to support their positions. In the I 530s the English reformers used the commonplace in similar ways, but by the 1540s they had rejected it altogether. The English reformers, however, did more than merely reject Gregory as an authority. Instead of dismissing the old justification of images as a false sophism, as the continental reformers had done in the 1520s, they appropriated the laymen's-book metaphor for their own polemic, turning it against the iconophiles. Furthermore, they developed the metaphor in a new way that provided a positive alternative for the illiterate, arguing that the simple and unlearned read not from the book of art but rather from the natural world around them.

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35

Trivedi, Kalpen. "Lollards and Their Influence in Late Medieval England ed. by Fiona Somerset, Jill C. Havens, Derrick G. Pitard." Studies in the Age of Chaucer 27, no. 1 (2005): 358–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sac.2005.0037.

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36

Little, Katherine C. "Fiona Somerset, Jill C. Havens, and Derrick G. Pitard, eds., Lollards and their Influence in Late Medieval England." Yearbook of Langland Studies 18 (January 2004): 189–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.yls.2.302619.

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37

Foss, David B. "‘Overmuch Blaming of the Clergy’s Wealth’: Pecock’s Exculpation of Ecclesiastical Endowment." Studies in Church History 24 (1987): 155–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400008305.

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The life and works of Reginald Pecock continue to fascinate, though they are a well-reaped field from which little new can be gleaned. Students of Pecock have naturally concentrated on the sensational and significant aspects of his career and writings: political historians on his trial and deposition, and the political motivations which may have lain behind these; ecclesiastical historians, following Gascoigne, on his defence of the abuses of the late-medieval Church, especially of non-preaching and non-resident bishops. Historians of thought have seen a modern rationalist exalting thejudgement of reason above the dogmas of Faith and Scripture. Historians of doctrine have been concerned by his rewriting of the Apostles’ Creed, omitting the descent into hell. Biblical historians have questioned whether he used the later Lollard Bible, or undertook his own translation of the Vulgate. Protestant historians have with Foxe claimed as their own a bishop whose attack on the Lollards paradoxically demonstrated his close affinity with them; the less evangelically committed have praised a tolerant protagonist anxious to enter into dialogue with his opponents rather than to coerce them with ‘fire, sword or hangment’. Historiographers have welcomed a scholar possessed of a Renaissance sense of history. Linguistic historians have detailed his contribution to the development of the English language by his pioneering use of it as a vehicle for theological assertion.

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38

Wenzel, Siegfried. "Robert Lychlade's Oxford Sermon of 1395." Traditio 53 (1998): 203–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012137.

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In the mid-1390s, a group of Oxford scholars caused the authorities some concern because of their Lollard sympathies, and for propagating heretical teachings at the university. Among them was Robert Lychlade, singled out by name in the following royal directive to the chancellor of Oxford dated 18 July 1395: We have learned reliably that some sons of iniquity, without heed of their salvation, living and studying at this university, and above all Robert Lychlade, who is allowed to speak there contemptuously (prophane), have been publishing, communicating, and teaching for some time, in that university as well as other secret places, impious opinions and conclusions as well as detestable allegations that are in many ways contrary to the Catholic faith. They are said to have been sowing them like tares among the people, and they still intend to publish, communicate, and teach them in a way that is wrongful and worthy of condemnation, in order to hurt the Catholic faith and openly subvert the aforesaid university, unless they are held in check by the arm of our royal majesty…. We command you firmly to remove and expel all Lollards and others who live in the university and are openly suspected of heretical depravity, and especially the aforementioned Robert, if he, through examination or any other lawful means, should be found before you to be such as should be feared to taint the university, just as an ailing sheep taints the flock.

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39

Litzenberger, Caroline. "Richard Rex. The Lollards. (Social History in Perspective.) New York: Palgrave. 2002. Pp. xv, 188. $21.95 paper. ISBN 0-333-59752-4." Albion 35, no. 4 (2004): 630–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054302.

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Perett, Marcela K. "A Neglected Eucharistic Controversy: The Afterlife of John Wyclif's Eucharistic Thought in Bohemia in the Early Fifteenth Century." Church History 84, no. 1 (March 2015): 64–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640714001711.

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The renewed interest in John Wyclif (d. 1384) has brought this late medieval figure back into the spotlight of historians, giving rise to numerous studies evaluating his thought and its implications in the context of late fourteenth century England. However, it is not possible fully to appreciate Wyclif's importance in late medieval European culture without understanding the legacy of his ideas on the continent. According to the accepted narrative, John Wyclif's thought was mediated to the continent through the scholarly contacts between the universities in Oxford and in Prague, and re-emerged in the Latin writings of Jan Hus. This article argues that John Wyclif's thought, especially his critique of the church's doctrine of transubstantiation, found a larger audience among the rural clerics and laity in Bohemia, whom it reached through Peter Payne, who simplified and disseminated the works of the Oxford master. Wyclif's critique of transubstantiation sparked a nationwide debate about the nature of the Eucharist, generating numerous treatises, both in Latin and in the vernacular, on the subject of Christ's presence in the sacrament of the mass. This debate anticipated, a full century earlier, the famous debate between Luther and Zwingli and the Eucharistic debates of the sixteenth century Reformation more generally. The proliferation of vernacular Eucharistic tractates in Bohemia shows that Wyclif's critique of transubstantiation could be answered in a number of different ways that included both real presence (however defined) and figurative theologies—a fact, which, in turn, explains the doctrinal diversity among the Lollards in England.

