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Journal articles on the topic "Local government elections":
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Hansen, Tore. "Local Elections and Local Government Performance." Scandinavian Political Studies 17, no. 1 (March 1994): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1994.tb00047.x.
Abdullah, Ar Rozi, and Payamta Payamta. "Belanja Oportunistik Pemerintah Daerah pada Masa Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia (Studi pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Non-Jawa)." Jurnal Ilmiah Akuntansi 6, no. 1 (June 25, 2021): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.23887/jia.v6i1.30530.
This article analyses opportunistic behaviour of local government spending in period the elections for non-Javanese local heads in Indoensia which have variability in financial performance. Previous studies have shown that the opportunistic behaviour of regional spending is closely related to the holding of local head elections and the presence of incumbents running for reelections. The effect of election and the existence of incumbents in elections on local government spending is tested using a set of panel data for the 2015-2018 period. A total of 858 observation units were tested, consisting of political and financial factors in the pre-election year, election year, and post-election year. Based on the results of regression testing, it is found that evidence of non-Javanese local government spending is opportunistic around local head elections. This condition is indicated by the increase in Grant and Financial Assistance Expenditures, which are discretionary spending. This evidence confirms some previous research on opportunistic spending behaviour around local head elections.
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Buckley, Fiona, and Caroline Hofman. "Women in local government: Moving in from the margins." Administration 63, no. 2 (August 1, 2015): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/admin-2015-0011.
Abstract This article presents a descriptive overview of women’s participation in the elected and administrative structures of local government in the Republic of Ireland. Drawing on analysis of candidate data and electoral results from the 2014 local elections, it shows that women’s political representation currently stands at just under 21 per cent, a record high for women’s participation in the elected structures of county and city councils. The article evaluates the lessons learned about political parties, gender and candidate recruitment at the 2014 local elections. It argues that the impending introduction of legislative gender quotas at the next general election was the main driving force behind women’s increased participation in these elections. Turning attention to the administrative structures of local authorities, it is revealed that men continue to dominate senior management positions. While increasing numbers of women are accessing senior management roles, gendered barriers remain. The article concludes by reflecting on the future prospects for women’s participation in both the elected and administrative structures of local government in the Republic of Ireland. It recommends an extension of legal gender quotas to local elections and a more proactive gender promotional and mentoring campaign within local government administrative structures.
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Kubisz-Muła, Łukasz. "The Character of the Polish Local and Regional Elections – Polytonality." Polish Political Science Review 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 22–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0019.
Abstract Contemporary Polish local and regional elections serve the purpose of electing the government on the level of a municipality, county, and the voivodeship, and therefore represent a particular type of elections which could be referred to as polytonal. A unique quality of polytonal elections is the fact that the separate elections for each of the levels of local/regional government that take place on a single day are quite distinctive in terms of the behaviour of voters, politicians, political parties, and other organisations participating in the elections. As a consequence, we can indeed observe differences in the results of the elections on the level of municipality, county, and voivodeship.
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Pasaribu, Ian. "PILKADA SERENTAK DAN HUKUM POLITIK: KONTROVERSI KEBIJAKAN PEMERINTAH PUSAT TERKAIT PUTUSAN HUKUM PILKADA KABUPATEN, SIMALUNGUN SUMATERA UTARA TAHUN 2015." Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 8, no. 1 (October 25, 2017): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.8.1.2017.82-91.
This study examines, analyzes dna discusses Simultaneous elections Politics and Law: controversy Central Government Policies Related Legal Decisions Election District, North Sumatra Simalungun Where the Year 2015. On December 9, 2015 ago in elections Simalungun which is one of five areas was postponed due Regent Amran deputy candidate Sinaga experienced legal permaslahan. This study uses the theory of Elections, the concept of democracy and the electoral law. This study used qualitative methods with qualitative descriptive analysis techniques. The results of this study are Chronologically elections Simalungun, Inconsistency Regulations, Budget Swelling elections, Process Inaugural JR Saragih. Where the conclusions of this research local elections December 9, 2015 simultaneously experiencing the same problem as well as a substantial permasalahn. Registration problems associated pair of candidates is the responsibility of political parties to avoid any single candidate. On the issue of the availability of budget, the government and local governments need to give a strong political will to urgently solve the problem.
