Dissertations / Theses: 'Lobby Groups'

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Škrobáková, Irena. "Lobby farmaceutických firem v České republice." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193707.

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The pharmaceutical companies are considered as one of the most influential interest groups within drug policy, or in general within healthcare system. Therefore, this diploma thesis is focused on the influence of the pharmaceutical manufacturers on legislative framework that forms the drug policy, on the impact on the concrete implementation of drug policy and finally on the influence on prescription, sales and public opinion. Based on an analysis of the pharmaceutical market and the drug policy of the Czech Republic, the diploma thesis defines the most common interests of the pharmaceutical companies which they are trying to push through lobbying. Furthermore, the thesis identifies the access points through which these interests can push through and tries to illustrate these facts on concrete examples.

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2

Marinello, Rita de Cássia Laude. "Lobby : uma revisão crítica da literatura brasileira (1994- 2007)." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2010. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/995.

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This essay is a critic review about the term lobby in Brazil. The redemocratization and the Federal Constitution, wich accured in the early decades of 1980, the studies about politics were worried about the mechanism, working and the efficacy from the politics institutions. From this way, the studies about interested groups, pressure groups and the lobby are dated from 1994 to 2007. In this work, these are two most important discussions: (a) the lack of scientific searching from Brazilian winters, means, the necessity to discus a better conception between groups in a common interested, pressure groups and the lobby to procure an empiric searching without failures; (b) the matter of don´t make use from the north-american lobby model in Brazil for the reason of each country has difference means for social matters, economy, culture, history and politics. Even with the studies about lobby in Brazil, also, there was the bibliographic analyses exposed by the collective action of Mancur Olson. The importance of democracy and the pluralism of developed organized and the grammar of Brazilian politics.
Resumo Essa dissertação é uma revisão crítica da literatura de lobby existente no Brasil. A redemocratização no país, bem como a formulação de sua Constituição Federal, aconteceram em meados da década de 1980. A partir de então, os estudos da Ciência Política se preocuparam com o mecanismo, funcionamento e eficácia das instituições políticas vigentes. Dessa forma, os estudos sobre grupos de interesse, grupos de pressão e lobby são datados de 1994 a 2007. Nesse trabalho se encontram duas problemáticas principais: (a) a falta de rigor científico por parte dos autores brasileiros, ou seja, a necessidade de se discutir melhor e estabelecer as fronteiras conceituais entre grupo de interesses, grupo de pressão e lobby para assim engendrar uma pesquisa empírica sem falhas; (b) a questão de não aplicar o modelo de lobby norte-americano no Brasil, mesmo o modelo de regulamentação, pois cada país possui suas singularidades sociais, econômicas, culturais, históricas e políticas. Além da análise bibliográfica sobre lobby no Brasil, também foi esboçado o problema da ação coletiva, de Mancur Olson. A importância da democracia e do sistema pluralista ao desenvolvimento de grupos organizados. E as gramáticas da política brasileira.

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3

Frassão, Caroline de Souza. "Lobby e proteção da Indústria: uma análise do Plano Brasil Maior." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-02052017-140756/.

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Essa dissertação testa a hipótese de que a ação política empresarial organizada faz diferença nas decisões governamentais e, portanto, que grupos de interesse empresariais seriam relevantes para o sucesso político alcançado por setores econômicos no contexto estudado. A análise avalia deliberações decorrentes do Plano Brasil Maior que afetaram 19 setores organizados entre 2011 e 2014. Dez setores são selecionados para a amostra, contrapondo-se os mais bem sucedidos e os menos bem sucedidos, sendo o sucesso a variável dependente. Como variáveis independentes, elencou-se uma série de possíveis causas que podem ter levado ao resultado de sucesso, sendo metade delas relacionadas a aspectos estruturais dos setores (geração de empregos, faturamento, balança comercial e tipo de setor), e a outra metade relacionada à atividade de lobbying (número de associações representativas do setor, estrutura das associações, número de reuniões realizadas com o governo, ação política através da associação). A análise é realizada através da metodologia de Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), que aponta as variáveis determinantes para o sucesso dos grupos no período mencionado. Os resultados da pesquisa condizem com a hipótese levantada e com parte da literatura sobre grupos de interesse, ao constatar que as variáveis estrutura das associações e ação política através da associação são necessárias para o resultado. Isso quer dizer que variáveis ligadas ao lobbying são essenciais para o sucesso do setor, e que a atividade de ação política empresarial faz diferença.
The dissertation tests the hypothesis that the business political action makes a difference in government decisions - and therefore that the business interest groups would be relevant for the political success achieved by the economic sectors in the context. The analysis assesses deliberations arising from the Plano Brasil Maior that affected 19 organized sectors between 2011 and 2014. 10 sectors are selected for the sample, oposing \"most successful\" and \"less successful\" sectors, as \"success\" is the dependent variable. As independent variables, we list a few possible causes that may have led to the successful outcome, half of which are related to structural aspects of the sectors (job generation, income, trade balance and industry type), and the other half is related to the lobbying activity (number of associations representing the sector, the structure of associations, number of meetings with the government, political action through the association). The analysis uses the Qualitative Comparative Analysis method (QCA), which points out variables which were crucial to the groups success in the mentioned period. The results are consistent with the hypothesis and with the interest groups literature, since variables \"structure of associations\" and \"political through the association\" are necessary for the result. This means that variables related to lobbying are essential to the group success, and that business political action activity makes a difference.

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Enomoto, Lívia Yuri de Queiroz. "Influência e disputa regulatória: a atuação de grupos de interesses do setor privado na definição da neutralidade de rede no Brasil." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-24052017-084708/.