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41

Smart, Stefan J. "John Foxe and ‘The Story of Richard Hun, Martyr’." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 37, no. 1 (January 1986): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900031882.

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In a very real sense the case of Richard Hunne is far from over. Ever since Hunne was found dead in his cell on the morning of Monday 4 Decembern 1514 – hanging from a staple by his own girdle – the issue of why he died and who was responsible has been the object of furious controversy among polemicists and historians alike. Many explanations have been put forward – some convincing, others merely ingenious – and all, in one sense or another, plausible. An equally interesting facet is the controversy that surrounds the account of the case. It is to this often neglected aspect of the affair – in particular in relation to The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe – that this paper is principally directed. ‘The Story of Richard Hun’ ofers the student of Foxe remarkable scope for exploration. Here we see Foxe not only as archivist – but for his zeal various documents, such as the transcripts of Hunne's interrogation and trial for heresy, would almost certainly not have survived – but also as a commentator in his own right. Over a third of the martyrologist's account – an unprecedented amount incidentally, in Foxe's treatment of the Henrician period – was devoted to developing his own line of thought while, at the same time, he attempted to work out for himself and his reader the peculiar inconsistencies that governed the course of Hunne's life and death. The question then arises, how reliable is Foxe on Richard Hunne. Did he faithfully report the facts of the case or are there signs that he might have been biased? Clearly the first consideration when answering this question must be to ascertain the exact circumstances of Hunne's interrogation and trial and the events leading up to his death: what happened to Richard Hunne in the Lollard's Tower and why?

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42

Forrest, Ian. "The Dangers of Diversity: Heresy and Authority in the 1405 Case of John Edward." Studies in Church History 43 (2007): 230–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003235.

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When John Edward of Brington in Northamptonshire abjured heresy in the ‘Greneyerd’ of Norwich cathedral close on Palm Sunday 1405, he was presented to the gathered crowds as a living example of the dangers of diversity in the Christian faith. Because heresy was feared as a fundamental challenge to doctrine, authority, and social harmony, the agents of Church and crown went to great lengths in the period between 1382 and the Reformation to advertise its depravity and illegality. The anti-heresy message was not, however, a simple one, and the judicial performances that constitute the Church’s propaganda campaign on this issue sometimes used highly equivocal rhetoric and images. In these performances heresy was capable of being represented as a minority sectarian problem, or one diffused throughout society. In truth it was both, and so the anti-heresy message had to encompass much more nuance than one might imagine. This essay focuses on the campaign against the lollards in late medieval England, in particular John Edward’s staged abjuration, which is recorded in a letter sent by the presiding bishop, Henry Despenser, to his archbishop, Thomas Arundel. This certification presents a compelling tableau vivant encompassing the penitent, the crowds, and the authorities of Church, crown, and city. In their efforts to stage-manage the abjuration of heresy, however, these authorities had not only to navigate the complexity of anti-heretical rhetoric and present it to a large audience, but, perhaps more importantly, had to overcome considerable rancour and division within their own ranks, to present a unified front against the threat of heresy. For they had to show diat there was a unity from which heretics were deviating. Edward’s abjuration, therefore, offered an important opportunity to demonstrate repentance, and to invite the clergy and people of Norwich to consider the dangers posed by their own tendencies towards disunity.

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Hudson, Anne. "Lollards and Reformers. Images and literacy in late medieval religion. By Margaret Aston. (History Series 22.) Pp. xii + 355 + 44 ills. The Hambledon Press, 1984. £20." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, no. 4 (October 1985): 657–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900044092.

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Kejř, Jiří. "Lollards and their Books. By Anne Hudson. (History Series, 45.) Pp. xv + 266 incl. ills + plates. London and Ronceverte: Hambledon Press, 1985. £20. 0 907628 60 5." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 38, no. 4 (October 1987): 636–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900023745.

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Edwards, A. S. G. "Anne Hudson, Lollards and Their Books. (History Series, 45; Literature Series, 3.) London and Ronceverte, W.Va.: Hambledon Press, 1985. Pp. xviii, 266; black-and-white facsimile illustrations. $30." Speculum 62, no. 02 (April 1987): 506–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400115301.

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Phillpott, Matthew. "Susan Royal. Lollards in the English Reformation: History, Radicalism, and John Foxe. Politics, Culture and Society in Early Modern Britain. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2020. Pp. 296. $120.00 (cloth)." Journal of British Studies 60, no. 2 (April 2021): 468–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.199.

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Jeffrey, David Lyle. "The Antichrist and the Lollards: Apocalypticism in Late Medieval and Reformation England. By Curtis V. Bostick. Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought 70. Leiden: Brill, 1998. xii + 229 pp. $81.00 cloth." Church History 70, no. 1 (March 2001): 160–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654425.

