Journal articles on the topic 'Local politic'
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1
Iskandar, Israr. "LOCAL POLITIC DYNAMICS, NATION INTEGRATION AND HISTORY LEARNING CHALLENGE." Historia: Jurnal Pendidik dan Peneliti Sejarah 12, no. 1 (July 23, 2018): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/historia.v12i1.12119.
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Even though it is not directly included in the history study material, local politic dynamics in regional autonomy era can also be a challenge for history study at pre-university level. Negative excess of regional autonomy policy implementation and politic development after “Orde Baru” era that is likely to challenge the effectiveness of nationalism and national country existence can be a special challenge for history study, and civic education in general. At one side, the comprehensive history teaching will develop contextual nationalism spirit to the youth but at the other side, the phenomenon of regional autonomy implementation and local politic dynamics in the reformation era will challenge the existence of the nationality spirit, due to the spirits emerged and strengthened are the ethnocentrism, ethnicity, social conflict, and separatism. Special strategy for history study at school will be necessary to overcome the issue.
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Wałdoch, Marcin. "The meandres of politics of history in the III Polish Republic territorial self-governments units." Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość XIV (June 3, 2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.2525.
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The politics of history is an object of viral studies, and researches about this phenomenon of political life is constantly deepen. In relations to the international space there are plenty of studies about individual states politic of history, but there are no such studies about local politics, and local societies in relation to the centres of political life. Author highlighted some phenomenon of politics of history of the III Polish Republic’s self-government in the perspective of the theory of centre-periphery. Some conclusions after research make it possible to show some phenomenon of political life such as: political fight between local and national political elites on politics of history; tensions between centre and periphery; shredded collective memory which is dependent of different spaces of local life; collective memory is overcomed by “privatisation and individualisation”.
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Mahardika, Rivaldi. "Warok Pendekar Penghenti Money Politics." Jurnal PolGov 3, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 1–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/polgov.v3i2.2503.
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Penelitian ini mendiskusikan tentang bagaimana keterlibatan local strongman dalam kontestasi politik elektoral di tingkat lokal. Secara khusus, riset ini berusaha memahami tentang fenomena warok di Kabupaten Ponorogo. Riset ini berupaya mengidentifikasi keterlibatan jejaring warok dalam pilkada, terutama dalam penghentian money politic yang dilakukan oleh kandidat yang lain. Strategi pemenangan ini merupakan suatu strategi baru yang dilakukan oleh tim pemenangan kepala daerah. Dalam menganalisis fenomena tersebut, peneliti menggunakan metode penelitian deskriptif kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan yang diperoleh dari observasi secara langsung dari fenomena di Kabupaten Ponorogo, in-depth interview dengan tim pemenangan kandidat, anggota partai, dan tokoh masyarakat. Temuan dan analisis menunjukkan bahwa fenomena warok memiliki peran cukup penting dalam kontestasi politik elektoral di tingkat lokal, dibuktikan dengan bergabungnya tim pemenangan kepala daerah di Kabupaten Ponorogo dan strategi untuk menghentian money politics yang dilakukan oleh lawan politik.
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Pranadji, Tri. "Sejarah Politik dan Dinamika Agraris Kawasan Timur Indonesia." Forum penelitian Agro Ekonomi 28, no. 2 (August 11, 2016): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.21082/fae.v28n2.2010.123-134.
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<strong>English</strong><br />From the agrarian politic history view, the eastern region of Indonesia has a relatively strong competition potential in the global arena. However, since the past five decades, the capacity of socio-economic-politic-culture of the eastern region of Indonesia was degraded to the lowest level. The political planning concern of the central government in the agrarian resource development management is the obstacle point to allow serious implication on social gap and backwardness. The agrarian politic set back in the western part of Indonesia has a heavy influence on the community’s socio-economic livelihood who are depending on local agrarian resources. The prominent ability of several local kings of kingdoms in the eastern Indonesia to perform agricultural trade at a global level during the period of 15-18 centuries has no longer existed. In the future, a strong political support is required to reform agrarian development planning for the eastern region of Indonesia. The plan should cover: First, the vision and direction to establish a strong, self-support, high competitive, fair, and sustainable industrial community based on the existing agrarian resource management. Second, to produce high value of agrarian products, manage by integrated organizations, use high technology and innovation, apply sharing system on collective assets, and select appropriate business adjusted to the existing local agro-ecosystems. Third, strengthen infrastructure networks, support financial institutions, and apply law enforcement in accordance with good governance in a decentralized government administration. Fourth, to establish the community’s rights to express their political opinion and aspiration, to involve in organization (economic, society, and politic), and support on local wisdom. Fifth, to perform policies that integrates agrarian management, safety and defense, and the empowerment of civil society in the eastern part of Indonesia.<br /><br /><br /><strong>Indonesian</strong><br />Dilihat dari sejarah politik agraria, kawasan timur Indonesia mempunyai potensi daya kompetisi relatif kuat dalam “pertarungan” global. Hanya saja, sejak lima dekade terakhir secara sosio-ekonomi-politik-budaya kawasan timur Indonesia berbalik menjadi sangat memprihatinkan. Kepedulian politik perencanaan pemerintah pusat dalam pengembangan pengelolaan sumber daya agraria setempat tampaknya menjadi titik lemah yang berimplikasi serius terhadap munculnya keterbelakangan dan kesenjangan sosial. Kemunduran politik agraria yang terjadi di kawasan barat Indonesia berimbas sangat berat terhadap tingkat kehidupan sosial-ekonomi masyarakat berbasis pengelolaan sumber daya agraria setempat. Kehebatan kemajuan perdagangan produk agraris yang dikendalikan secara politik di tingkat global oleh beberapa kerajaan di kawasan timur Indonesia pada rentang abad 15-18 saat ini sudah hampir tidak tersisa lagi. Pada masa mendatang perlu dukungan politik yang kuat untuk merumuskan kembali perencanaan pembangunan agraria di kawasan timur Indonesia. Substansi perencanaan mencakup: Pertama, visi dan arah yang mengutamakan terbentuknya masyarakat industrial berbasis pengelolaan sumber daya agraria yang kuat, mandiri, berdaya saing tinggi, adil, dan berkelanjutan. Kedua, dihasilkannya produk agraria bernilai tambah tinggi, dikelola dengan organisasi yang utuh (tidak tersekat-sekat), sarat dengan muatan iptek tinggi, penguasaan aset secara kolektif dengan sharing system yang lebih adil, serta pilihan usaha yang sesuai dengan kekayaan agroekosistem setempat. Ketiga, dilakukan penguatan terhadap jaringan infrastruktur, kelembagaan modal finansial, penegakan hukum, serta good governance dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan yang desentralistik. Keempat, penguatan hak-hak warga dalam berpendapat dan beraspirasi secara politik, berorganisasi (ekonomi, kemasyarakatan, dan politik), serta pemberdayaan aspek kearifan lokal. Kelima, kebijakan politik yang mengintegrasikan pengelolaan agraria, pertahanan dan keamanan, serta penguatan civil society di kawasan timur Indonesia.
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Susila, Ihwan. "OTONOMI DAERAH: KAJIAN KESIAPAN DUNIA USAHA DAN BIROKRASI." Jurnal Ekonomi Pembangunan: Kajian Masalah Ekonomi dan Pembangunan 4, no. 1 (May 2, 2017): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.23917/jep.v4i1.4013.
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Decentralization is the reflection of economic and politic reformation. The politic change in developing countries in the last decade shows the tendency that local government has the authority to public service in the local society. Due to technology change and integration in the global market, it is a big demand for the government to control the politic and economic system in the country. The regional autonomy has two different effects. The regional autonomy, however gives the opportunity to their districts to grow and develop their own districts. On the contrary, the regional autonomy can be worse. This occurs due to the lack of preparation of the district to apply the policy. The key to minimize or eliminate the problem is by enhancing the quality of human resources. Preparation of business and bureaucracy to face the regional autonomy will be discussed.
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Lanjari, Restu. "Political Practice and Its Implication on Folk Art Marginalization (Case Study of Wayang Orang/ Human Puppet Ngesti Pandhowo)." Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 16, no. 2 (January 29, 2017): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/harmonia.v16i2.8126.
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<p>The government, political practice, both reflected in the government, politics, policies and the attitude of the public figure, influences the existence of folk art that is overshadowed by changes as the results of modernization and industrialization. The aim of this research is to find out the marginalization of folk art because of political practice. This research was done using a qualitative approach while the subject of this research was Ngesti Pandhawa Human Puppet Group. The result of this research showed that folk art could be marginalized because of the influence of the changes in economic and politic that was formulated inside the modernization waves and technology development that offered new values. The attention of the government on the existence of folk art was still being questioned because of politic budget. The budget for art was extremely small compared to the budget for sport. The existence of folk art depended on the favor and interest of the local leaders, especially political interest.</p>
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Elhawary, Hassan Mohamed Abdalla. "Land under roads and the power of politic." Pacific Accounting Review 30, no. 1 (February 5, 2018): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/par-02-2017-0010.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to answer the following questions: What are the theoretical and practical antecedents for recognising land under roads (LUR) as an asset in local government financial reports? Why was the process of regulating this aspect of accounting practice so protracted and so controversial? Design/methodology/approach The method used a critical analytical review and synthesis of relevant literature. Findings This study rejects the recognition of LUR, and suggests that the requirements to account for LUR should be withdrawn immediately. Regardless of the way that the debate has evolved as to the need or otherwise to value LUR or the methodology to be adopted, until the issue of a consistent, standards-based data set is addressed, there is unlikely to be a unified useful outcome. Research limitations/implications The study’s findings provided opportunity to reach an overall conclusion and make policy recommendations regarding the saga of accounting for LUR by Australian local governments. However, the ability to generalise beyond Australia to other countries would need to be tested by additional research. Practical implications The study’s findings provided assessment of the impact of valuing LUR on financial reporting by local governments and suggested policy recommendations. Social implications This study provided an understanding of Australian local governments’ accounting choices in regard to the valuation of LUR and documented the history of early adoption of valuation of LUR by local governments. Originality/value The literature on the public sector and accrual accounting is extensive and varied. However, there have been only isolated studies on the specific issue of LUR (Barton, 1999a, 1999b; Hoque, 2004; Rowles et al., 1998a, 1998b, 1998c, 1999). This study adds to the few isolated studies on the specific issue of accounting for LUR. Originality/value – This study provided policymakers with rich information about accounting for LUR and, it should have the capacity to impact on the future policy directions and recommendations.