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Esta pesquisa analisa a atuação dos grupos de interesses do setor privado na política de internet no Brasil, concentrando-se na definição do princípio da neutralidade de rede no âmbito do Marco Civil da Internet. A influência dos grupos de interesses e o seu papel como fornecedores de informação aos tomadores de decisão foi constatada a partir do levantamento de documentos oficiais, contribuições a consultas e audiências públicas e artigos jornalísticos. Em seguida, os dados levantados foram analisados sob três abordagens teóricas: os tipos de políticas públicas de Lowi, a ciência política com foco na política (policy-focused) de Hacker e Pierson, e o equilíbrio interrompido de True e Baumgatner. A pesquisa identificou que os grupos de interesses traçaram as suas estratégias em função das características da política, formaram coalizões baseadas em interesses compartilhados e construíram três imagens principais para o assunto da neutralidade de rede a fim de destacar o seu posicionamento e captar a atenção de formuladores de política, tomadores de decisão e da opinião pública, são elas: a liberdade de expressão, competição e a legalidade. Os três principais grupos de interesses do setor privado que disputaram a definição do Marco Civil da Internet foram o setor de conteúdo, o setor de internet e o setor de telecomunicações. Em conclusão, a pesquisa identificou a redução gradativa do escopo da política para acomodar interesses conflitantes em um mínimo final.
This research aims to analyze private sector interest groups influence on internet policy in Brazil, particularly on the definition of network neutrality in the Internet Framework Law (Marco Civil da Internet). Interest groups influence and their role as information subsidizers was examined through the study of official documents, contributions to public consultations and public hearings and media articles. Following data collection, a descriptive analysis of the results was undertaken based on three main theoretical approaches: Theodore Lowi\'s public policy typology, Hacker and Pierson\'s policy-focused social science and True and Baumgartner\'s punctuated equilibrium. The research identified that interests groups traced their strategies according to the policy in dispute, built coalitions based on shared (but mutable) interests, and developed three main images to emphasize their position and engage policymakers, decisionmakers and public opinion: network neutrality as freedom of speech, as competition and as legality. Three main private sector interest groups were identified during the dispute: the content industry, the internet industry and the telecommunications industry. In conclusion, this research observed that group dispute gradually reduced policy scope to accommodate conflicting interests in one final policy.

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Bomtempo, Davi. "O gás sob pressão: o mapeamento de stakeholders e o lobby no parlamento." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/14198.

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Este estudo objetivou identificar os stakeholders que influenciam a agenda do gás de xisto no parlamento brasileiro. A pesquisa teve uma abordagem qualitativa, uma vez que não houve preocupação com os números e sim com a percepção dos entrevistados. Além disso, os dados coletados na pesquisa de campo foram interpretados e alinhados com o referencial teórico desse trabalho. Quanto à metodologia, foi classificada como exploratória, uma vez que ainda há pouco conhecimento sobre a influência de grupos de interesse no Congresso Nacional, do tipo pesquisa de campo e de estudo de caso por se tratar especificamente da exploração do gás de xisto. A coleta de dados foi feita por meio de entrevistas e da aplicação de questionário com um roteiro previamente estabelecido. Após a análise dos dados, concluiu-se que há duas correntes que atuam na agenda do gás de xisto. A primeira tem um posicionamento que preza pela precaução, ou seja, é necessário que se descubra os impactos da exploração da atividade no meio ambiente antes que se decida iniciar a exploração e a produção do gás de xisto. A segunda corrente defende a exploração desse gás não convencional como forma de reduzir os custos de produção e aumentar a competitividade do país. Foram identificados 39 stakeholders que influenciam o andamento do Projeto de Lei 6904/2013, que suspende a autorização e a exploração do gás de xisto por um período de cinco anos. Isso mostra que os grupos de interesse, uns mais poderosos que outros, têm papel importante na formulação de políticas públicas e, através do lobby, buscam influenciar os tomadores de decisão de acordo com os seus objetivos.
This study aimed to identify the stakeholders that influence the shale gas agenda in the brazilian parliament. The research had a qualitative approach since there was no concern with numbers but with the perception of respondents. In addition, the data collected in the field research was interpreted and aligned with the theoretical material. Regarding the methodology, it was classified as exploratory as yet little is known about the influence of interest groups in Congress, the type of field research and case study because it specifically deals of exploration of shale gas. Data collection was done through interviews and a structured questionnaire. After analyzing the data, it has been concluded that there are two stances in the shale gas agenda. The first one has a position that values caution, that is, it is necessary to know about the environmental impact of the exploration activity before deciding to start the exploration and production of shale gas. The second stance defends unconventional gas exploration in order to reduce production costs and increase competitiveness. They identified 39 stakeholders that influence the progress of the Projeto de Lei 6904/2013, suspending the permit and the exploitation of shale gas for a period of five years. This shows that interest groups, some more powerful than others, play an important role in the formulation of public policies and, through lobbying, try to influence decision-makers according to their goals.

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Baird, Marcello Fragano. "O lobby na regulação da propaganda de alimentos da Agência Nacional de Vigilância Sanitária - Anvisa." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-22102012-121046/.