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Sørensen, R. J. "The Legitimacy of Norwegian Local Government: The Impact of Central Government Controls." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 15, no. 1 (March 1997): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c150037.
The Norwegian system of government comprises three levels: highest is the central government, or Storting (Parliament); in the middle are the counties, and at the lowest level are the municipalities. The municipal and county levels are considered local government. In this paper the degree of central control of the lower two levels of Norwegian government are compared and the implications of national regulations for local democracy, particularly for county governments, are discussed. The counties are more heavily controlled by the central government than are the municipalities, measured both by reliance on central grants and by regulation of the service supply. Whereas the representatives of the municipal councils are ambiguous when it comes to expressing the extent of central government control, the county-level politicians are clearly dissatisfied with central governmental constraints. Central regulations appear not to weaken the attractiveness of positions on the local councils, and the desire for reelection appears higher at the county level than at the municipal level. Voters see the parliamentary elections as most important, the municipal elections as of secondary importance, and the county elections as least important. At the county elections, national policymakers are to some extent responsible for the performance of the county government. It is argued that the lack of voter interest and voter control increases the ability of lobbying organizations to influence county decisions, which is likely to strengthen the dominance of producer interests relative to that of citizens and consumers. Such developments may induce demand for further state legislation to protect consumer interests, which will challenge the overall legitimacy of intermediate democracy.
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Chakim, M. Lutfi. "PERUBAHAN SISTEM PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH DALAM DINAMIKA PELAKSANAAN DEMOKRASI." Jurnal Rechts Vinding: Media Pembinaan Hukum Nasional 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2014): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.33331/rechtsvinding.v3i1.60.
Pemilihan kepala daerah (pilkada) secara langsung adalah suatu mekanisme yang berfungsi sebagai pelaksanaan demokrasi. Namun, dalam perjalanannya muncul ketidakpuasan berbagai pihak untuk tidak lagi menggunakan sistem pemilihan gubernur secara langsung. Hal itulah yang menjadi dasar bagi Pemerintah untuk mengusulkan sistem pemilihan gubernur oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah (DPRD) melalui Rancangan Undang-undang tentang Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (RUU Pilkada). Usulan perubahan sistem tersebut merupakan topik yang sangat serius, karena berpotensi mengingkari kedaulatan rakyat yang dijamin dalam UUD 1945. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis normatif, dapat disimpulkan bahwa, pertama , pemilihan secara langsung merupakan satu-satunya cara yang paling efektif untuk memaknai frasa ”dipilih secara demokratis” sebagaimana dimuat dalam Pasal 18 ayat (4) UUD 1945. Kedua , sejarah pemilihan kepala daerah ditandai dengan diberlakukannya berbagai peraturan perundang-undangan terkait dengan pemerintahan daerah mulai sejak masa kolonial hingga reformasi. Ketiga , sistem pemilihan gubernur secara perwakilan oleh DPRD merupakan kemunduran bagi demokrasi. Oleh karena itu, pemerintah perlu mengambil pelajaran dari sejarah sistem pemilihan kepala daerah. Setelah itu, diharapkan pemerintah dapat meninjau kembali kebijakannya tentang sistem pemilihan kepala daerah oleh DPRD yang tertuang dalam RUU Pilkada.<p>Local government election directly is a mechanism of democracy implementation. However, it doesn’t work as expectation while disappointing parties urge to not use governor election system directly anymore. That’s the basis for the Government to propose Governor election system by House of representatives through Draft Law About the local government elections. The proposal to change the system of the local government elections is a very serious topic, because it has to deny the sovereignty of the people in the Republic of Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution potentially. Using normative legal research method approach, it could be concluded that, first, government election directly is the most effective way to interpretate the phrase ”democratically elected” as mentioned in article 18 verse (4) of the Republic of Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution. Second, the history of local government elections marked by the enactment of various regulations on Local Government since the colonial era to the reform. Third, the Governor election system by House of representatives is a setback for democracy. Therefore, the Government needs to learn from the history of local government election. After all, the government expected to review its policy about local government election system by House of representatives in draft Law About the local government elections.</p>
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Słobodzian, Beata. "Polish electoral system to self local government – changes and effects." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 16, no. 3 (July 1, 2016): 266–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0013.