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Syarifuddin, Syarifuddin. "KONSTRUKSI KEBIJAKAN ANGGARAN: AKSENTUASI DRAMA POLITIK DAN KEKUASAAN (STUDI KASUS KABUPATEN JEMBRANA BALI)." EKUITAS (Jurnal Ekonomi dan Keuangan) 15, no. 3 (February 8, 2017): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.24034/j25485024.y2011.v15.i3.2297.
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The aims of this study, is to analyse how the political interaction, power and politics occurred in budget policy construction. Specifically, the study aims at answering who become the actor behind budget policy, how they think, how they interact to dramatize the policy construct. Method of study employs extended dramaturgy reflecting the development of dramaturgy method proposed by Erving Goffman. This method assumes that during interaction, people not only realize others, but also recognize themselves. Therefore, people not only interact with others, but they interact with themselves symbolically. This interaction is observed in Jembrana local government and society as a unit of analysis.The results of this study are: (1) the accounting man uses politic and power to identify social problem as the base to determine budget policy, (2) In analyzing the identification of education problem as social problem, power must be demanded to reveal the fact because the problem cannot speak about itself, (3) the problem identified should be adjusted to the issue beyond the individual local environment and individual life coverage, and (4) the most prominent text with budget policy “constructive” view at Jembrana municipality corresponds with view on “justice” and “truth” along with “ngaya” symbolizing of “the freedom”. Ngaya pertains to an “altruistic” politic, meaning to serve the community and the government, to get better post-reincarnation life
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Syarifuddin, Syarifuddin. "KONSTRUKSI KEBIJAKAN ANGGARAN: AKSENTUASI DRAMA POLITIK DAN KEKUASAAN (STUDI KASUS KABUPATEN JEMBRANA BALI)." EKUITAS (Jurnal Ekonomi dan Keuangan) 15, no. 3 (September 25, 2018): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24034/j25485024.y2011.v15.i3.371.
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The aims of this study, is to analyse how the political interaction, power and politics occurred in budget policy construction. Specifically, the study aims at answering who become the actor behind budget policy, how they think, how they interact to dramatize the policy construct. Method of study employs extended dramaturgy reflecting the development of dramaturgy method proposed by Erving Goffman. This method assumes that during interaction, people not only realize others, but also recognize themselves. Therefore, people not only interact with others, but they interact with themselves symbolically. This interaction is observed in Jembrana local government and society as a unit of analysis.The results of this study are: (1) the accounting man uses politic and power to identify social problem as the base to determine budget policy, (2) In analyzing the identification of education problem as social problem, power must be demanded to reveal the fact because the problem cannot speak about itself, (3) the problem identified should be adjusted to the issue beyond the individual local environment and individual life coverage, and (4) the most prominent text with budget policy “constructive” view at Jembrana municipality corresponds with view on “justice” and “truth” along with “ngaya” symbolizing of “the freedom”. Ngaya pertains to an “altruistic” politic, meaning to serve the community and the government, to get better post-reincarnation life.
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Renault, Rachel. "Eine moralische Ökonomie der Steuern?" Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 62, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 303–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2021-0012.
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Abstract This article analyses the conflicts over imperial taxation in 17th-18th century Germany at local level. As imperial taxes have been mostly studied for the 16th century and usually from the perspective of Vienna, observing them from below gives a completely different perspective. One can observe, in particular, very strong and long-lasting conflicts between subjects and territorial princes. The article defends the idea that taxation conflicts are not only due to the size of the tax burden, but also linked to social and political considerations. They provide an excellent vantage point for analysing the Empire from below and the popular politics that emerged within the imperial body politic.
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Susila Wibawa, Kadek Cahya. "Penegasan Politik Hukum Desentralisasi Asimetris dalam Rangka Menata Hubungan Pemerintah Pusat dengan Pemerintah Daerah di Indonesia." Administrative Law and Governance Journal 2, no. 3 (August 1, 2019): 400–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/alj.v2i3.400-412.
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Abstract The legal politics of Article 18, Article 18A and Article 18B of the UUDNRI 1945 (Indonesian Constitution) do not strictly state that Indonesia adheres to the concept of asymmetric decentralization in the administration of local government. Until now, Indonesia does not yet have a grand design of asymmetric decentralization policy. The asymmetrical idea runs by itself without having its main design. Indonesia needs to affirm its asymmetrical decentralization policy to ensure the implementation of local government by the politic of law in the UUDNRI 1945. The establishment of a basic law on asymmetric decentralization is one way to emphasize that Indonesia adheres to asymmetric devolution in the operation of central government relations with local governments. The construction of the act that is built remains in the spirit of decentralization rather than centralization is carried out asymmetrically rather than symmetrically, and remains within the framework of the United States of the Republic of Indonesia. The act becomes the lex genres of all laws relating to the broadest local autonomy and special autonomy. Keywords: Asymmetric Decentralization, Local Government, Central Government, Autonomy. Abstrak Politik hukum Pasal 18, Pasal 18A, dan Pasal 18B UUDNRI 1945 menyatakan secara tidak tegas bahwa Indonesia menganut konsep desentralisasi asimetris dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah. Indonesia sampai saat ini belum memiliki grand design kebijakan desentralisasi asimetris. Konsep asimetris berjalan dengan sendirinya tanpa ada design utamanya. Indonesia perlu penegasan kebijakan desentralisasi asimetris untuk menjamin penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah sesuai politik hukum dalam UUDNRI 1945. Pembentukan undang-undang pokok mengenai desentralisasi asimetris merupakan salah satu cara untuk menegaskan bahwa Indonesia menganut desentralisasi asimetris dalam penyelenggaraan hubungan pemerintah pusat dengan pemerintah daerah. Konstruksi undang-undang yang dibangun tetap dengan semangat desentralisasi bukan sentralisasi, dijalankan secara asimetris bukan simetris dan tetap dalam bingkai Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Undang-undang tersebut menjadi lex generelis dari semua undang-undang yang terkait dengan otonomi daerah seluas-luasnya, otonomi khusus, dan otonomi istimewa. Kata kunci: Desentralisasi Asimetris, Pemerintah Daerah, Pemerintah Pusat, Otonomi.
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Jati, Wasisto Raharjo. "KEARIFAN LOKAL SEBAGAI RESOLUSI KONFLIK KEAGAMAAN." Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 21, no. 2 (December 15, 2013): 393. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ws.2013.21.2.251.
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<p class="IIABSBARU">This article aims to analyze relation between local wisdom within religion conflicts resolution in post conflict divided society of Maluku. In the case of Maluku conflict religion was not core sources, but rivalry among societal element to compete for bureaucracy position and economic-politic resources. Religion is only becoming supporting conflict which provides moral legitimation and politic identity to strike others. The history of Maluku conflict indicated by subordination and domination relations that resulted discrimination and marginalization amidst society. The fallacy of the new order regime in 1999 can be said conflict escalation in Maluku that murdered million innocent peoples. Maluku conflict had resolved by Malino peace treaty in 2002 and 2003, however potency of conflict in grassroots can be reduced by local wisdom values. Pela gandong as local wisdom had a pivotal role in reconciliation process to recapitalize social capital which cracked during conflict. In addition to local wisdom, representation in bureaucracy also hold role player to reducing social gap between society elemental in Maluku.</p><p class="IKa-ABSTRAK">***</p>Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kearifan lokal sebagai resolusi konflik keagamaan di masyarakat pasca konflik Maluku. Dalam kasus konflik Maluku, agama bukanlah sumber utama, namun rivalitas antar elemen masyarakat dalam memperebutkan sumber daya ekonomi-politik dan birokrasi yang menjadi permasalahannya. Agama hanya menjadi faktor pendukung yang menyediakan adanya legitimasi moral dan identitas politik untuk melakukan kekerasan terhadap orang lain. Sejarah konflik Maluku ditandai dengan relasi subordinasi dan dominasi yang menghasilkan adanya diskriminasi dan marjinalisasi di tengah masyarakat. Jatuhnya rezim Orde Baru tahun 1999 dapat dikatakan sebagai puncak konflik Maluku yang telah membunuh jutaan nyawa manusia tidak bersalah. Konflik Maluku telah diselesaikan melalui perjanjian damai Malino tahun 2002 dan 2003, namun demikian potensi konflik di akar masyarakat dapat dikurangi melalui nilai-nilai kearifan lokal. <em>Pela gandong</em> sebagai kearifan lokal mempunyai peran penting dalam rekonsiliasi dengan menyatukan kembali solidaritas masyarakat yang terpecah selama konflik. Selain halnya kearifan lokal, representasi dalam birokrasi juga memegang peran utama dalam mereduksi kesenjangan sosial antara elemen masyarakat di Maluku.
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Budijanto, Oki Wahju. "PEMENUHAN HAK POLITIK WARGA NEGARA DALAM PROSES PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH LANGSUNG (Fulfillment Of Citizen Political Right In The Direct Election Of Local Leaders Process)." Jurnal Penelitian Hukum De Jure 16, no. 3 (February 9, 2017): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.30641/dejure.2016.v16.291-307.