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Esta dissertação analisa a ação política dos grupos de interesse ao longo do processo de regulação da propaganda de alimentos desencadeado pela Agência Nacional de Vigilância Sanitária (Anvisa) em 2005. Ao descrever as estratégias e articulações políticas dos grupos de interesse público e dos grupos de interesse empresariais, atenção especial foi dada ao lobby do empresariado, de modo a aferir se sua ação foi bem-sucedida no sentido de minimizar ou anular a polêmica e conflituosa regulação proposta por aquela agência, cujos efeitos incidiam diretamente sobre as atividades do setor privado. O estudo compreendeu um acompanhamento detalhado de cada etapa do processo decisório, buscando observar quais arenas políticas são acionadas por esses grupos para a consecução de seus objetivos. Para a condução desta pesquisa, amparamo-nos no exame exaustivo de documentos relacionados à regulação proposta, oriundos dos três Poderes bem como dos grupos de interesse, e em entrevistas aprofundadas com os principais atores políticos envolvidos com a temática. A análise evidenciou que os grupos de interesse da sociedade civil e do empresariado possuem diferentes estratégias de ação, as quais refletem seus distintos recursos e acesso desigual aos principais canais de poder político. Da mesma forma, pudemos observar que, a despeito do poder econômico incontrastável dos dois setores afetados, indústria de alimento e de publicidade, sua ação política não foi capaz de impedir a Anvisa de prosseguir com o regulamento proposto, o que nos sugere importante autonomia política da agência. Não obstante, encontramos evidências de que a pressão do empresariado foi capaz de mitigar em grande medida a regulação da Anvisa, pois a norma foi alterada consideravelmente entre a consulta pública de 2006 e sua promulgação em 2010. Além disso, alterações organizacionais e no comando da Anvisa em 2012, alinhadas aos interesses dos grupos empresariais, dão conta de mudanças mais profundas na agência, as quais parecem ter redefinido as próprias bases do relacionamento com o empresariado. Sob essa ótica, o lobby do empresariado, embora não totalmente bem-sucedido na regulação aqui estudada, teria sido eficaz na reestruturação das relações com a Anvisa de agora em diante.
This dissertation analyzes the political action of interest groups throughout the process of food propaganda regulation triggered by the National Health Surveillance Agency (Anvisa) in 2005. By describing the strategies and political articulations of the public interest groups and the business interest groups, special attention has been given to the business lobbying, in order to assess whether its action has been successful in minimizing or overturning the controversial and conflicting regulation proposed by the agency, which effects would affect directly private sector activities. The study enclosed a detailed follow-up of each stage of the decision-making process, seeking to observe which political arenas are activated by these groups in order to accomplish its goals. For the conduction of this research, we have done a comprehensive examination of the documents related to the proposed regulation, which were produced by the three branches of government and the interest groups, and in-depth interviews with the main political players involved in this issue. The analysis made clear that civil society and business groups have different action strategies, which reflect their distinct resources and unequal access to the main political power channels. Likewise, we were able to observe that, despite the irresistible economic power of the two affected sectors, food and advertising industry, its political action was not able to prevent Anvisa from carrying on the proposed regulation, which shows us the important political autonomy of the agency. Nevertheless, we found evidences that the pressure exerted by business groups was able to mitigate, to a large extent, Anvisas regulation, as the rule was considerably altered from the public comment period in 2006 until its promulgation in 2010. Besides, alterations in the structure and in the command of Anvisa in 2012, which are aligned with business interests, indicate deeper changes in the agency, which seem to have redefined the very bases of the relationship with businessmen. Under this point of view, business lobbying, although not entirely successful in the regulation herein studied, would have been effective in restructuring the relations with Anvisa from now on.

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Thomaz, Laís Forti [UNESP]. "A influência do lobby do etanol na definição da política agrícola e energética dos Estados Unidos (2002-2011)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93743.

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A forma como os atores domésticos defendem seus interesses econômicos pode influenciar os rumos da política de comércio internacional. Sob tal perspectiva de análise, esta dissertação tem por objetivo demonstrar como os lobistas dos produtores de etanol influenciaram a definição da política agrícola e energética dos Estados Unidos na última década. Com base no modelo de dois níveis proposto por Robert Putnam, foram identificados os grupos ligados à cadeia produtiva do etanol, bem como mapeadas as estratégias adotadas por eles para fazer valer seus interesses tanto na arena eleitoral como nas arenas decisórias dos poderes Executivo e Legislativo. As evidências sugerem que o lobby do etanol utilizou seus recursos financeiros e canais de influência para pressionar os membros do Congresso dos EUA a aprovar leis que concedessem benefícios setoriais na forma de subsídio. Os produtores do etanol fizeram doações aos candidatos em defesa de uma agenda agrícola, aumentando as chances de elegê-los para que representassem seus interesses na Câmara dos Representantes e no Senado; contrataram lobistas e custearam atividades em prol da indústria agrícola nacional; emplacaram representantes em agências do governo; apresentaram a pauta de reivindicações durante os trabalhos dos comitês agrícolas da Câmara e do Senado; e fizeram contribuições para a campanha de reeleição dos congressistas às vésperas das votações dos projetos de lei. Essa estratégia do lobby do etanol se revelou eficiente, visto que no período estudado foram aprovadas peças legislativas que atenderam às suas reivindicações. Por outro lado, o sucesso dos produtores americanos de etanol em suas iniciativas produziu distorções no comércio internacional de produtos agrícolas, prejudicando países em desenvolvimento como o Brasil
The way in which domestic actors defend their economic interests can influence international trade. From this perspective of analysis, this Master’s thesis aims to demonstrate that ethanol lobbyists influenced the features of U.S. agricultural and energy policy in the last decade. The two-level model proposed by Robert D. Putnam allowed identifying the lobbying groups for the ethanol industry and the strategies by asserting their interests, especially in the electoral arena and in decision arenas in Executive and Legislative decision-making. Evidence suggests that the ethanol lobby has used its financial resources and channels of influence for pressuring Members of U.S. Congress to pass laws providing benefits in the form of sectorial subsidies. Ethanol producers donated money to candidates in defense of agricultural issues, increasing the chances of electing congressional representatives to represent their interests in the House and in the Senate. They engaged in lobbying and financed activities in agricultural defense. They had representatives in government agencies. They presented a list of demands during the work time of the agricultural committees. They contributed to Members of Congress’ reelection campaign on the eve of voting of the bills. This strategy of the ethanol lobby was effective because representatives and senators enacted pieces of legislation towards the parochial demand. On the other hand, the triumph of American producers of ethanol created distortions for international trade of agricultural products, harming developing countries like Brazil

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Thomaz, Laís Forti. "A influência do lobby do etanol na definição da política agrícola e energética dos Estados Unidos (2002-2011) /." São Paulo, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93743.