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OP, Gabriel Torretta. "Our Lady reconsidered: John Knox and the Virgin Mary." Scottish Journal of Theology 67, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930614000040.

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AbstractThe cult of the Virgin Mary had a complicated history in Scotland during the sixteenth century, with historical, devotional and literary evidence indicating both widespread acceptance of the church's traditional practices and growing dissatisfaction with them, particularly in elite culture. Anti-Marian polemics entered Scottish Christianity through various sources, including the Lollards around Kyle, the prominent witness of Patrick Hamilton, the preaching of Thomas Guillaume and George Wishart, the theological climate at St Leonard's college in St Andrews, as well as a number of popular works.John Knox (1514–72) incorporated many of his contemporaries’ concerns in his own treatment of the question, being trained at St Andrews University and heavily influenced by Guillaume and Wishart. Knox considered the cult of Mary using the same tool that he used to analyse the cult of the saints in general, the mass, and liturgical ritual, contending that they could not be reconciled with his stringent doctrine of sola scriptura, in particular as read through the lens of Deuteronomy 12:32.Yet for all that Mary and her place in Christian life and devotion formed a major aspect of sixteenth-century Scottish religious praxis, Knox gave little attention to her, preferring to indicate her proper place in Christian theology by presenting a vision of Christianity which omitted her almost entirely. Knox does indirectly indicate what he considers to be the proper Christian attitude towards the Virgin, however, through his explication of sola scriptura and its implications for genuine religious practice as opposed to idolatry, and his understanding of 1 Timothy 2:5 and the unique mediation of Christ. Where Knox does directly address the Marian question, he expresses his rejection of her cult in far more restrained terms than readers of his polemics against the mass may expect; while he is firm and unequivocal in denying Mary's intercessory role and in uprooting Marian devotional practice, his rhetorical restraint points to the irreducible dignity of Mary in the scriptural texts.This article analyses the theology of Mary which Knox reveals in occasional comments scattered through his writings and attempts to place his ideas in their historical and theological context. By explicating the precise nature of Knox's objection to the cult of Mary, the article attempts to open the door for future Reformed–Catholic dialogue on the person of Mary and her place in the church of Christ.

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Hanawalt, Barbara A., and Ben R. McRee. "The guilds of homo prudens in late medieval England." Continuity and Change 7, no. 2 (August 1992): 163–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416000001557.

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Les corporations de jeunes et les corporations carnavalesques, c'est a dire de l'homo ludens, ainsi que les corporations des métiers ou de marchands ont bénéficié d'une recherche historique abondante, alors que les corporations tant socio-religieuses que celles des paroisses n'ont retenu l'attention que depuis peu de temps. Ces derniéres sont pourtant devenues de plus en plus importantes en Europe au bas Moyen Age. Alors que ces associations bénévoles jouaient une quantité de r^les pour leurs membres ou leurs communautés cet article recherche le rôle qu'elles jouent dans le changement politique et religieux lors d'une période de crise. La période qui suit la peste noire voit des changements radicaux de la structure sociale aussi bien dans les zones rurales que dans les villes. Les corporations sont manifestement des institutions qui doivent jouer un rôle lors d'une révolution (la révolte des paysans en 1381) ou en période d'hérésie (les Lollards); elles peuvent également être des forces de stabilité et de médiation dans leurs communautés. En évaluant leur rôle politique et religieux, cet article étudie l'hypothése de Gabriel Le Bras qui déclare que les associations apportent la bonne entente dans les communautés lorsqu'elles sont accessibles à tous les résidents, elles appliquent leurs statuts et elles autorisent la participation du curé de la paroisse. Si, d'autre part, les corporations créent une oligarchie, elles peuvent contrôler la communauté à leurs propres fins. Nous avons recherché la composition de la liste des membres et les activités des corporations en matiére de religion et de politique. Notre conclusion est la suivante: les guildes rurales ont tendance à rester ouvertes quant aux membres et à être apolitiques et religieusement conservatrices. Dans les villes marchandes toutes les corporations sont religieusement conservatrices, mais dans certaines de ces villes une ou même plusieurs corporations sont formées et elles dominent l'administration de la ville. Ces corporations au nombre limité de membres ne sont pas nécessairement à l'origine des dissidences dans la communauté, comme prédit dans l'hypothése de Le Bras. A cause de la forte accentuation des régles de comportement entre membres, les villes hantées par la discorde s'addressent à la guilde d'élite pour régler les bagarres entre membres à l'intérieur même des structures de la corporation plutôt que dans le contexte de la politique de la ville.

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McSheffrey, Shannon. "Curtis V. Bostick. The Antichrist and the Lollards: Apocalypticism in Late Medieval and Reformation England. (Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought.) Leiden, Netherlands: E. J. Brill. 1998. Pp. xii, 229. $76.50. ISBN 90-04-11088-7." Albion 31, no. 3 (1999): 452–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000070733.

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