Abstract Poland as a young democracy is supported by extensive experience of mature democratic systems. Poland is still seeking reasonable and effective solutions regarding its electoral system. The right for electing the representatives of authority bodies is one of the fundamentals of democracy. This right entitles citizens for active public participation through expressing their support (votes) for candidates, which will respectively represent their voters in certain institutions. Polish electoral law, which regulates the local self-government elections is very controversial. The existing legal rules have been changed many times since 2011. Among the subjects being discussed are electoral campaigns, and candidate registration rules and organization of elections. Frequent changes in the electoral law result in misunderstandings and an unwillingness to participate in elections. Their effect is low voter turnout and a large number of invalid votes. Regardless of the above, it is worth to consider, why the Electoral Code was prepared so chaotically and without any further discussion? Why before the forthcoming elections to the European Parliament and municipalities planned for 2014 it was not possible to be assured about the electoral regulations, which were the subject of numerous changes?
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Zlotkovskij, Vladimir I. "The municipal elections in the Krasnoyarsk Territory in 2005-2020 as reflected in a socio-political analysis." Siberian Socium 5, no. 2 (2021): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2587-8484-2021-5-2-78-91.
The relevance of the research topic is due to the important role that local self-government bodies play in people’s lives: according to experts, 70-80% of everyday life issues that concern most people on a daily basis are solved at the local level. Therefore, the search for an optimal model of organizing the local self-government and relationships between local and regional authorities are still urgent tasks for our country. The purpose of this article is to trace how the implemented models of the organization of local self-government, which provide for indirect elections of heads of local self-government, affect the formation of local authorities and whether it was possible to bring the municipal authorities closer to the population. This goal is realized by analyzing the results of four municipal elections in the Krasnoyarsk Territory held in 2005, 2010, 2015, and 2020. The 3rd model of the organization of local self-government is already applied for the specified time. The methods used include a sociological survey of the population and the analysis of electoral statistics and mass media. The results allowed making the following conclusions. First off all, a system of government has been created at the municipal level, characterized by stability, continuity, and manageability, in which the United Russia party plays a dominant role. At the same time, the results of the last election highlighted the shortcomings of this system. Secondly, the transition to indirect elections of heads of municipalities did not lead to the creation of an effective mechanism for selecting the most worthy local leaders. Third, the steadily declining electoral activity of citizens in municipal elections: 62.4% (2005); 39.6% (2010); 29.6% (2015); 24.6% (2020), and the number of supporters of the “party of power” reduce the legitimacy of local governments. Fourthly, citizens are beginning to place responsibility for the situation on the ground on regional authorities.
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Cavalcante, Pedro Luiz Costa. "Elections and local government performance in Brazil." Organizações & Sociedade 24, no. 83 (December 2017): 580–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1984-9240832.
Abstract The 1988 federal Constitution introduced a complex and innovative institutional arrangement that not only reestablished political rights and democratic procedures, but also reinforced decentralization as a fundamental guideline for policy implementation in Brazil. As a result, municipalities have become pivotal actors in the policymaking process. Scholars of Latin American politics have given much emphasis to the causes and determinants of decentralization, but not much has been done toward a more general understanding of how this increased decentralization has affected policymaker behavior and policy outcomes. This paper aims to do exactly that. Specifically, it investigates how institutional arrangements and electoral competition affect local government performance. The theoretical basis is the electoral democratic theory that broadly highlights elections as instruments of citizen control in retrospective and prospective voting approaches. The research employs a large-N cross sub-national analysis based on a dataset of electoral, partisan, socioeconomic and public financial information collected from over 5500 municipalities. Local governments’ performance, our dependent variables, are synthetic indicators formulated from 2009 nationwide surveys on public education, health, housing and welfare services. The OLS regression results confirm the hypothesis that politics variables do matter in how politicians make decisions and implement policy under the new Brazilian democratic Era. The empirical evidences suggest that electoral competition does not present a direct effect on government performance, however, ideology and citizen participation do. Therefore, this paper helps to expand our understanding of a political system’s impact on public policy outputs, which is extremely important not only for academic purpose but also to support policymakers’ decisions.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Local government elections":
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Downe, James Daniel. "The determinants of voter turnout in English local government elections." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/1647.