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Demokrasi memerlukan waktu dan proses untuk dapat dirasakan manfaatnya oleh seluruh warga negara. Pro dan kontra yang terjadi menanggapi pelaksanaan proses pemilihan kepala daerah berkembang dalam masyarakat. Oleh karena itu, permasalahan yang muncul adalah bagaimana pemenuhan hak politik warga negara dalam proses pilkada langsung? Tujuan tulisan ini adalah untuk mengetahui: pemenuhan hak politik warga negara dalam proses pilkada langsung dan pelaksanaan pilkada yang diharapkan oleh masyarakat. Manfaat yang diharapkan adalah sebagai bahan rekomendasi rumusan kebijakan yang berkaitan dengan dampak proses pemilihan kepala daerah secara langsung terhadap pemenuhan hak politik warga Negara. Tulisan ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dan kuantitatif melaluipendekatan deskriptif analisis dan preskriptif dengan dua teknik pengumpulan data yaitu penelitian lapangan dan studi kepustakaan.Penyelenggaraan pemilihan kepala daerah secara langsung dinilai dari aspek pemenuhan hak politik warga negara cenderung demokratis, dimana rakyat yang mempunyai hak suara dapat memilih para pemimpinnya secara langsung.Pemilihan kepala daerah secara langsung berdampak positif terhadap pemenuhan hak politik warga Negara.AbstractDemocracy needs time and process so that all citizen can feel its benefits. Pros and cons occur to local leaders election process, in society. Therefore, the problem is how the fulfillment of citizen political right in the direct election of local leaders process? The purpose of this writing is to know: the fulfillment of citizen political right in the direct election of local leaders process and its implementation that is expected by society. The expected benefits of this writing is a recommendation of policy formulation related to the impact of the direct election of local leaders process to satisfy citizen political right. It uses qualitative and quantitative method through descriptive and prescriptive analysis approach. Collecting data is conducted by field research and literature study. The performance of direct election of local leaders tends democratic, where people whose vote can choose their leader, directly. It has a positive impact to the fulfillment of citizen politic right.
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Pongtuluran, Yulianus, Ichlasul Amal, and Erwan Agus Purwanto. "MANIPULASI BUDAYA DALAM POLITIK PADA PEMEKARAN DAERAH." Jurnal Ilmiah Mimbar Demokrasi 11, no. 2 (March 20, 2018): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/jimd.v11i2.6256.
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This research about cultural manipulation in local politic, Toraja, South Sulawesi. The purpose of this study was to determine the local cultural forms are manipulated by local political elites to achieve their political objectives. The methodology used in this study is descriptive qualitative, with the determination of key informants through snowball sampling. The research results showed there has been manipulation of culture by utilizing culture (traditional parties, burial ceremonies, traditional houses, houses of worship, and cultural symbols) as a political instrument to achieve political goals and is used as one reasons in regional expansion.
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Sugiyanto, Catur, Budiono Sri Handoko, and Ilham Adinusa. "Pengaruh Konsentrasi Partai Politik di Daerah terhadap Pertumbuhan Ekonomi Daerah." Jurnal Ekonomi dan Pembangunan Indonesia 13, no. 2 (January 1, 2013): 109–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21002/jepi.v13i2.27.
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In the Indonesia democracy, the multiparty system is used as one of the canal to aggregate the public aspirations. This mechanism is supported by Law No. 25/1999 about fiscal decentralization and a series of related regulations. It is also supported by direct election for regional head (Pilkada). As such, the winning political parties may influence the local government budget allocation which finally transform into the economic growth. This study estimates the influence of party politic concentration on the local economic growth. The data used is the local government election of 2004 and 2009 from 55 regions (cities). The concentration of political power in regional legislatives is measured by using Herfindahl Hirschman Index (HHI). The results of analysis confirm that the more concentrated political power in the regional legislative results lower economic growth.AbstrakDalam dinamika demokrasi Indonesia, mekanisme multipartai merupakan salah satu cara untuk mengatur aspirasi. Mekanisme ini didukung Undang-Undang No. 25 Tahun 1999 mengenai desentralisasi fiskal dan dinamika perubahannya. Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) langsung pun turut mendukung mekanisme demokrasi di daerah. Partai politik pemenang pilkada akan memengaruhi pola alokasi anggaran daerah yang akhirnya bisa berdampak pada efektivitas pengeluaran pemerintah. Studi ini mengestimasi seberapa besar pengaruh konsentrasi partai di daerah terhadap pertumbuhan ekonomi di daerah. Analisis menggunakan data 55 kabupaten/kota tahun 2004 dan 2009. Konsentrasi partai politik di dalam parlemen di daerah diukur dari proporsi anggota dewan dari masing-masing partai politik menggunakan Herfindahl Hirschman Index (HHI). Data tahun 2004 dan 2009 mengonfirmasi bahwa semakin terkonsentrasinya anggota dewan pada satu partai politik tertentu, maka semakin rendah pertumbuhan ekonomi daerah tersebut.
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Seregny, Scott J. "Peasants, Nation, and Local Government in Wartime Russia." Slavic Review 59, no. 2 (2000): 336–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697055.
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More than a decade ago, in a discussion in this journal, Leopold Haimson argued that peasant soldiers’ perception of Soviet power in 1917-18 “did not encompass any conception of the relationships between themselves, their village communities, or even the peasant estate as a whole, and other social groups—let alone any generalized view of the Russian body politic as a whole.” He went on to note that this peasant particularism “reflected a continuity in the mentalité of Russian peasants stretching back to the very inception of the Russian state.” Peasants rejected any superordinate authority and consistently acted out “a profound urge to be left alone.” Haimson's description of Russian peasants at the outset of civil war is a powerful evocation of peasant mentalités, not only of peasants in Russia but of peasants the world over, and would seem to preclude their inclusion in a nation.
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Fathurrijal, Fathurrijal. "Political Marketing Elit Lokal Dalam Pemilihan Umum Kepala Daerah di Nusa Tenggara Barat." Al-I'lam: Jurnal Komunikasi dan Penyiaran Islam 2, no. 1 (September 6, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.31764/jail.v2i1.534.
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Abstrak: Tulisan ini mengkaji penerapan komunikasi pemasaran politik (Political Marketing Communication) oleh Elit-elit Lokaldi beberapa momentum pemilihan umum kepala daerah di Nusa Tenggara Barat. Keberadaan elit lokal di NTB yang dulu hanya sebagai vote getter, kini telah menjelma menjadi tokoh politik yang siap berkompetisi dengan para politisi dalam merebut kepemimpinan formal di tingkat lokal. Kemampuan elit-elit lokal dalam menarasikan visi-misi politiknya tidak bisa dipandang sebelah mata oleh politisi-politisi murni yang selama ini menguasai struktural partai politik. Keterbukaan Demokrasi harus dijadikan sebagai media dan momentum untuk mendudukkan semua elemen masyarakat pemilih yang memiliki hak yang sama, sama-sama bisa diusulkan dan dipilih menjadi pemimpin-pemimpin birokrasi. Jalur politik adalah salah satu jalur yang memungkinkan elit lokal untuk bisa duduk mengisi pergantian kepemimpinan di level eksekutif dan legislatif. Provinsi NTB, sebagai salah satu daerah yang melaksanakan pemilihan umum kepala daerah sudah beberapa prioede kepemimpinan kini telah dipimpin oleh elit lokal yang berasal dari tokoh keagamaan, begitu juga di beberapa Kabupaten Kota, kaum birokrat sedikit demi sedikit mulai tergeser dari kursi kepemimpinan eksekutif.Kata Kunci: Komunikasi Pemasaran Politik, Elit Lokal, Politik, Demokrasi, Pilihan Kepala Daerah=================================================Abstract : This paper analyzed the application of political marketing communication by Local Elites in some of the momentum of Local Leader Elections in West Nusa Tenggara. The existence of local elites in NTB, which used to only be a getter vote, has now become a political figure who is ready to compete with politicians in seizing formal leadership at the local level. The ability of local elites to narrate their political vision and mission cannot be underestimated by pure politicians who have so far mastered the structure of political parties. Openness of Democracy must be used as a medium and momentum to seat all elements of the voting community who have the same rights, both can be proposed and elected as bureaucratic leaders. The political path is one of the pathways that allow local elites to sit in to fill leadership changes at the executive and legislative levels. NTB Province, as one of the regions that carried out Local Leader elections for several periods of leadership has now been led by local elites from religious figures, as well as in several districts, the Bureaucrats have gradually moved away from the executive leadership chair.Keywords: Political Marketing Communication, Local Elite, Politic, Democracy,Local Leader Elections
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Konradus, Danggur. "Politik Hukum Penyelesaian Konflik Pengelolaan Konservasi yang Humanis." Undang: Jurnal Hukum 1, no. 2 (March 11, 2019): 219–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22437/ujh.1.2.219-243.
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This article discusses the phenomenon of mutual claims between state law and customary law in resolving conflict management conservation. In the conservation areas are several laws which claim to have the right to control and manage the area, namely state law, customary law, company law and so on. The centralistic legal politic in the Conservation Law now separates humans from their nature and has not yet integrated the local wisdom of indigenous peoples, so that it is far from the conservation law that is pro-indigenous, pro-justice, pro-poverty, and pro-local wisdom. Therefore, the legislative approach is not enough to overcome the complexity of the problem of conservation areas, but rather requires a holistic and progressive approach as an alternative solution. This article builds argumentation that integration of local wisdom in the legal politics of conservation area management is very necessary to maintain and manage human biodiversity and ecosystem areas. Social capital in indigenous law communities such as deliberation, honesty, harmony, not discrimination, is an important capital in overcoming various problems in resolving conflict management conservation.