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O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Orientador: Tullo Vigevani
Banca: Janina Onuki
Banca: Carlos Eduardo Ferreira e Carvalho
Resumo: A forma como os atores domésticos defendem seus interesses econômicos pode influenciar os rumos da política de comércio internacional. Sob tal perspectiva de análise, esta dissertação tem por objetivo demonstrar como os lobistas dos produtores de etanol influenciaram a definição da política agrícola e energética dos Estados Unidos na última década. Com base no modelo de dois níveis proposto por Robert Putnam, foram identificados os grupos ligados à cadeia produtiva do etanol, bem como mapeadas as estratégias adotadas por eles para fazer valer seus interesses tanto na arena eleitoral como nas arenas decisórias dos poderes Executivo e Legislativo. As evidências sugerem que o lobby do etanol utilizou seus recursos financeiros e canais de influência para pressionar os membros do Congresso dos EUA a aprovar leis que concedessem benefícios setoriais na forma de subsídio. Os produtores do etanol fizeram doações aos candidatos em defesa de uma agenda agrícola, aumentando as chances de elegê-los para que representassem seus interesses na Câmara dos Representantes e no Senado; contrataram lobistas e custearam atividades em prol da indústria agrícola nacional; emplacaram representantes em agências do governo; apresentaram a pauta de reivindicações durante os trabalhos dos comitês agrícolas da Câmara e do Senado; e fizeram contribuições para a campanha de reeleição dos congressistas às vésperas das votações dos projetos de lei. Essa estratégia do lobby do etanol se revelou eficiente, visto que no período estudado foram aprovadas peças legislativas que atenderam às suas reivindicações. Por outro lado, o sucesso dos produtores americanos de etanol em suas iniciativas produziu distorções no comércio internacional de produtos agrícolas, prejudicando países em desenvolvimento como o Brasil
Abstract: The way in which domestic actors defend their economic interests can influence international trade. From this perspective of analysis, this Master's thesis aims to demonstrate that ethanol lobbyists influenced the features of U.S. agricultural and energy policy in the last decade. The two-level model proposed by Robert D. Putnam allowed identifying the lobbying groups for the ethanol industry and the strategies by asserting their interests, especially in the electoral arena and in decision arenas in Executive and Legislative decision-making. Evidence suggests that the ethanol lobby has used its financial resources and channels of influence for pressuring Members of U.S. Congress to pass laws providing benefits in the form of sectorial subsidies. Ethanol producers donated money to candidates in defense of agricultural issues, increasing the chances of electing congressional representatives to represent their interests in the House and in the Senate. They engaged in lobbying and financed activities in agricultural defense. They had representatives in government agencies. They presented a list of demands during the work time of the agricultural committees. They contributed to Members of Congress' reelection campaign on the eve of voting of the bills. This strategy of the ethanol lobby was effective because representatives and senators enacted pieces of legislation towards the parochial demand. On the other hand, the triumph of American producers of ethanol created distortions for international trade of agricultural products, harming developing countries like Brazil
Mestre

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Gundem, Sebnem. "The Ngos As Policy Actors: The Case Of Tusiad With Regard To Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604774/index.pdf.

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ABSTRACT THE NGOs AS POLICY ACTORS: THE CASE OF TÜ
SiAD WITH REGARD TO TURKEY&rsquo
S EU MEMBERSHIP GÜ
NDEM, Sebnem Master of Science, Department of European Studies Supervisor: Associate Prof. Dr. ihsan Dagi January 2004, 130 pages This study explores the effectiveness of NGOs within the policy process and governments&rsquo
decisions based on the case of TÜ
SiAD&rsquo
s activities with regard to Turkey&rsquo
s full membership process in the European Union. It firstly explains the process by which NGOs&rsquo
have become &ldquo
actors&rdquo
in world politics. The thesis, then, scrutinizes the role of NGOs in the policy process with regard to pluralist and corporatist paradigms and the concept of power since policy process can not be well understood without this theoretical background. After examining the roles of NGOs, especially the lobbying one, the importance of NGOs and strength of civil society for Turkey&rsquo
s integration to the European

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Mota, Maria Antónia Gaspar da. "O posicionamento político e partidário sobre a regulamentação do lóbi em Portugal (outubro de 2015 a setembro de 2016)." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/13529.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Ciência Política
Esta investigação de Mestrado pretende refletir sobre a contribuição da regulamentação do lóbi para a qualidade da democracia em Portugal. A hipótese da transposição da experiência teórica e prática existente na União Europeia e em outros países para a realidade portuguesa é igualmente colocada. Poderá o lóbi vir a ser uma profissão legalizada ou continuará a ser exercido por agências de comunicação, advogados e outras profissões que pretendam influenciar os decisores legislativos e governantes? Foi utilizada uma metodologia qualitativa dando primazia ao estudo fenomenológico em que foram considerados 16 entrevistados privilegiados, bem como uma observação externa de um debate na AR sobre lobbying. Foram obtidos contributos sobre questões políticas relacionadas com o tema, na tentativa de concluir sobre qual a viabilidade da regulamentação do lóbi em Portugal. Concluiu-se que o tema é transversal e polémico, havendo forças políticas que apoiam a regulamentação do lóbi e outras que não concordam com a existência desta atividade. Existe, porém, unanimidade no que respeita à defesa da transparência necessária para o aumento da qualidade da democracia. Informações especializadas, tendo por base diversos pontos de vista, poderão ser um contributo importante para o Legislador tomar uma decisão política mais informada, ponderada e equilibrada.
This Master’s research aims to reflect on lobbying regulation on contribution to the quality of democracy in Portugal. The hypothesis of implementation of theoretical experience and existing practice available in the European Union and other countries for the Portuguese reality is also addressed. Can the lobby become a legalized profession or does it continue to be practiced by communication agencies, lawyers and other professionals, who wish to influence legislative decision makers and governors? A qualitative methodology was used, giving primacy to the phenomenological study, in which 16 interviewers were considered privileged respondents, as well as an external observation of a debate in National Assembly on lobbying. Were obtained input on policy issues related to the topic in an attempt to conclude on which the viability of the regulation of lobbying in Portugal. We conclude that the issue is transversal and controversial, with political forces that support the regulation of lobbying and others that do not agree with the existence of this activity. However, there is unanimity regarding the interests of transparency necessary to increase the quality of democracy. Specialized information, based on different points of view, may be an important contribution to the Legislator takes a more informed, thoughtful and balanced policy decision.
N/A

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Reguly, Maria Cristina Werle. "A influência da indústria na regulamentação Sulamericana: a defesa de interesses técnicos do setor de máquinas e equipamentos para manejo de áreas verdes na regulamentação de produtos." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2015. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/3796.