Xiao, Lihui. "Cun min wei yuan hui xuan ju yan jiu." Beijing Shi : Zhongguo she hui chu ban she, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/56976354.html.
Students, National Union of South African. "October elections: a recipe for conflict?" Student Representative Council, University of the Witwatersrand, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72773.
On October 26 1988, for the first time in the country’s history, South Africans of all races will be expected to go to the polls to elect their local government representatives. Never before have these elections been held together on the same day. That is about all that is historically "new" about the coming local authority elections. Yet to the government, the forthcoming municipal elections are all-important. So much so, that it is now an offense to call on people to boycott the elections. This booklet will attempt to find some explanations for why the coming municipal elections are so important to the government. How do they fit into the National Party’s political plans for the country and, most importantly, how do the majority of politically unrepresented South Africans view the elections and the structures of local government?
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Wang, Guohui. "Tamed village 'democracy' : elections, governance and clientelism in a contemporary Chinese village." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/251/.
The thesis is an exploration of the elections and governance in a contemporary Chinese village. It is a qualitative case study of one village in Shandong Province, China, using in-depth interviews with villagers, village candidates, township officials as well as national, provincial, township and village documents. It reveals how the clientelist system functions in and shapes the process of the village elections and governance. Drawing upon the qualitative data and empirical evidence collected in the field site, the thesis challenges the liberal-democratic view that the implementation of direct village elections and self-governance, which is generally considered to be “village democracy”, has empowered villagers to resist the state and may mark the beginning of a bottom-up democratization in China. In contrast, it argues that even procedurally “free and fair” village elections largely fail to deliver meaningful results, and that village governance, although in the name of self-governance, actually continues to be dominated by the Chinese local state. This is because clientelist structures, embodied in vertical patron-client alliances between political elites and villagers, have strongly influenced the actors and functioned to facilitate and supplement the authoritarian control of the state. The thesis also contests interpretations of village elections and self-governance that stress the state’s formal administrative capacity over controlling and manipulating village politics. While it shows some of the formal mechanisms by which township government control village affairs, it demonstrates also that after the implementation of the “village democracy” the state is still able to maintain its authoritarian capacity by taking advantage of the informal clientelist interaction between local state officials and the village elites.
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Sloan, Luke Samuel. "Minor parties in English local government." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/302.
This thesis examines the electoral performance of minor parties in English local government from 1973 to 2008, a period that has seen a sharp increase in the numbers of candidates from such parties. Beginning with an overall assessment of the extent to which candidates from minor parties have contested local elections and the level of success in being elected, the thesis then explores the spatial distribution of minor party candidates, the types of people that become candidates and, considering the relative lack of electoral success, their motivations for standing. Traditional studies of party systems frequently exclude parties that do not win a relatively large share of votes and seats or are incapable of forming part of a subsequent government or administration. However broader definitions of what constitutes a party allow that small political parties can influence policy and the behaviour of mainstream parties simply because they are present in an electoral contest. Using the concept of presence, this thesis demonstrates that there has been an unprecedented increase in contestation by minor parties over the past 10 years that has not been proportionally matched by vote share and electoral success. Examination of patterns of contestation reveals that the growth in minor party contestation is uneven across England but is not apparently related to the different electoral systems used by local authorities. Furthermore, it becomes clearer that minor party contestation appears to be primarily a function of temporal local factors and is not necessarily influenced by electoral history, thus making it difficult to predict beforehand where and when such parties may begin to contest local elections and the relative level of electoral support they might subsequently enjoy. Having examined at a general level the electoral nature of minor party activity the thesis offers a new typology, an analytical framework within which to locate the various types of minor parties that feature in modern English local government. Using individual level data we examine whether it is possible to distinguish between candidates based on their party’s location within this typology, thus testing whether the recent increase in minor party activity is due to the rise of a new political class. Initial survey observations subsequently inform the development of a multinomial logistic regression model that seeks to identify similarities and differences between candidates standing for the range of parties currently contesting English local elections. This modelling suggests that candidates from across the range of minor parties are rather similar to each other and, moreover, similar to candidates from major parties. There does not, therefore, appear to be any association between the rise in the frequency of minor party candidates and the existence of a new political class of candidates that are different to those already located within the party political mainstream. Consequently, the value of the typology as a heuristic for establishing a better understanding of minor party activity is brought into question and further research into the phenomenon of minor party contestation in English local government is recommended.