Abstrak
Artikel ini membahas fenomena saling klaim antara hukum negara dan hukum adat dalam penyelesaian konflik pengelolaan konservasi. Dalam kawasan konservasi sendiri terdapat beberapa hukum yang saling mengklaim memiliki hak menguasai dan mengelola kawasan tersebut, yaitu hukum negara, hukum adat, hukum perusahaan dan sebagainya. Politik hukum konservasi yang sentralistis dalam UU Konservasi saat ini telah memisahkan manusia dengan alamnya dan belum mengintegrasikan kearifan lokal masyarakat hukum adat, sehingga jauh dari hukum konservasi yang pro masyarakat hukum adat, pro keadilan, pro kemiskinan, dan pro kearifan lokal. Oleh karenanya, pendekatan perundang-undangan saja tidak cukup untuk mengatasi kompleksitas masalah kawasan konservasi, melainkan memerlukan pendekatan holistik dan progresif sebagai alternatif penyelesaian. Artikel ini membangun argumentasi, integrasi terhadap kearifan lokal dalam politik hukum pengelolaan kawasan konservasi sangat diperlukan untuk memelihara dan mengelola kawasan keanekaragaman hayati dan ekosistem yang humanis. Modal sosial pada masyarakat hukum adat seperti musyawarah, kejujuran, rukun, tidak diskriminasi, merupakan modal penting dalam mengatasi pelbagai problem dalam penyelesaian konflik pengelolaan konservasi.
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Nurkin, Baharuddin. "OTONOMI DAERAH DAN PENGELOLAAN SUMBERDAYA ALAM : KASUS PENGELOLAAN HUTAN DI SULAWESI SELATAN." PERENNIAL 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24259/perennial.v2i1.151.
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Decentralization has been regarded as a best way to utilize natural resources for local people benefit and to distribute development results fairly through out of entirely of the country. However, experience has shown that in some cases decentralization in forest management policy was not implemented by local authorities in balancing way of both utilization and conservation. On the other hand, local government complained that even though power transfer to local authority has been implemented since the Indonesian reform politic, central government is still maintaining control over the forest management policy. This article describes decentralization experiences of forest management policy in South Sulawesi. Their impacts followed by some suggestions are also outlined. Key words : Decentralization, Forest management, Local Authority, Central Goverment
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Ahmad Sodikin. "Kontribusi Pondok Pesantren Haji Ya’qub Lirboyo Kediri dalam Mengembangkan Pendidikan Politik Islam di Indonesia." Dirasah : Jurnal Studi Ilmu dan Manajemen Pendidikan Islam 1, no. 2 (August 30, 2018): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.29062/dirasah.v1i2.21.
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Speaking of pesantren and Islamic politics, it cannot be separated from Islam and its people, while Muslims have been encouraged by their leaders (although in minority number) that to not mix religion with politic, especially in Indonesia in the 1980s so that there is an impression that Muslims do not need to engage in politic mainly in the pesantren community and that's why Muslims and their leaders become afraid talking about politics. It encourages the writer to find out more about how political education in pesantren which finally the writer do research in the pesantren in particular pesantren of Haji Ya'qub Lirboyo in Kediri.
The type of research used was qualitative descriptive. Because the research aimed to describe the phenomena at the research location. This research succeeded in obtaining findings according to the problem questions which in the outline can be summarized as follows: Islamic political education in pesantren of Haji Ya'qub Lirboyo indirectly existed since the time of its establishment, but limited only to the role model of the kyais. On the other hand, the form of political education such as organizations still exist, for example Jamiyyah, Bahtsul Masa'il Institution, and Madrasah Diniyah. While education that is purely in the form of lesson is understanding Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Civics that learned in public school.
Contribution of Haji Ya'qub Islamic boarding school in Islamic political education consisted of two types which is fund and behavior. In the form of fund contribution was donation to the local election committee. Whereas in the form of the behavior, the Haji Ya'qub Islamic boarding school formed organizations such as LBM, Jamiyyah, and Madrasah Diniyah.
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Aziz, Munawar. "Konsep Peradaban Islam Nusantara: Kajian atas Pemikiran Syekh Ahmad Mutamakkin (1645-1740) dan KH Sahal Mahfudz (1937-2015)." Jurnal Lektur Keagamaan 13, no. 2 (December 20, 2015): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.31291/jlk.v13i2.235.
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The discourse on Islam Nusantara is a strategic study inside of relation Islam and politic in the international level. The problem of Arabic Country among Islam and politic is an example on this study. This is a challenge to reformulate the style of Islam which is responsive on democracy and civilizations. Islam in Indonesia (or Islam Nusantara) reflecting the concept of dialogue between Islam, politics and cultural values. This is what makes Islam Nusantara teach the values of peace and humanity. From this study, the book 'Arsyul Muwahiddin noted by Sheikh Ahmad Mutamakkin (1645-1740) on the bridge between the Islamic concept of sharia, Sufism and cultural values. The history of Syekh Ahmad Mutamakkin, in the relation with Javanese Empire, spread the views of relations among ulama, power and cultural ideas. This research, focused on several key questions: (1) how values contained in the book Sufism ‘Arsyul Muwahiddin? (2) How the Islamic identity of the archipelago, which is excerpted from the book and thehistory of ‘Arsyul Muwahiddin by Sheikh Ahmad Mutamakkin? The key questions that this research underlines the Islamic identity of the country, about the relationship between Islam, Sufism and local values to promote the concept of civilization in this country. Sheikh Ahmad Mutamakkin’s life history and values contained in the book ‘Arsyul Muwahiddin is a reflectionto map the face of Islam Nusantara. Thus, an alternative view to contribute on Islamic model in the international sphere.
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Sunesti, Yuyun. "VEILING: Between Social Imaginary and the Politic of Multiculturalism In Indonesia and Malaysia." Musãwa Jurnal Studi Gender dan Islam 15, no. 2 (July 17, 2016): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/musawa.v15i2.1302.
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Hijab (veiling) becomes a social imagination of piety for many muslim women. In Many areas in Indonesia, veiling even becomes one of the points of obligation in local regulations. This article discusses the social imaginary about the hijab for muslim women in Indonesia and Malaysia which then transforms into a social obligation supported by the state. The fact that these two countries run the multicultural politics that is required for accommodating religious, racial, and cultural differences is a challenge when the efforts of homogenizing identity continue to be fought by certain groups.[Jilbab menjadi imajinasi sosial tentang kesalehan bagi banyak perempuan muslim. Di banyak daerah di indonesia, berjilbab bahkan menjadi salah satu kewajiban yang masuk dalam peraturan daerah. Artikel ini membahas tentang imajinasi sosial (social imaginary) tentang jilbab bagi perempuan muslim di Indonesia dan Malaysia yang selanjutnya bertransformasi menjadi kewajiban sosial (social obligation) yang didukung oleh negara. Fakta bahwa kedua negara ini menjalankan politik multikulturalisme yang dituntut untuk mengakomodasi perbedaan agama, ras, dan budaya menjadi tantangan tersendiri ketika upaya-upaya homogenisasi indentitas terus diperjuangkan oleh kelompok-kelompok tertentu.]
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Sunarso, Ali. "HISTORIOGRAPHY OF INDONESIAN ISLAM (Historical Analysis of the Transitional Era of Social and Political System in Java in the 15-16th Century and the Contribution of Javanese Kings in Islamization)." IJISH (International Journal of Islamic Studies and Humanities) 1, no. 1 (May 7, 2018): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.26555/ijish.v1i1.129.
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This writing explained about the social, economic, and political background around the local leaders which happened when there was political power change in harbors of Java north seashores throughout the 15th century. This explanation could make clear about the process of Islamic settle through the politic power shift from Hindu-Budha to Muslim leaders in Java north seashores to be something which was plausible. The above description has ignored the social, economic, and political contexts in the societies, where the king lives and leads. This description also assumed that it was not important about the marriage relationship among Muslim sellers with princesses and between infidel leaders with Muslim leaders’ daughter in other places. A special discussion should be made to make the religious and political change to be more made sense. The way was by looking at the religious change of the area leaders as the last process of Islamic political era. The roles of imam-mollah enabled them to have practical politic activity and have high position in the activity that was as king’s adviser. The role of imam-mollah as king’s adviser was seen as the arousing of big position and role of the Brahmin and social politic system of Hindu-Budha in Indonesia. The roles of imam-mollah in the golden era of Java north seashore compared with the Brahmin also needed special review. At the beginning of Muslim sellers came to Indonesia had relationship between the activities of trade, politic, and religion. The Muslim sellers had mutualism and volunteer trade relationship with the infidel leaders in north seashores. But, day by day, if a trade center got crowded and wealth, and the community and leaders there were Muslims, the surrounded leaders who want to have relationship with Muslim sellers in the trade center seemed to have psychology push to be Muslim.
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Alhourani, Ala Rabiha. "Aesthetics of Muslim-ness: Art and the Formation of Muslim Identity Politics." Journal of Religion in Africa 48, no. 3 (December 5, 2018): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340142.
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AbstractThe paper explores two opposing yet simultaneous forces of aesthetics as transformative and constitutive force of Muslim identity politics, religiosity and cultural style in Cape Town The ethnography focuses on Muslim artists in Cape Town, namely Thania Petersen and twin brothers Hasan and Husain Essop, whose artworks embody a ‘social drama’ of a lived experience of Muslims’ ongoing individual and collective active engagement with and appropriation of the plurality of competing discourses that are religious and secular, local and global. The discussion unpacks the ways in which the artworks of Petersen and the Essop brothers serve as a transformative force and as a politic of authenticity to Muslim identity, religiosity, and cultural style. The paper offers an appreciative but critical reading of Talal Asad’s idea of an anthropology of Islam. Taking into consideration the incommensurable diversity and internal contradiction that could be conceived as Islamic discursive traditions, this paper argues that the aesthetics of Muslimness is what inspires coherence within and across diverse, contradictory Islamic traditions.
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Bustanol Husein, Mohammad. "KETERLIBATAN KYAI SEBAGAI PESERTA PILKADA PAMEKASAN TAHUN 2018." Aspirasi : Jurnal Ilmiah Administrasi Negara 3, no. 1 (May 30, 2018): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.53712/aspirasi.v3i1.330.