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A participação das empresas na elaboração de regulamentos de produtos é uma prática existente há mais de 30 anos na Europa e nos Estados Unidos. Porém, a interação entre governo e indústria na América do Sul possui singularidades quando comparado ao dos Estados Unidos e ao da União Europeia decorrentes, principalmente das divergências sociopolíticas culturais e econômicas. O foco central desta dissertação é a apresentação de uma forma de organizar a defesa dos interesses das empresas de um setor da indústria quando da elaboração do conteúdo de regulamentos de produtos emitidos pelos países da América do Sul. Para atingir o objetivo iniciou-se pela análise dos fatores determinantes no processo de defesa de interesses de empresas sobre os regulamentos de produtos publicados pelos governos e órgãos reguladores na União Europeia e Estados Unidos. Posteriormente foram avaliadas a presença e a aplicabilidade destes no cenário sul-americano, mostrando que apesar da presença dos fatores a aplicabilidade requer adaptações. O uso do design research como método de pesquisa proporcionou, devido à sua abordagem prescritiva, uma interação entre teoria e pragmatismo. A validação qualitativa do proposto ocorreu através da avaliação por especialistas no assunto usando a técnica de entrevista semiestruturada em dois momentos distintos. Além disso, observação direta em reuniões e a participação em um grupo de foco sobre o assunto contribuíram para enriquecer o conhecimento acerca do tema. Como resultado é apresentado uma forma de organização e os principais fatores a serem observados nos processos de defesa de interesses de empresas fabricantes nas tratativas com os formuladores de leis e regulamentos dos países da América do Sul. Devido a limitação temporal deste Mestrado, falta o detalhamento da aplicação do proposto.
The participation of companies in the product regulation is a practice that exists for more than 30 years in Europe and United States. However, the interaction between government and industry in South America has singularities compared to the US and the European Union mainly due to socio-political and economic differences. The main focus of this work is the presentation of a framework with factors that guide the companies from a specific industrial sector to exert influence on the content of product regulations issued by the countries of South America. To achieve the goal it was started by the analysis of the determining factors on the business lobby regarding product regulations published by governments and regulators in the European Union and the USA. As next the presence and the applicability of these in the South American scenario were evaluated, showing that despite the presence of the factors the applicability requires adaptations. The use of design research as method provided, due to its prescriptive approach, an interaction between theory and praxis. The qualitative validation was performed through the evaluation by experts in the field using a semi-structured interview technique at two different times of the research. In addition, direct observation at meetings and participation in a workshop helped to highlight and enrich the knowledge on the subject. As a result a framework and the main factors to be observed in the influence process of firms when interacting with the policy makers of the South American countries is presented. This includes the establishment of an interest group. Due to time limitation of this Master program, the application of the propositions is not described.

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Hendriks, Carolyn Maree, and C. M. Hendriks@uva nl. "Public Deliberation and Interest Organisations: a Study of Responses to Lay Citizen Engagement in Public Policy." The Australian National University. Research School of Social Sciences, 2004. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20050921.103047.

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This thesis empirically examines how lobby groups and activists respond to innovative forms of public participation. The study centres on processes that foster a particular kind of deliberative governance including citizens’ juries, consensus conferences and planning cells. These deliberative designs bring together a panel of randomly selected lay citizens to deliberate on a specific policy issue for a few days, with the aim of providing decision makers with a set of recommendations. While policy makers worldwide are attracted to these novel participatory processes, little consideration has been given to how well they work alongside more adversarial and interest-based politics. This doctoral research project examines this interface by studying what these processes mean to different kinds of policy actors such as corporations, advocacy groups, government agencies, experts and professionals. These entities are collectively referred to in this thesis as ‘interest organisations’ because in some way they are seeking a specific policy outcome from the state – even government-based groups.¶ The empirical research in this thesis is based on comparative case studies of four deliberative design projects in Australia and Germany. The Australian cases include a citizens’ jury on waste management legislation and a consensus conference on gene technology in the food chain. The German case studies include a planning cells project on consumer protection in Bavaria, and a national consensus conference on genetic diagnostics. Together the cases capture a diversity of complex and contested policy issues facing post-industrialised societies. In each case study, I examine how relevant interest organisations responded to the deliberative forum, and then interpret these responses in view of the context and features of the case.¶ The picture emerging from the in-depth case studies is that interest organisations respond to deliberative designs in a variety of ways. Some choose to participate actively, others passively decline, and a few resort to strategic tactics to undermine citizens’ deliberations. The empirical research reveals that though responses are variable, most interest organisations are challenged by several features of the deliberative design model including: 1) that deliberators are citizens with no knowledge or association with the issue; 2) that experts and interest representatives are required to present their arguments before a citizens’ panel; and 3) that policy discussions occur under deliberative conditions which can expose the illegitimate use of power.¶ Despite these challenges, the paradox is that many interest organisations do decide to engage in lay citizen deliberations. The empirical research indicates that groups and experts value deliberative designs if they present an opportunity for public relations, customer feedback, or advocacy. Moreover, the research finds that when policy actors intensively engage with ‘ordinary’ citizens, their technocratic and elite ideas about public participation can shift in a more inclusive and deliberative direction.¶ The thesis finds that, on the whole, weaker interest organisations are more willing to engage with lay citizens than stronger organisations because they welcome the chance to influence public debate and decision makers. It appears that powerful groups will only engage in a deliberative forum under certain policy conditions, for example, when the dominant policy paradigm is unstable and contested, when public discussion on the issue is emerging, when policy networks are interdependent and heterogeneous, and when the broader social and political system supports public accountability, consensus and deliberation. Given that these kinds of policy conditions do not always exist, I conclude that tensions between interest organisations and deliberative governance will be common. In order to create more cooperative and productive interfaces, I recommend that interest organisations be better supported and integrated into citizens’ deliberations, and that steps be taken to safeguard forums from strategic attempts to undermine their legitimacy.¶ The thesis also sends out three key messages to democratic theorists. First, the empirical research shows that different kinds of groups and actors in civil society vary in their willingness and capacity to participate to public deliberation. Second, the deliberative design model demonstrates that partisan actors, such as interest organisations, will engage in public deliberation when they can participate as strategic deliberators. In this role partisans are not expected to relinquish their agendas, but present them as testimonies before a group of deliberators. Third, the empirical research in this thesis should bring home to theorists that deliberative forums are closely linked to the discursive context within which they operate.

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Lindberg, Nicole, and Adrian Welander. "Den lokala lobbyn : En studie om informella kontakters betydelse för kommunala beslut." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-34918.