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Ho, Chiew-siang. "Legitimacy and participation in rural Post-Mao China : cases from Anhui /." View the Table of Contents & Abstract, 2005. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B32020260.
Filla, Jackie Ann. "Access and participation election structure and direct democracy in American cities /." Diss., UC access only, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=1871892031&SrchMode=2&sid=7&Fmt=6&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1265655211&clientId=48051.
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Riverside, 2009. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 160-169). Issued in print and online. Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations.
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Tzeng, Wei Feng. "Elections and Authoritarian Rule: Causes and Consequences of Adoption of Grassroots Elections in China." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011791/.
This dissertation investigates the relationship between elections and authoritarian rule with a focus on the case of China's adoption of elections at the grassroots level. In this dissertation, I look at the incentives facing Chinese local governments in choosing between holding competitive elections or state-controlled elections, and how the selection of electoral rules shapes the public's preferences over political institutions and influences the citizens' political behaviors, especially voting in elections and participation in contentious activities. The overarching theme in this dissertation proposes that the sources and consequences of Chinese local elections are conditioned on the state-owned resources and the governing costs. When the amount of state-owned resources to rule the local society is limited, the paucity of resources will incentivize authoritarian governments to liberalize grassroots elections to offset the governance costs. The various levels of election liberalization will lead to different consequences in the public's political behavior. An abundance of state-owned resources not only discourages rulers from sharing power with the local society, but also supplies the rulers with strong capacity to obtain loyalty from voters when elections are adopted. As a result, elections under authoritarian governments with an abundance of state-owned resources will see more loyalist voters than elections with authoritarian governments with fewer state-owned resources. In addition, the varieties of election practices will exert impacts on public opinion toward the authoritarian government: awareness of elections will enhance public trust in the government and decrease the public's intention to challenge the incumbents' authority while at the same time increasing the public's faith in the institutions, thereby encouraging the public to adopt official channels to air their grievances. The analysis of the village-level as well as individual-level survey data and cases lends empirical supports to the argument. First, I find that the governing costs—measured by the size of labor force—are significantly and positively associated with the likelihood that local officials allow the villagers to freely nominate candidates. Second, I find that party members are more likely to vote in rural elections than urban elections while urban elections attract citizens with higher levels of democratic consciousness. The rural-urban divide in voter type indicates that the possession of economic resources by rural grassroots governments helps mobilize rural loyalist voters to participate in village committee elections, whereas the lack of such resources by urban governments discourages regime loyalist but encourage democratic voters to turn out to vote in urban elections. Third, I find significant evidence that citizens who are aware of grassroots elections are less likely to engage in contentious activities such as protest, strikes or demonstrations. Yet, the awareness of elections also encourages citizens to more frequently adopt, shangfang (petition), a government-sponsored conflict resolution mechanism, than those who are not aware of such elections. The implications of these findings suggest that the capability of state in controlling resources is vital to the success or failure of elections in stabilizing authoritarian regimes. The findings also provide an assessment on the substantial influence of the rural and urban grassroots elections in China's subnational democratization.
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Ware, Lawrence. "The development of party systems and the determinants of partisan voting in English local government elections 1973-1998." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/1658.