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On Local Leader’s election 2018, KyaiIn Pamekasan would be a centre of fascination political interest and absolutely about political support. Special Moment, in this political season happened a competition head-to head betwen Kyai whose simmiliariy party background. This moment never came on local leader’s election since ORBA era. This research focus on reason of involvment of kyai as participants in local leader.s election. This theory used Pareto’s Theory of elite and used concept of political kyai involvement. This research chose qualitative approach and used Snow Ball Sampling to get a deep interviewess. The Result, First, The reason of Political Kyai Involvement as participant on local leader’s election based on awareness of Kyai to take prophetic role. Therefore, Kyaimust take action to solve problem of people. Secondly, Involvement of Kyai had influenced politic and social conditon (oppurtunity analysis and benefit) who make himself think hard to calculate.
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Bёrdufi, Dorina, and Sokol Pacukaj. "Youth Political Participation in Conventional Forms in Albania 2011-2021." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 11, no. 3 (May 5, 2022): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2022-0092.
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Looking into the conventional forms of political participation in Albania, this paper analyzes the level of political decision-making participation of youth in this country in the period 2011-2021. The main focus is mapping the level of engagement of young Albanians into conventional politics, such as in the main political parties of Albania (Socialist Party, Democratic Party and Socialist Movement for Integration), youth forums, parliament, local and central government bodies. The result shows that has been a slight improvement in numbers and quality of youth in traditional politic, in terms of youth leader election, political activities and some presence of the young politicians in key political bodies of political parties and governance. The paper concludes that this positive inclination is still low in percentage compared to the old politicians in political leading positions, decision-making positions and in main political parties’ structure. The low level of participation of young people in politics hinders them from the proactive role and their involvement in the traditional political structure of the country.
Received: 10 March 2022 / Accepted: 25 April 2022 / Published: 5 May 2022
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Sabarudin, Didin. "POLITICAL COMMUNICATION BASED ON IDENTITY POLITICS AND SOCIAL NETWORKING MEDIA IN THE PERIODE 2012-2017 DKI JAKARTA GOVERNOR ELECTION." Jurnal Komunikasi dan Bisnis 9, no. 2 (December 7, 2021): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.46806/jkb.v9i2.770.
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The pattern of centralized government that turned into decentralized has brought a shift in the locus of power from the center to the regions, including changes in political authority at the local level. The spirit of democratization that occurred after the New Order regime had a follow-up impact in the form of decentralization with the enactment of Law No.22/2001 on Regional Autonomy which was later revised into Law No.32/2004 and Law 12/2008. The implementation of regional autonomy is an entry point for the rise of identity politics at the local political level. This condition occurs in the megapolitan city of Jakarta, whereas the capital of the country inhabited by residents from various identities. Identity-based mobilization was actualized by the pair of gubernatorial candidates who competed in the 2012 DKI Jakarta gubernatorial election, especially in the second round between the incumbent governor Fauzi Bowo who paired with Nachrowi Ramli (Foke – Nara) who came from the Betawi ethnicity against the pair Joko Widodo – Basuki Tjahaja. Purnama (Jokowi – Ahok) as a blend of Javanese ethnic identity comes from Solo and Chinese ethnicity from East Belitung, Sumatra. Key words: Identity Politic, Political Communication, Social Network Media, Governor Election.
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Galuh Mahardika, Moch Dimas, and Sariyatun Sariyatun. "Pengenalan tradisi Laras Madya dalam pembelajaran IPS melalui pendekatan konstruktivisme." Jurnal Teori dan Praksis Pembelajaran IPS 5, no. 2 (October 31, 2020): 103–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um022v5i22020p103.
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Social science learning is aneffort to provide student’s knowledge and comperhensionabout social condition indaily life. Basicly, social science is an integration of the study of social science such as, history, geography, economics, politic, sociology and otherhumanities science. So, the main purpose of social science learning to createthe humans who are aware of their position as members of civil society. The introduction of local tradition also needs to be included in gerenal material on social science learning. Students are able to know more about existence of local tradition, one of wich is Laras Madya tradition. Laras Madya tradition is a one of the local tradition that can be inserted into the general social science learning materials. The approach to introduce this tradition is constructivism. Constructivism is an effective approach to use because can provides sufficient space for student to actively seek, collect, and process information to build their knowledge. This article is the author’s conceptual idea wich aims to provide a new reference about local tradition.
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Wicaksono, Daniel, and Adhi Prabowo. "PUBLIKASI LAPORAN KEUANGAN PEMERINTAH DAERAH (LKPD114) MELALUI INTERNET (IFLGR) DAN FAKTOR-FAKTOR YANG MEMPENGARUHI." Media Ekonomi 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.30595/medek.v16i1.1278.
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This study focuses on the application of Internet Financial Local Goverment Report (IFLGR) and it’s influencing factors after the issnance of legislation of openness of public information and the influences significenly on the Minister of Home Affairs No.188.52 / 1797 / SJ in 2012, in which is all about the effort embodiment of Good Government. Selected population in this study were all provinces in Indonesia which publishing budget transparency on their official website.
Selected factors is have consist ofpolitic competition, total assets of local goverment (kay), leverage (lev), the degree of independence (tk), the level of GDP (pd), and BPK audit opinion. By using binary logistic regression with alpha 5%. The results show that the level of independence influential in the implementation of Internet Financial Local Goverment Report (IFLGR), while the rests of variables do not.
Key word: IFLGR, politic competition, total assets of local goverment,
leverage, the degree of independence, the level of GDP, and BPK audit opinion
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WEINSTEIN, BENJAMIN. "LIBERALISM, LOCAL GOVERNMENT REFORM, AND POLITICAL EDUCATION IN GREAT BRITAIN AND BRITISH INDIA, 1880–1886." Historical Journal 61, no. 1 (April 9, 2017): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1600056x.
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AbstractThis article attempts to shed new light on the character of late Victorian Liberalism by investigating its political priorities in British India. It takes as its particular focus the debates which raged between 1881 and 1883 over the Government of India Resolution on Local Self-Government. Along with the Ilbert Bill, the Resolution comprised the centrepiece of the marquis of Ripon's self-consciously Liberal programme for dismantling Lytton's Raj. When analysed in conjunction with contemporaneous Liberal discourse on English local government reform, the debates surrounding the Resolution help to clarify many of the central principles of late Victorian Liberalism. In particular, these debates emphasize the profound importance of local government reform to what one might call the Liberal project. Beyond its utility in effecting retrenchment, efficiency, and ‘sound finance’, local government reform was valued by Liberals as the best and safest means of effecting ‘political education’ among populations, in both Britain and India, with increasingly strong claims to inclusion within the body politic.
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Sirajuddin, Sirajuddin. "PERAN PARA SULTAN DALAM PENYEBARAN ISLAM DI GORONTALO." Al-Qalam 14, no. 1 (November 11, 2018): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31969/alq.v14i1.518.
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<p>This study aims to describe the role of royales in Former Gorontalo<br />Kingdoms. This study was conducted in Gorontalo. Data was collected<br />using interview and observation. Interview was conducted with local<br />Islamic Historician.<br />This Study Indicates that Islamic come into Gorontalo in several ways,<br />such are marriage, education, and politic. The role of Former Gorontalo<br />Royales was very important to Islamic diaspora in Gorontalo society.<br />The Kings that have main role are Sultan Amai, Sultan Matolodulakiki,<br />and Sultan Jogugu Eyato. The kings succesed to integrate Islamic value<br />into local tradition</p>
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Gois-Neves, Mariana Carolina. "As relações entre cristãos e muçulmanos na Índia do séc. XVI: os relatos de Zinadím e de Rodrigues da Silveira." Revista do Centro de Estudos Portugueses 30, no. 44 (December 31, 2010): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2359-0076.30.44.187-207.
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<p>Muitas questões se levantam sobre a chegada de Vasco da Gama à Índia, em 1498: as intenções dos Portugueses, neste território, serão verdadeiramente comerciais? Como reagem as comunidades locais, nomeadamente os hindús, judeus e muçulmanos à chegada inesperada dos Europeus? Esta chegada vai ou não provocar um desequilíbrio de forças entre estes grupos? Em que domínio? Religioso, político, económico, ou todos eles? Como são as relações entre cristãos e muçulmanos na Índia antes da chegada dos Portugueses? E os judeus, qual o seu papel neste contexto? Finalmente, qual a política seguida pelos Portugueses no Malabar, por um lado, e pelas autoridades locais, por outro? Por outras palavras, os Portugueses foram bem acolhidos pelos soberanos indianos ou estes privilegiaram os interesses da população local? E qual a resposta portuguesa a esta política? Muitas respostas a estas questões, podemos encontrá-las nos relatos de Zinadím e Rodrigues da Silveira, ambos testemunhas oculares dos acontecimentos que evocam.</p><p>Several questions arise about the arrival of Vasco da Gama in India, in 1492: the intention of the Portuguese were they really commercial? How react the local communities, Hindus, Jews and Muslins, to the unexpected arrival of the Europeans? Is this arrival responsable for a strength imbalance between these groups? In wich camp? Religious, politic, economic or all of them? And the Jews, what was their rule in this context? Finally, how can we define the portuguese politics in Malabar, on one way, and the local one, on the other? In other words, did the Portuguese receive a good reception from the indian sovereigns or not? And what was the portuguese answer to this politics? We can find several answers to these questions in the works of Zinadím and Rodrigues da Silveira, both of them eyewitnesses of he events they relate.</p>
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Matthiesen, Toby. "SHIʿI HISTORIANS IN A WAHHABI STATE: IDENTITY ENTREPRENEURS AND THE POLITICS OF LOCAL HISTORIOGRAPHY IN SAUDI ARABIA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 1 (February 2015): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814001433.