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Forskningen om lobbyism i Sverige har hittills i huvudsak fokuserat på riksdagen. I den här uppsatsen undersöks lobbyism på kommunal nivå utifrån ett mottagarperspektiv med fokus på beslutsfattare och deras erfarenheter av lobbyism. Syftet är att belysa hur beslutsfattare i svenska kommunfullmäktige uppfattar att lobbyism går till i sina egna kommuner. Studiens utgångspunkt utgörs av lobbyismens relation till demokrati och i den kvalitativt genomförda undersökningen används en analysram baserad på tre värden för demokratisk lobbyism, benämnda transparens, jämlikhet och etik. Empirin har samlats in genom intervjuer med åtta kommunala fullmäktigeledamöter. Resultaten visar att beslutsfattarna upplever att lobbyism inte alls förekommer i de egna kommunerna, eftersom de har en allmän bild av lobbyism som inte överensstämmer med hur de ser på de påverkansförsök som riktas mot dem i det politiska arbetet. Resultaten visar även att politikerna uppfattar beslutsprocesserna som öppna för insyn och lika tillgängliga för medborgarna. De uppfattar också att de olika intressenter som hör av sig i påverkanssyfte förser dem med sanningsenlig information. Samtidigt finner vi att den typ av påverkan som beslutsfattarna anser faktiskt förekommer i kommunen inte fullt ut når upp till teoretiska krav på transparens, jämlikhet och etik, eftersom en del intressenter till viss del verkar ha större möjlighet till inflytande.
The impact of lobbyist activities on political decision-making has been studied in Sweden mostly on a presumption that these matters take place on a national level. This paper examines lobbyist activities in the local political processes with a perspective from the recipients point-of-view, namely the decision-makers and their experiences from lobbyist influences. The purpose of the study is to illustrate how decision makers in swedish municipal councils perceive lobbying in their own municipalities. In order to investigate the possible implications of these affairs we have conducted a qualitative research, looking into the democratic aspects of lobbying. For this purpose, we have built a theoretical framework based on three core values of democratic lobbying: transparency, equality and ethics. The empirical data has been collected from interviews with eight members of municipal councils. Our main findings show that the decision-makers deny the occurence of lobbying activities in their own municipalities, as they have a general idea of lobbying that is inconsistent with the kind of attempted influence they actually face in their role as politicians. Further findings reveal that politicians perceive the decision-making process as transparent and as equally accessible to citizens. They also perceive that stakeholders provide them with truthful information. In contrast, we find that the kind of influence that decision-makers believe actually occur in the municipality does not fulfill the theoretical requirements for transparency, equality and ethics, as certain stakeholders to some extent seem to have a greater opportunity to influence.

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Bonelli, Francisco Sérgio Oto Souza. "O lobby no direito brasileiro: fundamentos e limites ao exercício da atividade." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2015. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/6742.

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This dissertation is dedicated to the lobby analysis, focused on its practice (lobbying) and its regulation in Brazil. Therefore, at first, its origins are studied, followed by a comprehensive analysis of the lobby term and concepts taken from the areas of Political Science and Legal, highlighting the presence of interest and pressure groups and the fact that the term carries a burden of pejorative (used as a synonym of corruption). Second, the regulation of lobbying is studied based on the United States experience as the country was the first to promote its regulation mainly on the analysis of the Federal Regulation Lobbying Act (1946) and the Lobbying Disclosure Act (1995), and its amendments, as well as it is traced an overview of this regulation (areas, more frequent lobby types and costs of the activity). Then lobby is studied in Brazil, taken in its identification on the national scene, its areas and types of lobby more commonly practiced (trade unions, NGOs, companies). Understood as a right (to lobbying: a rights sum - association, freedom of speech and petition, among others - that allows the free exercise of [paid or unpaid] activity of representing interests of a particular group in order to influence decision-making) and its exercise (lobbying) as the ultimate expression of its concreteness, is broken down its content (object of the regulation). In order to give a legal basis to the right and lobbying activity, the Federal Constitution is scrutinized and some others international conventions are studied. Just like any other activity, the lobbying must obey certain shaping parameters (limits), grounded on guiding Principles of Public Administration, and be subjected to sanctions and penalties in order to combat illicit lobby and lessen the burden of pejorative that the term carries. Finally, found that the attempt to regulate lobbying is old, some legal proposals that resulted frustrated are analyzed, as well as the PL Nº 1.202/07, proposal under discussion in the National Congress, whose content is open to criticism and recommendations in the light of what is meant by the right to lobbying and believed to what may be included in the regulation of a Brazilian "Lobby Law"
A presente dissertação é dedicada à análise do Lobby, tendo por escopo a prática da atividade (Lobbying) e sua regulamentação no Brasil. Para tanto, de início, são vasculhadas suas origens, seguida de uma ampla análise do termo Lobby e seus conceitos retirados das áreas das Ciências Políticas e Jurídica, momento em que se destacam os grupos de interesse e de pressão e se observa o termo carregar grande carga de pejorativos (empregado como sinônimo de corrupção). A seguir, é estudada a regulamentação do Lobbying nos Estados Unidos país em que a atividade foi regulamentada por primeira vez por meio da análise do Federal Regulation of Lobbying Act (1946) e do Lobbying Disclosure Act (1995), e suas emendas, bem como traçado um panorama geral dessa normatização (áreas de atuação, tipos de Lobby mais frequentes e gastos com a atividade). Parte-se para o estudo do Lobby no Brasil, sendo empreendida a sua identificação no cenário nacional, as áreas de atuação e os tipos de Lobby mais comumente praticados (sindicatos, ONGs, empresas). Entendido como um direito (ao Lobbying: somatória de direitos associação, liberdade de opinião e petição, entre outros que permitem o livre exercício da atividade [remunerada ou não] de representação de interesses de um determinado grupo com vistas a influenciar as tomadas de decisão) e sendo o seu exercício (Lobbying) expressão máxima da sua concretude, é discriminado o seu conteúdo (objeto da regulamentação). No intuito de dar fundamentação a esse direito e à atividade do Lobbying, é perscrutada a Constituição Federal e estudadas algumas convenções internacionais atinentes. Assim como qualquer outra atividade, o Lobbying deve obedecer determinados parâmetros de conformação (limites), calcados em Princípios norteadores da Administração Pública, e se sujeitar a sanções e punições no intuito de se combater o Lobby ilícito e diminuir a carga de pejorativos que o termo carrega. Finalmente, verificado que a tentativa de se regulamentar o Lobby é antiga, são analisadas propostas que restaram frustradas, bem como o PL nº 1.202/07, em tramitação no Congresso Nacional, cujo teor é passível de críticas e recomendações à luz do que se entende por direito ao Lobbying e do que deve constar da regulamentação de uma Lei de Lobby brasileira

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Peirson-Smith, A. F. "The invisible lobby? : an analysis of pressure and interest group activity in the library and information community." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296758.