This thesis takes a quantitative approach to the study of the development of party systems in English local government following its reorganisation in the early 1970s. Aggregate data, including local election results and census information, are used to identify the determinants of partisan support and the subsequent effects upon variations in local party systems. The study develops the first major classification of local party systems between 1973 and 1998, focussing principally upon factors accounting for variations in the evolution of such systems. This study provides the first clear evidence that the operation of local electoral systems contributes towards the production and maintenance of two-party dominance. However, in contrast to the national parliamentary situation, the two parties are not restricted to Conservative and Labour. The thesis highlights how third parties, particularly the Liberals, became a significant part of the local party system in a relatively large number of cases. Variations in electoral arrangements between local authorities, including differences in district magnitude and the nature of the electoral cycle, permit examination of their effects upon local party systems within a common national political culture. The effects of these variations are shown to either benefit or discriminate against the Liberals. Using aggregate data and methods of linear regression, the thesis analyses patterns of partisan voting in local government. It shows that socioeconomic factors such as class, housing and employment, theoretically identified as important for parliamentary elections, are related also to local voting for the three main parties, although the relationships are weaker for the Liberals than for the traditional two main parties. Confirmation of these findings is provided by the application of methods designed to solve the problems of ecological inference.
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Ho, Chiew-siang, and 何秋祥. "Legitimacy and participation in rural Post-Mao China: cases from Anhui." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2005. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45015417.
Commission, Sierra Leone National Electoral. Local government elections 2004: Guide for election officials. [Freetown?: National Electoral Commission?, 2004.
Wilson, David, and Chris Game. "Local Elections." In Local Government in the United Kingdom, 197–213. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26082-9_11.
Wilson, David, Chris Game, Steve Leach, and Gerry Stoker. "Local Elections." In Local Government in the United Kingdom, 183–203. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23377-9_11.
Rallings, Colin, Michael Temple, and Michael Thrasher. "Participation in Local Elections." In Local Democracy and Local Government, 62–83. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25022-6_4.
Wilson, David, and Chris Game. "Local Elections: Christmas Tree Lights?" In Local Government in the United Kingdom, 243–62. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-35667-2_13.
Annino, Antonio. "The Ballot, Land and Sovereignty: Cádiz and the Origins of Mexican Local Government, 1812–1820." In Elections before Democracy: The History of Elections in Europe and Latin America, 61–86. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24505-5_4.
Artés, Joaquín, and Ignacio Jurado. "Fiscal Deficits and Type of Government: A Study of Spanish Local Elections." In The Political Economy of Governance, 363–76. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-15551-7_19.
Schmitz, Peter M. U. "Displaying Voter Gains and Losses: Local Government Elections in South Africa for 2011 and 2016." In Advances in Cartography and GIScience, 309–23. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-57336-6_22.
Rallings, Colin, and Michael Thrasher. "Local Government Elections - Miscellaneous Information." In British Electoral Facts 1832–1999, 247. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003073864-25.
Gül, Hüseyin, İhsan Kamalak, and Hakan Mehmet Kiriş. "Local and Urban Administrations, Politics, and Elections in Turkey." In Open Government, 1348–72. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-9860-2.ch063.
As a result of comprehensive reforms since the late 1990s, the structures, powers, functions and relations of the central government and local administrations, and of the state, market and civil society have been reshaped in Turkey. Besides, Turkey's democratic and administrative system and the local, metropolitan and regional administrations have been strengthened. This study focuses on the local and urban politics and elections as well as the local administration structure in Turkey. Accordingly, first, this chapter aims to present a conceptual and theoretical background for the paper on local and urban politics. Second, the paper gives a short review of the local administrative system in Turkey. Third, the study focuses on the types and characteristics of the local and urban politics and elections, actors involved, participation patterns, etc. Finally, a short review of the issues discussed in the chapter along with some recommendations is presented.
Conference papers on the topic "Local government elections":
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JAKIMOVSKI, Jorde. "CITIZENS PARTICIPATION IN ADDRESSING LOCAL PROBLEMS: A CASE STUDY OF REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.215.