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AbstractThis article analyzes how Saudi Shiʿi historians have adapted tools associated with nationalism to create distinct historical narratives for the Shiʿa of Eastern Arabia. State-sponsored narratives have either left out Shiʿi Muslims or cast them as unbelievers and alien to the Saudi body politic. In contrast, historical narratives written by Shiʿi authors emphasize the Shiʿa's long history of sedentarization, their cultural heritage, and their struggles against foreign occupation. The article is based on fieldwork in Saudi Arabia and a close reading of hundreds of articles and books on local history published mainly since the 1980s. Through the Saudi Shiʿi case, I show that “identity entrpreneurs,” or activists who create, politicize, and profit from identities to further political aims, understand local historiography to be crucial to their overall projects.
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Hannan, Abd, and Kudrat Abdillah. "HEGEMONI RELIGIO-KEKUASAAN DAN TRANSFORMASI SOSIAL Mobilisasi Jaringan Kekuasaan dan Keagamaan Kyai dalam Dinamika Sosio-Kultural Masyarakat." Sosial Budaya 16, no. 1 (July 31, 2019): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24014/sb.v16i1.7037.
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Madura society has identical religiosity. One of their religiosities are in glorifying the tradition, institute, and religious symbol. Dealing with it, the existence of kyai (scholar) is a religious symbol which has strong effect toward the existence of social culture of local society. This study specially will analyze Network Mobilization of Scholar Religious Authority in socio-culture of Madura society. Some crucial issues become a focus of explanation in this study namely; existence of kyai, network mobilization of Kyai religious authority, the effect toward politic reality in socio-culture of Madura society. This study is field study which uses qualitative research. The data of this paper is primary and secondary data. Whereas the theory used is sociology theories; Hegemony Gramsci theory, and authority theory of Michel Foucault. The finding of this study is descriptive-Narrative of kyai existence in social system of Madura society. And the description of scholar religious authority network in in socio-culture of Madura society. This writing contribute in describing a direction of politic dynamic of Madura society. And the description of participation and effect of kyai (scholar) religious authority network in socio-culture of Madura society.
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Colăcel, Onoriu, and Corneliu Pintilescu. "From Literary Culture to Post-Communist Media: Romanian Conspiracism." Messages, Sages, and Ages 4, no. 2 (November 1, 2017): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/msas-2017-0007.
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Abstract Conspiracy thinking has a long history in Romanian literary culture. In the early 21st century, what counts as a conspiracy theory in the mainstream of Romanian life is nevertheless elusive enough to keep the public engaged more than ever before. The growing number of attempts to address the gap in knowledge with regard to local conspiracy theories is proof that concern with their possibly harmful consequences is on the rise as well. For most of the conspiracy-minded, the topics of the day are specific threats posed to post-communist Romania and its people. In the main, conspiratorial beliefs fall into three main fields. Namely, they come across as 1) conspiracy theories against the body politic of the nation, 2) health-related conspiracy theories and 3) conspiracy theories on use and conservation of natural resources. While the first two overlap and build on the tradition of home-grown populism, the third is mostly a borrowing from Western media sources. However, the most influential instances of Romanian conspiracism posit that the well-being of the nation’s body politic and that of individuals’ own bodies are one and the same.
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Yarkin, Dinçer, and Yeliz Yeşil. "The Role of Entrepreneurship Education on Internationalization Intention. A Case Study from Izmir-TURKEY." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 6, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v6i1.p128-134.
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Acting in a domestic market can be risky for new ventures in developing countries because of vulnerable economic and politic conditions. From the beginning of establishment, focusing on international markets can prevent local market risks which new entrepreneurs will probably encounter. Internationalization, entrepreneurship and international entrepreneurship are the main topics which scholars given more attention in the world. In this study, entrepreneurship education and it’s effects on generating internationalization intention were evaluated by in depth interviews. Findings has shown that type of the institute, course content, classmates, qualification and background of the lecturer, plays important role on initiation of starting international business
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Hamdi, Saipul. "Integrasi Budaya, Pendidikan, dan Politik dalam Dakwah Nahdlatul Wathan (NW) di Lombok: Kajian Biografi TGH. Zainuddin Abdul Madjid." JSW: Jurnal Sosiologi Walisongo 2, no. 2 (November 15, 2018): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/jsw.2018.2.2.2964.
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<p>Nahdlatul Wathan (NW) is a national religious organization that established in Lombok by Tuan Guru Haji (TGH) Muhammad Zainuddin Abdul Madjid in 1953. Although NW is the minority group in the context of national level compare to Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah organization, but it has become the majority religious group in Lombok and noted as the most powerful and successful organization in term of religious da’wa development, education and politic. Since 1937-2018 NW has 1600 branches of madrasah and majlis ta’lim spread out all around Indonesian archipelago, including in the capital city of Indonesia Jakarta. In 2008-2018 NW took over the political authority when its leader TGH. Muhammad Zainul Majdi inaugurated as the Governor of West Nusa Tenggara province for two periods. In doing so, this article examines the way the founder of NW has carried NW into the highest achievement, especially the way TGH. Zainuddin integrates the cultural aspects such as local symbol, art, education, and politic in Nahdlatul Wathan’s da’wa activities. This research is qualitative research that data based on references. Most data are from the works of TGH. Zainuddin and any kinds of literature that especially related to him and NW.</p>
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Sufianto, Agustinus, Fillysca Fillysca, and Shally Joncicilia. "The Comparison Between Chinese Puppet Show and Chinese-Javanese Blend Puppet Show in Indonesia." Humaniora 2, no. 1 (April 30, 2011): 885. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v2i1.3108.
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Since some centuries ago, Indonesia has been one of the destinations for immigrating Chinese. When the Chinese came to Indonesia, they also brought their cultures and customs. Some of them have a cultural-cross marriage with local Indonesian and brought their cultures to be introduced to local Indonesian. When the relationship between Chinese and Indonesian became stronger in some fields such as trade, education and politic, some of Chinese cultures has been adapted by local Indonesian or has been assimilated with local cultures. This adaption process was hindered when the New Order of Soeharto government had banned all Chinese culture, including anything closely related. So, the Chinese-Javanese blend puppet show that also brings Chinese culture couldn’t get any supports and its development faces difficulties. The writer using a qualitative methodology interviewed some of Chinese-Javanese puppet show artist and observation of the puppet show performance to make a comparison between Chinese puppet show and Chinese-Javanese blend puppet show in Indonesia. Chinese-Javanese puppet show or usually can be determined as Indonesian potehi puppet Show has some differences from Chinese puppet show. The differences can be found in the making of puppet, puppet profiles, performance way and stories.
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Haris, Didik M. Nur, and Rahimin Affandi Abd Rahim. "PEMIKIRAN KEAGAMAAN MUHAMMAD BASUNI IMRAN." Al-Banjari : Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu-Ilmu Keislaman 16, no. 2 (December 6, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18592/al-banjari.v16i2.1464.
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Basuni Muhammad Imran (1883-1976) was a Indonesian reformer who live in Sambas, West Kalimantan, it has brought this area to reach the peak of science and modernity. The main patterns of Muhammad Basuni Imran thought is traditionalism, inklusifism and flexible in medium but strong in thawabit. This study revealed substantial contributions of Muhammad Basuni Imran in Islamic legal thought especially in purposes in Islamic laws (maqasid shari’ah) and Islamic politic (siyasah shar’iyyah), through the implementation of the concept tadarruj, Maslahah mursalah, al-Tahaluf al-Siyasi, and local wisdom of jurisprudence in adopting the opinion of the validity prayers Friday at least 40 people.
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Jati, Wasisto Raharjo. "Inkonsistensi Paradigma Otonomi Daerah di Indonesia: Dilema Sentralisasi atau Desentralisasi." Jurnal Konstitusi 9, no. 4 (May 20, 2016): 743. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk947.
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This study aimed to analyze trajectory of regional autonomy in Indonesia. There are two important things in discussing about regional autonomy in Indonesia. Firstly, dilemma between decentralization or centralization as basic paradigm in the policy of regional autonomy. Secondly, regional autonomy just creates oligarchy regime, primordialism, and politic of clientelism. Implementation of regional autonomy has been became new problems for Indonesia which adopted unitary state system. Regional autonomy in post New-Order era intended to enhancing participation of society in development project and local democracy was hijacked by many interest from elite. In other words, regional autonomy more aligned to elite rather than the people.
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Wekke, Ismail Suardi, Siddin Siddin, and Sukree Langputeh. "Islamic Education in Thailand Pattani Muslim Minority: What are the Institutional Continuity and Change?" Tadris: Jurnal Keguruan dan Ilmu Tarbiyah 4, no. 1 (June 28, 2019): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24042/tadris.v4i1.3753.
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National aspiration in different ways effects to the community response through their condition. This situation reflects the dynamics of interest in diverse direction. Therefore, this article will identify the development of Muslim minority in Pattani, Thailand. A qualitative approach was applied to conducting research. In-depth interview and non-participant observation was an instrument to collect data. Data triangulation was conducted through twice focus group discussions in a different university. This article discusses the portrait of Islamic education in Pattani of Thailand. They face dynamic and struggle to maintain a combination of national interest and local need. National aspiration is the main source to formulate the institutional design. On the other hand, they embedded local aspiration through ethnic and religious values to combine in national education. In keeping with the identities and personal communication, they tried to root the religious value and belief to educational form. Finally, this article amplifies the local condition in Pattani Muslim society. The development of Islamic education runs to the situation in extending ethnic, religious expression, and politic.
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Borham, Abd Hadi, Wahyu Hidayat Abdullah, and Mohamad Marzuqi Abdul Rahim. "Metod Dakwah dalam Pengislaman di Sabah (Sebelum Era Penguasaan British Crown Colony." Journal of Usuluddin 49, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/usuluddin.vol49no1.1.