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Ghiles-Meilhac, Samuel. "Le CRIF : de la résistance juive à la tentation du lobby 1943-2010." Paris, EHESS, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010EHES0101.

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Le Conseil représentatif des institutions juives de France (CRIF), créé en 1943 dans la clandestinité, jouit depuis les années 1980 d'une forte présence médiatique et d'une reconnaissance sociale et politique qui n'a pas d'équivalent en France. Cette thèse retrace son histoire, en lien avec les évolutions du judaïsme français, les étapes des conflits israélo-arabes et les tournants politiques de la France, en politique étrangère mais aussi sur des enjeux intérieurs tel que la lutte contre l'antisémitisme ou le discours public autour du régime de Vichy et de la déportation des Juifs pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Cette approche chronologique est renforcée par une réflexion sur la nature et l'influence du CRIF en France, notamment à la lumière d'une comparaison avec des organisations juives américaines, très actives dans le soutien politique à Israël. Cette thèse se base sur des recherches en archives ainsi que des entretiens, effectués en France et en Israël
Created in the underground during the winter 1943, the Representative council of French Jewish Institutions, the CRIF has been enjoying a fascinating role in the French society since the 1980's. The history of this Jewish umbrella organization remains mostly unknown. This thesis fills this gap by analyzing the different historical moments of the CRIF, linked to the evolutions of French Jewry, the conflicts between Israel and its Arab neighbors and the different phases of France's policy and public discourse when it comes to anti-Semitism and the memory of the deportation of Jews during the Second World War. This historical approach is enriched by a focus on the nature of the CRIF and its influence. One key element is a comparison with other Jewish umbrella organizations in the United States. This research is based on archives files and interviews in France and Israel

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Dubois, Franck. "Approche des questions environnementales par les institutions européennes : 1949-2002." Thesis, Dijon, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013DIJOL037.

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Ce travail de thèse a pour objectif d'étudier la construction de l’Europe institutionnelle en parallèle de l'émergence des questions environnementales et interroger dans le cadre d'une évolution historique, les interactions entre les décideurs, les administrations et les citoyens autour des questions de société, pour en observer les mécanismes de mutation. Il s'agit de questionner la capacité des Institutions européennes à faire intégrer à ses Etats membres des exigences environnementales. Nous observerons le glissement opéré depuis un principe de conservation de la nature à l’assurance d’un développement durable, en passant par une protection de l’environnement puis une préservation de la biodiversité où seront analysés les leviers d'action privilégiés pour imposer aux Etats des réglementations contraignantes. Les travaux développés dans cette recherche analysent les changements de « modèle », de cadrage législatif, de comportements, de conscience, de mode de vie en Europe, et leurs conséquences dans des solutions dites réalistes pour le modèle de croissance. Pour conduire à l’explication de ce phénomène, le présent ouvrage s’articulera autour de trois logiques utilisées successivement : la mise en place d’une politique de la nature, prenant en compte les contraintes des logiques existantes à travers le modèle de développement productiviste, puis une contestation caractérisée du modèle de développement proposant une protection de l’environnement, et enfin une prise en compte consciente et orchestrée des questions d’environnement par les institutions européennes vers la structuration d’un modèle caractérisé par la mise en œuvre de la Stratégie Européenne Développement Durable
Approaching the European construction from 1949 till 2002 within environmental questions wish to bring a new prism for complex systems understanding. The present work sustain an interactional analysis between stakeholders, administrations and citizens thoughts across society matters to observe mutation mechanisms. In a Historical study of the Twentieth Century common decision making tools, we will observe how European Institutions contribute strengthening its territory. From nature conservancy to an insurance of a sustainable development, via an environmental protection then biodiversity preservation, an approach of related concepts and their evolvement wants to show presuppositions and difficulties to explain clearly what kind of empowerment tool is become Europe. Because citizen and political fights escort the discovery of environmental matters. Because painless degradation of the European natural heritage brought conflicts between countries which had contracted peace. The natural and industrial disasters management, limitations of a productivist development "model", the increase of societal individualization, urban spread and research of support and membership will drive the European Community in building operational targets before the rise of an "Environmental Economy". Facing dissimilar perceptions and trade-off in taking into account environmental questions inside community agenda, European institutions asked to develop understanding tools able to support, to control and manage its patrimony. In its successive enlargements, European Community will encourage the preservation, the protection, the improvement of environmental quality and public health, a wise use of natural resources or even international promotion of standards designed to face-off regional and planetary biodiversity matters. The European Union is finally able to suggest to the U.N. members a practical Sustainable Development Strategy Scheme ready to implement

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Oakshott, Stephen Craig School of Information Library &amp Archives Studies UNSW. "The Association of Libarians in colleges of advanced education and the committee of Australian university librarians: The evolution of two higher education library groups, 1958-1997." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Information, Library and Archives Studies, 1998. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/18238.