The paper discusses the level of satisfaction of the local government performance and certain forms of citizen’s participation in the improvement of the quality of life in the rural communities, such as creating new job positions, improvement of the infrastructure, creating better opportunities for the children, and decreasing of the poverty. Politicians often make big promises before elections while talking about democracy, rule of law and citizens well-being. After their election, however, they forget about the problems of their fellow citizens. Citizens then feel helpless, fall in apathy and hopelessness, and take a distance from politics and the vital questions for their rural community. The paper will show some data related to these issues gathered from a research conducted by the author in 2016 on a representative sample of 640 respondents on the territory of Republic of Macedonia. The research results show the current situation of the citizen’s satisfaction from the local government with respect to the solutions of water supply and sewerage, transport of citizens, opening of new jobs, building of social services facilities, opportunities for culture and recreational activities, and they ways in which the citizens influenced the local government. The results mostly reflect dissatisfaction with the work of the local government in addressing local problems, the underdeveloped mechanism of public participation, low level of human capital in rural local governments and other problems.
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Chukwuere, Joshua Ebere, and Chijioke Francis Onyebukwa. "NEW MEDIA AND POLITICS: AN ASSESSMENT OF 2016 SOUTH AFRICAN LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS." In 31st International Academic Conference, London. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/iac.2017.031.018.
Maškarinec, Pavel. "Regionální disparity ve voličském chování: Prostorová analýza voličské podpory České pirátské strany v krajských volbách." In XXIV. mezinárodního kolokvia o regionálních vědách. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9896-2021-73.
The presented paper deals with the regionalization of the electoral support of the Czech Pirate Party (Pirates) in regional elections using methods and techniques of spatial data analysis. The aim is to answer the question whether the territorial distribution of Pirate electoral support allows this party to participate in governance at the regional level and thus influence the form of regional policy in individual regions. The results of the analysis show that the spatial distribution of Pirates’ electoral support in regional elections differed quite significantly not only from the pattern found in the elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Parliament and elections to the European Parliament, but also between individual regional elections. This suggests the current lack of anchorage of Pirates’ electoral support in regional politics, but at the same time, it may have its origins in the second-order character of regional elections and the candidacy of many local and regional entities in regional elections. On the other hand, the results of the regional elections in 2020 meant that the Pirates received seats in all regional councils, but especially in nine of the thirteen regions they joined the regional government (similarly to two years earlier when they joined government of capital city of Prague), gaining the opportunity to influence, with regard to its priorities, the form of regional governance in most Czech regions.
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BEKTAŞ, Belkıs, and Özhan ÇETİNKAYA. "An Assessment of the Public Financial Indicators with Budget Data in Turkey: Review post- 2000." In Current Trends in Public Sector Research. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9646-2020-1.
There have been changes in public financial indicators in Turkey after the year of 2000. In this paper, these changes were evaluated together with the budget data. In this context, this paper aims to reveal positive or negative effects of budget data on public financial indicators. The 2008 global financial crisis formed the external direction of the negativity in public financial indicators. In particular, before and after 2008, negative developments have been experienced in public financial indicators except for some years. The 2008 global financial economic crisis had also negative impacts on public financial indicators. Moreover, both general and local elections are a negative factor in public spending discipline in Turkey. Since the local elections, the ruling government has chosen extender budget policies as fiscal policies to win the elections. According to the findings of this study, it was determined that Turkey moved away from the Maastricht criteria after 2008, which stemmed from negative developments in budget data.
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Hiç, Özlen. "The Present Global Crisis and Its Effect on the Turkish Economy." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00107.
The global economic crisis first started in the USA in September 2008 as a widespread insolvency problem caused by mortgage debts of households that had become unpayable. The financial crisis, in turn, caused a serious recession. The economic crisis soon spread to other developed countries because their banks held assets of US banks that had become nearly worthless while exports of these countries to the USA decreased significantly. Then it spread to developing countries because direct private investments (DPIs) and financial funds flowing from developed to developing countries declined precipitously while exports of the latter to the former countries also fell down. The developed countries, however, took proper steps to ameliorate the crisis by lowering the interest rates, helping the insolvent banks financially as wel as launching public expenditure programmes. Turkey was one of the worst hit countries because she had been following wrong globalization strategies. Privatization process was corrupt while much of the DPIs went to those fields which did not yield much increase in employment or export potential. But most importantly, Turkey had raised interest rates to abnormally high levels and thereby had vastly expanded her internal and external debts. Hence, as a result of the global economic crises, Turkey suffered a significantly deep fall in her GNP growth rate and a very big increase in her unemployment rate. Though Turkey took several measures to ameliorate the balance of payments deficit and to expand total demand, hence production, the government refrained from making a stand-by agreement with the IMF in order to avoid strict discipline in her government expenditures due to first, local elections and presently, the coming parliamentary elections.