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Da’ie is an important group in the spreading of Islam during the period of sultanate of Brunei and Sulu before British Colony Era. The domination of sultanates has given a positive impact to the spread of da’wah in Sabah (known as North Borneo). The da’i have succeeded to bring a harmonious spiritual need among the locals in Sabah. Islamisation has encouraged comprehensive way of life from legal, economy and politic aspects. This dynamic nature is shown through the effort of Islamisation. It can be seen with the acceptance of Islam from the local community of Sabah (North Borneo); who lived in east coast through the influence of Sultanate of Sulu and flourishing in the west coast of Sabah through the Sultanate of Brunei. Therefore, this study aims to identify the da’wah methods that are a factor to Islamization in Sabah. The design of this study is a literature review with using content analysis of the materials on the study topic. The findings show that there are five methods of da'wah that were highlighted in Islamization in Sabah before the British era. It is an adaptation of the preacher to local life, approaching the ruling class, through marriage and through trade activities, and the factor of the superiority of the sufi preachers.
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Syarif, Zainuddin. "Pergeseran Perilaku Politik Kiai dan Santri di Pamekasan Madura." Al-Tahrir: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 16, no. 2 (December 22, 2016): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.21154/al-tahrir.v16i2.500.
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Abstract, this research applied qualitative approach, by using field research model. The qualitative approach model that is applied emphasize more on Phenomenological perspective, which is focus on the interpretation and emic meaning analysis in the forms of expressions (empiric) found in the field. While the focus of this research concists of (1) what is the meaning of "politic" for Kiai and Santri Pamekasan? (2) How is the tendency of Santri’s political attitude to the Kiai’s political attitude? (3) How are the ways and efforts taken by Kiai to defend their autoritative leadership?. This research took place in Palengaan district, Pamekasan regency where the focus of this study is the Kiai’s involvement and santri in the politic on regent and vise regent election in 2008 – 2013 period (Local Leaders Election), that is held on 5 March 2008 and on 9 January 2013 – 2018 period. The results of this research are: the first, the Kiai’s political formula is used to retain his leadership authority to Santri which relies on two powers, they are; traditional and charismatic domination. It means Kiaikeeps to retain his glamour as religious charismatic figure by using the symbols of obedience which are framed by religious moral values in retaining his santri’s obedience. Second, Santri’ political attitude have shifted from political obedience to the political difference although it is done by alumnus only. From their political attitude, it is found that there are three Santri’s political typology, they are: (1) Santri with absolute obedience, (2) Santri with fictive obedience, (3) Prismatic Santri Key Word: Kiai-Santris’s Politic, Charismatic, Obedience الملخص:استخدم هذا البحث المنهج النوعي بالإطار الميداني. فيطلق المنهج النوعي على وجهة النظر الفينومنولوجية التي تؤدي إلى تفسير وتحليل المعنى الداخلي الذي يتعلق بالعبارات الموجودة فى الميدان. أما تحديد هذا البحث فيطلق إلى ما يلي: 1) ما هو معني السياسة عند أسياد المعاهد الإسلامية وطلابها فى مدينة باميكاسن؟ 2) إلى ما اتجهت سلوك السياسة لطلاب المعاهد الإسلامية نحو انتخاب أسياد المعاهد السياسي؟ 3) ما هي المحاولات والمواقف لأسياد المعاهد على محافظة سيطرتهم الرياسية؟ حل هذا البحث فى منطقة بالنجاعن بمحافظة باميكاسن بالتركيز إلى مشاركة أسياد المعاهد وطلابها فى سياسة انتخاب رئيس المحافظة ونائبها بمرحلة السنة 2008- 2013 من الميلاد ، المعقدة تاريخ الخامس من مارس سنة 2008 م وفى فترة بين شهر يناير 2008 إلى يناير 2018. فالاستنتاجات من هذا البحث هي: 1) صيغة أسياد المعاهد السياسية المستخدمة فى محافظة سيطرتهم الرياسية على جميع الطلاب تركز إلى القوتين، هما: التقليدية و الهيمنة الكاريزمية. فهما تعنيان أن أسياد المعاهد يحافظ أنفسهم كأشخاص كاريزمي متدين برموز الطاعات مع إطارات القيم الدينية فى محافظة طاعات الطلاب نحوهم. 2) وقوع التغييرات فى الاتجاهات السياسية لطلاب المعاهد من الإطاعة السياسية إلى التفرق السياسي، رغم أن ذلك منفذ فى المجالات المحدودة (فرقة الخريجين). فمن قبل الاتجاهات المتنوعة، أوجد الباحث ثلاثة أنواع الطلاب: 1) الطلاب المطيع فى الدرجة المطلقة، 2) الطلاب المطيع فى الدرجة الزائفة، 3) الطلاب البرسماتيكية. Abstrak, penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif, dengan model penelitian lapangan. Model pendekatan kualitatif yang digunakan lebih menekankan pada perspektif fenomenologi, yaitu penekanan kepada interpretasi dan analisis makna emic yang berupa ungkapan-ungkapan (empiris) yang ditemukan di lapangan. Adapun, fokus penelitian ini terdiri dari: (1) Apa makna politik bagi kiai dan santri di Pamekasan? (2) Bagaimana kecenderungan perilaku politik santri terhadap pilihan politik kiai? (3) Bagaimana upaya dan sikap kiai mempertahankan otoritas kepemimpinannya? Riset ini mengambil tempat di Kecamatan Palengaan, Kabupaten Pamekasan dengan fokus kajian keterlibatan kiai dan santri dalam politik pemilihan bupati dan wakil bupati periode 2008-2013 (Pilkada), yang dilaksanakan pada tanggal 5, Maret 2008 dan periode 9 Januari 2013-2018. Hasil penelitian ini adalah: Pertama, formula politik kiai yang digunakan dalam mempertahankan otoritas kepemimpinannya terhadap santri bertumpu pada dua kekuatan yatu; traditional dan charismatic domination. Artinya kiai tetap mempertahankan pesona sebagai sosok karismatik relijius melalui simbol-simbol kepatuhan yang dibingkai nilai moral agama dalam mempertahankan kepatuhan santrinya. Kedua, perilaku politik santri telah terjadi pergeseran dari kepatuhan politik ke perbedaan politik walaupun hal itu dilakukan oleh sebatas santri alumni. Dari perilaku politik santri tersebut ditemukan ada tiga tipologi politik santri yaitu: (1) Santri patuh mutlak, (2) Santri patuh semu dan (3) Santri prismatik.
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Setyanto, Daniar Wikan, Santosa Soewarlan, and Sumbo Tinarbuko. "Words Representation of Postfeminism in Indonesian Heroine Character : Case Study of Valentine Film." Dewa Ruci: Jurnal Pengkajian dan Penciptaan Seni 14, no. 2 (March 24, 2020): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33153/dewaruci.v14i2.2797.
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The heroine is a character who has succeeded in embracing the public imagination in terms of self-image and became the ideal image of female, including in Indonesia. The character of Srimaya/ Valentine is a heroine character coming from local comic taken into Indonesia’s movies. The image presented on Srimaya/ Valentine is the symptom of capitalism in the Indonesian’s movies, the character is also one of the case studies in image reconstruction product or the representation of female using their image as a heroine. The discourse of female representation in the character of Srimaya/ Valentine does not only show about image idealized however it also represents the ideology of post-feminism as well as a politic of identity presented in the world of local films. The achievement of identity exceeds physical image from female because, in character, there are many symbols about feminists. This research was done to know the discourse of identity in view of post-feminism delivered in the film of Valentine(2017).
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Romadlon, Suryo Gilang. "Implikasi Pergeseran Sistem Politik terhadap Hukum dan Birokrasi di Indonesia." Jurnal Konstitusi 13, no. 4 (December 20, 2016): 868. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk1349.
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Coalition can be the effective way to collect the power for struggle in the competitive politics. In Indonesia, after the reform era, the coalition system being the most popular system that granted by the constitution. Phrase ”coalition of political parties” in the article number 6A point (2) UUD 1945 shows us that the coalition system is the constitutional and the fix way. From all the historical story about the coalition of political parties in Indonesia, we can make a conclusion that the coalition system wich is exist in Indonesia is just coalition made by interest, not ideology. Coalition only to reach the “threshold”. Political parties only thinking about how to complete the mission to propose the candidate. Surely, That’s all the problem. We can see that the coalition system in Indonesia just make some paradox. For example, in presidential election 2014, in one hand we can see the batle between “KMP” and “KIH”, but in the other hand, we cand find a different situation in local politic competition. On 9 December 2015, The simultaneous regional election was completed held, and I saw that the battle between KMP and KIH wasn’t happened in that moment. Based on the fact from KPU, we can find in some region, the inconsistence coalition was built by the political parties which is member of KMP join with member of KIH. That condition shows us that the coalition system in Indonesia is just based on interest. There is no linear/consistence coalition between central and local, so automatically we can find a question, “where is the platform, vision and mission of political party in Indonesia? And How about the impact to the bureaucratic system between central and local government?. Finally, The Author is trying to answer the questions in this paper.
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Oktaviany, Dhany, and Muh Rosyid Ridlo. "JARANAN KEDIRI: HEGEMONI DAN REPRESENTASI IDENTITAS." Journal of Development and Social Change 1, no. 2 (October 29, 2018): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/jodasc.v1i2.23050.
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<p>Abstract : Disscussion about jaranan art performance is never going to stand as an art alone. Jaranan art performance is part of socio-histories in Kediri’s society. There are several aims of this research such as, to know the identity representation of jaranan’s community in Kediri, to explain the rulling class’s hegemony and to explain the representation politic of jaranan Kediri’s community. Antonio Gramsci’s Hegemony theory dan Stuart Hall’s Representation theory are being used in this research. This research is located in Kota subdistict of Kediri city, East Java. This qualitative research used the etnography approach by James Spradley. Purposive sampling is being used as sampling technique in this research. Interview, focus group discussion (FGD) and documentation are being used as data collecting technique. The analysis technique is using theme analysis by Spradley. The result form this research is that, in order to face the power relation, jaranan Kediri’s community form several kind of identity representation. That identity representation such as, (1) Festival Jaranan; (2) tanggapan Jaranan; (3) dance-drama Jaranan for religious event and; (4) dance-drama lakon Dewi Sanggalangit. Jaranan Kediri isnt stop being just an art in the cultural area of Kediri’s society, but Jaranan aslo become an area of power domination in the hegemony system of rulling class. Jaranan stood as a social-cultural power in the society, make it’s hard to slipped away from the hegemony hand. There are two hegemonic alliance in the rulling class level, there are government/Islam religion alliance and economi/local elit alliance. Govenment/Islam religion using cultural-leadership based on Islam ideology and the eceonomy/local elit using fromal economy ideology. Ruling class is side on hegemony block, whereas the jaranan community stood as counter hegemony block. the hegemony fall to descedent hegemony rank. Representation politic are beling held to face the three sector which is, government, religion and economy.<br />Keywords :Jaranan, hegemony, representation, identity, politics, government, religion, economy.</p><p>Abstrak : Membicarakan kesenian jaranan tidak akan pernah bisa dibahas dalam satu topik tunggal berupa seni. Kesenian jaranan merupakan bagian integral dan sosiohistoris masyarakat kota Kediri. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui representasi identitas komunitas kesenian jaranan Kediri, menjelaskan hegemoni rulling class dan menjelaskan politik representasi idetitas dari komunitas kesenian jaranan kota Kediri. Teori yang digunakan adalah teori hegemoni yang dikemukakan oleh Antonio Gramsci dan teori representasi oleh Stuart Hall. Penelitian ini mengambil lokasi di Kecamatan Kota, Kota Kediri, Jawa Timur. Peneltitian kualitatif ini menggunakan metode penelitian yakni, studi etnografi James Spradley. Teknik pengambilan sampel data adalah dengan Purposive sampling. Teknik pengambilan data adalah dengan wawancara, FGD dan dokumentasi. Teknik analisis yang digunakan adalah teknik analisis tema yang diadaptasi dari etnografi James P. Spradley. Hasil penelitian komunitas kesenian jaranan di kota Kediri. Dalam menghadapi relasi kuasa pemerintah, agama dan pasar tersebut, komunitas kesenian jaranan membentuk empat representasi identitas yakni; (1) Jaranan festival; (2) jaranan tanggapan; (3) Jaranan Sendratari untuk acara Agama Islam dan; (4) Jaranan Sendratari lakon Dewi Sanggalangit.Kesenian jaranan tidak berakhir hanya menjadi suatu kesenian dalam aspek budaya saja namun jaranan Kediri mejadi arena dominasi kekuasaan dari rulling class. Jaranan di Kota Kediri hadir sebagai suatu kekuatan sosio-budaya rakyat, yang tak luput dari proses hegemoni oleh rulling class tersebut. Terdapat dua aliansi kelompok hegemonik yakni pemeritah/agama dan ekonomi/elit lokal. pemerintah/agama menggunakan kepemimpinan kultural dasar ideologis agama, sementara ekonomi/elit lokal menggunakan ideologi ekonomi formal. Blok hegemoni oleh rulling class dan counter hegemoni oleh komunitas jaranan. Tingkatan hegemoni yang tercipta adalah decedent hegemony. Politik representasi yang dilakukan menyasar pada tiga bidang yakni, pemerintah, agama dan pasar.</p><p>Kata kunci: Jaranan, hegemoni, representasi, identitas, politik, pemerintah, agama, pasar.</p>
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Setyobudi, Imam. "POLITIK IDENTITAS ANIMAL POP DANCE: Subbudaya dan Gaya Hidup Hibrid." Jurnal Sosiologi Reflektif 12, no. 1 (December 7, 2017): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jsr.v12i1.1286.
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Post-colonial theories bear two perspectives. First, Said argues that the ideological and concrete framework of ideology and colonial knowledge stands firmly, neatly, and perfectly without any crack that remains entrenched. Bhabha argues that the building of ideology and colonial knowledge full of cracks necessitates the creative opportunity of creating hybrid traditions and cultures that are not merely extensions of the colonial army, but also not the real bumiputera: ambiguity and ambivalence.This article, tracking the identity politics that construct a subculture with a particular lifestyle through the creation of Animal Pop Dance choreography. An Indonesian hip hop which is a hybridization process of hip hop grown in the United States by Africa-America is mixed with three local Indonesian dance (Javanese, Sundanese, Papuan) traditions of animal behavior. The results show Animal Pop Dance is a hybrid tradition and culture that aspires to escape from the grip of dichotomous thinking patterns in post-colonial contexts.Teori paska-kolonial melahirkan dua perspektif. Pertama, Said berpendapat kerangka-beton ideologi dan pengetahuan kolonial berdiri kokoh, rapi, dan sempurna tanpa retakan yang masih bercokol utuh. Bhabha berpendapat bangunan ideologi dan pengetahuan kolonial penuh retakan meniscayakan peluang kreatif menciptakan tradisi dan budaya hibrid yang bukan sekadar kepanjangan tangan kolonial semata, akan tetapi juga bukanlah bumiputera yang sesungguhnya: ambiguitas dan ambivalen. Artikel ini, pelacakan terhadap politik identitas yang mengkonstruksi sebuah subbudaya dengan gaya hidup tertentu melalui penciptaan koreografi Animal Pop Dance. Suatu hip hop Indonesia yang merupakan proses hibridisasi hibrid dari hip hop yang tumbuh di Amerika Serikat oleh kalangan Africa-America dicampuradukan dengan tiga tari tradisi lokal Indonesia (Jawa, Sunda, Papua) bertema perilaku binatang. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan Animal Pop Dance adalah tradisi dan budaya hibrid yang berhasrat melepaskan diri dari cengkeraman pola berpikir dikotomi dalam konteks paska-kolonial. Keywords: politic of identity, animal pop dance, subculture, lifestyle, hybrid
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Hidayat, Alfian, and Purnami Safitri. "POLITIK EKOLOGI KEHUTANAN: KEBIJAKAN HUTAN TANAMAN INDUSTRI DI SAMBELIA, LOMBOK TIMUR." Jurnal Penelitian Sosial dan Ekonomi Kehutanan 18, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20886/jpsek.2021.18.3.205-218.
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Ecological politics rely solely on economic interest. Development and the environment have a complicated correlation. The industrial plantation forest policy aims to ensure that the economic benefit goes hand in hand with the sustainability demand. Ironically, this policy triggers a conflict between local communities and corporations as the holder of forest concession rights. The concession is practically established due to merely economic interest aligned with the extractive industry of tobacco in Lombok. The plantation is aimed as the supporting source for the tobacco industry since it requires specific woods to roast the tobacco. The study refers to utilizes instrumental state theory and deep ecology perspective to identify how the policy was made for the capital and tobacco capital benefits, while the sustainability objective is left behind. The study shows not only how the concession sparked ironic economic development, but also how the liberal environmentalism approach in industrial forest plantation policy has failed to gain its objective. The economic potential of tobacco in Lombok is the main determinant in industrial forest plantation policy that changes community forests into private forests. In the end, the policy was strategically implemented to sustain production and strengthen corporation monopoly over forests.
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Guenther, David. "Of Bodies Politic and Pecuniary: A Brief History of Corporate Purpose." Michigan Business & Entrepreneurial Law Review, no. 9.1 (2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.36639/mbelr.9.1.bodies.
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American corporate law has long drawn a bright line between for-profit and non-profit corporations. In recent years, hybrid or social enterprises have increasingly put this bright-line distinction to the test. This Article asks what we can learn about the purpose of the American business corporation by examining its history and development in the United States in its formative period from roughly 1780-1860. This brief history of corporate purpose suggests that the duty to maximize profits in the for-profit corporation is a relatively recent development. Historically, the American business corporation grew out of an earlier form of corporation that was neither for-profit nor nonprofit in today’s parlance but rather, served a multitude of municipal, religious, charitable, educational, and eventually business purposes in early nineteenth-century New England. The purposes of early American business corporations—rather than maximization of profit to private shareholders— were often overtly public, involving development of local transportation, finance, and other much-needed economic infrastructure. With the rise of factory-based manufacturing, railroads, and other capital-intensive industries in the middle decades of the nineteenth century and the advent of general incorporation statutes, the purpose of the American business corporation shifted fundamentally from public to private. By 1860, the stage was set for the modern firm. This Article concludes that the corporation has no intrinsic purpose. The corporation’s defining features are separate legal personality and the ability to aggregate capital toward any otherwise lawful end, whether for-profit or nonprofit. Social enterprises today more closely resemble the early American business corporation than the profit-maximizing modern firm. Social enterprise should be seen less as a legally uncertain novelty than a return to the business corporation’s nineteenth-century American roots. Finally, this Article suggests potential limitations for social enterprise.
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Castilho, Celso Thomas. "Performing Abolitionism, Enacting Citizenship: The Social Construction of Political Rights in 1880s Recife, Brazil." Hispanic American Historical Review 93, no. 3 (August 1, 2013): 377–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2210849.
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Abstract This article highlights the centrality of theatrical and carnival performances to the making of the Brazilian abolitionist movement. Based on the case study of Recife, it argues that these cultural manifestations were integral to broadly politicizing the problem of emancipation and to constructing abolitionist public opinion. Important not only for consolidating popular support, abolitionist performances also created new codes for political expression and recast the terms of political belonging, or citizenship. In the wake of the wide disenfranchisement stemming from the 1881 electoral law, the performances portrayed abolition as a national issue and thus legitimized the possibility for collective intervention. The consolidation of an abolitionist movement transformed the workings of the local politics of slavery, forcing the provincial and municipal governments to confront the matter through the adoption of emancipation funds. As abolitionist performances extended the parameters of political participation, however, they also produced narratives of progress that both stigmatized Africanness and elided the place of freed slaves within the newly envisioned body politic. Abolitionist performances, then, challenged the institution of slavery but left unscathed cultural assumptions about racial difference and hierarchies. Abolitionist performances, dynamic and complex, became a crucial vehicle for spurring popular political mobilization in the 1880s, a practice that reverberated nationally.