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Pelse, Modrite, Liga Svanberga, Arianna Todorova, Sabine Berzina, Beate Jurgensone, and Raivis Stepans. "Population Involvement in Dealing with Local Community Problems in the Rural Areas of Latvia." In 22nd International Scientific Conference. “Economic Science for Rural Development 2021”. Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies. Faculty of Economics and Social Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/esrd.2021.55.060.
The public prefers to express their opinions on the development of the surrounding area, make assessments and comments, as well as participate in surveys. However, the involvement of the public itself in improving the immediate surroundings and in solving the problems of its fellows is not always sufficient. The research aims to determine whether there are differences in public involvement in addressing municipal problems across various population groups within a municipality. The paper presents the results of an extensive survey. The research considered problems within one municipality in Latvia – Jelgava municipality – and analysed the rural territories located in the immediate vicinity of the centre of the municipality as well as those being the furthest from the centre. The results of the research revealed that young people were most satisfied with their lives in their municipality if their places of residence were closer to the centre of the municipality. The ability to influence the decisions of one’s own local government was highly valued by residents in the age group from 26 to 44 years in the rural territories that were in the immediate vicinity of the centre the municipality, yet this possibility was most often rated as weak among the youth living in the most remote rural territories from the centre of the municipality. Population involvement in solving a problem relevant to the society was the most frequently used way when the population requested a municipal employee to solve this problem. A large segment of the society in rural areas admitted that they did nothing, and this passivity was also evident in the group of young people who lived further away from the centre of the municipality. The involvement of the population in national-level public activities across all age groups and territories was quite equal, as the active population were involved in Saeima elections, campaigns for collecting signatures and donating various thing
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Yuwono, Teguh. "Government Ethical Problems: Political Neutrality of Bureaucracy in Local Election." In International Conference on Ethics in Governance (ICONEG 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iconeg-16.2017.75.
Fitriyah, Fitriyah. "Sustainability of Relationship between Business and Political Actors in Local Government Election." In International Conference on Ethics in Governance (ICONEG 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iconeg-16.2017.55.
Sulistyani, Tri, and Aditya Perdana. "The Performance of a Corruption-Suspect Candidate in Affecting the Voters Behavior of People in the Direct Election for Head of Local Government in Tulungagung 2018." In Proceedings of the 1st International Symposium on Indonesian Politics, SIP 2019, 26-27 June 2019, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.25-6-2019.2288022.
Reports on the topic "Local government elections":
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Richards, Robin. The Effect of Non-partisan Elections and Decentralisation on Local Government Performance. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.014.
This rapid review focusses on whether there is international evidence on the role of non-partisan elections as a form of decentralised local government that improves performance of local government. The review provides examples of this from Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. There are two reported examples in Sub-Saharan Africa of non-partisan elections that delink candidates from political parties during election campaigns. The use of non-partisan elections to improve performance and democratic accountability at the level of government is not common, for example, in southern Africa all local elections at the sub-national sphere follow the partisan model. Whilst there were no examples found where countries shifted from partisan to non-partisan elections at the local government level, the literature notes that decentralisation policies have the effect of democratising and transferring power and therefore few central governments implement it fully. In Africa decentralisation is favoured because it is often used as a cover for central control. Many post-colonial leaders in Africa continue to favour centralised government under the guise of decentralisation. These preferences emanated from their experiences under colonisation where power was maintained by colonial administrations through institutions such as traditional leadership. A review of the literature on non-partisan elections at the local government level came across three examples where this occurred. These countries were: Ghana, Uganda and Bangladesh. Although South Africa holds partisan elections at the sub-national sphere, the election of ward committee members and ward councillors, is on a non-partisan basis and therefore, the ward committee system in South Africa is included as an example of a non-partisan election process in the review.