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This thesis examines the history of Commonwealth Government higher education policy in Australia between 1958 and 1997 and its impact on the development of two groups of academic librarians: the Association of Librarians in Colleges in Advanced Education (ALCAE) and the Committee of Australian University Librarians (CAUL). Although university librarians had met occasionally since the late 1920s, it was only in 1965 that a more formal organisation, known as CAUL, was established to facilitate the exchange of ideas and information. ALCAE was set up in 1969 and played an important role helping develop a special concept of library service peculiar to the newly formed College of Advanced Education (CAE) sector. As well as examining the impact of Commonwealth Government higher education policy on ALCAE and CAUL, the thesis also explores the influence of other factors on these two groups, including the range of personalities that comprised them, and their relationship with their parent institutions and with other professional groups and organisations. The study focuses on how higher education policy and these other external and internal factors shaped the functions, aspirations, and internal dynamics of these two groups and how this resulted in each group evolving differently. The author argues that, because of the greater attention given to the special educational role of libraries in the CAE curriculum, the group of college librarians had the opportunity to participate in, and have some influence on, Commonwealth Government statutory bodies responsible for the coordination of policy and the distribution of funding for the CAE sector. The link between ALCAE and formal policy-making processes resulted in a more dynamic group than CAUL, with the university librarians being discouraged by their Vice-Chancellors from having contact with university funding bodies because of the desire of the universities to maintain a greater level of control over their affairs and resist interference from government. The circumstances of each group underwent a reversal over time as ALCAE's effectiveness began to diminish as a result of changes to the CAE sector and as member interest was transferred to other groups and organisations. Conversely, CAUL gradually became a more active group during the 1980s and early 1990s as a result of changes to higher education, the efforts of some university librarians, and changes in membership. This study is based principally on primary source material, with the story of ALCAE and CAUL being told through the use of a combination of original documentation (including minutes of meetings and correspondence) and interviews with members of each group and other key figures.

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Liu, Diana L. "Informing Trade Policy: Interest Group Influences on U.S. Congressional and Executive Steel Trade Protection." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1385561511.

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Sirafi, Ziad. "Investigating media’s change of attitude towards lobbyism in Sweden : A quantitative content analysis study between the years 1970-2014 and based on theories from the disciplines of politicalscience and sociology." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-71401.

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The purpose of this study is to examine why the media has a more negative attitude towards lobbyism in 2014 compared to earlier years since the 1970s in Sweden. This study examines first if a change of attitude has occurred between the given years and whether the attitude is more positive, negative or neutral towards lobbyism in recent years compared to earlier years and lastly if the media are comparing different contexts in which lobbying takes place. The method of this study is based on quantitative content analysis, and on Kanol’s ideas that by implementing theories from different disciplines one can develop theories on comparative lobbying in order to increase and improve our knowledge on the phenomenon of lobbyism as the contemporary research on the subject are scars and underdeveloped. The material in this study are news articles that have been collected between 1970 to 2000 and every second year from 2000 up until 2014. This study also provides a comprehensive picture of the Swedish context in which lobbying takes place by gathering information from multiple sources and earlier studies as this information has as of yet not been gathered in a single study up until now. The conclusion is that there has been a change of attitude towards lobbyism in Sweden, however, the dominant attitude is not a negative but rather a more skeptical/cynical one which has increased since 1992. The term lobbying is controversial because it’s being mentioned in various topics that could be considered negative by the reader as the decision making whether the news article is negative or positive is subjective. Because the media has increased its negative news reporting overall and that the unconscious mind of the reader is also attracted to negative news reporting, the term lobbying can be considered “negative” overall as it is constantly being mentioned in negative contexts even when the article is not about lobbying. A reasonable explanation why the media has a more negative / skeptical attitude to lobbyism is because of previous scandals related to lobbying either in Sweden or outside the country's border, but also because the media can’t hold the elected officials responsible for their actions as transparency and accountability is absent. Because of the increased reporting in Sweden on lobbying from all over the world, the subject will most likely become more relevant on the Swedish political agenda.

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Dufresne, Anne. "Les stratégies de l'euro-syndicalisme sectoriel: étude de la coordination salariale et du dialogue social." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210769.

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The main contribution of my thesis is the analysis of substantial empirical material that I have collected from Community trade union actors. My analysis focuses on the institutional strategies of the sectoral European trade union federations and their implications for the Europeanisation of wages policy. I have demonstrated that the development of European coordination processes of national collective bargaining, particularly at sectoral level, has contributed to reviving the concept of collective bargaining and professional relations in the European Area, which until then had been covered in the literature by the social dialogue. I have identified three obstacles to collective negociations at a European level: the “depoliticised” wage in the economic partnership, employers identified as the “lobby partner” in the sectoral social dialogue, and the difficulties encountered in the Europeanisation of trade unions.

L’apport majeur de notre thèse est l’analyse d’un matériel empirique conséquent que nous avons collecté auprès des acteurs syndicaux communautaires. Notre analyse se concentre sur les stratégies institutionnelles des fédérations syndicales sectorielles européennes et sur leurs implications en matière d’européanisation de la politique salariale. Nous avons démontré que le développement des processus de coordination européenne des négociations collectives nationales, en particulier au niveau sectoriel, peut contribuer à renouveler la conception de la négociation collective et des relations professionnelles dans l’espace européen jusqu’alors appréhendée dans la littérature par le dialogue social. Nous avons identifié trois obstacles à la négociation collective européenne :le salaire « dépolitisé » dans le partenariat économique, le patronat devenu « partenaire-lobby » dans le dialogue social sectoriel, et la difficile européanisation syndicale.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation sociologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Cheng, Ting-fang, and 鄭婷芳. "The Budgetary Process and the Lobby Activities ofInterest Groups." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/27474626139360131097.

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碩士
國立中山大學
經濟學研究所
102
This thesis aims to explore how interest groups influence the government’s decision of events by political contributions. First of all, this paper approves that when the interest groups are risk-neutral, it shows positive correlation between the spending on rent-seeking by the firm and the commercial opportunity from business activities. Lobbying activities will improve the quality of events. But when government values the negative perception of the outsider, it is reluctant to hold large-scale events. The willing of passing the activity based budget of city councilors is affected by the possibility of being reelected. The higher the rate of being reelected is, the lower the activity level is.

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SHENG, LI HSUAN, and 李炫陞. "The Study of the Lobby Activities of Interest Groups in R.O.C." Thesis, 2003. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/51356448486799836388.

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碩士
銘傳大學
公共管理與社區發展研究所碩士在職專班
91
Summary Interest groups is the main condition to decide whether a social is able to more toward the Democracy；and the activities of interest groups have the value to balance the distribution of social resource. Because of the increasing volume of its occupation in the democracy has made the democratic society be more visions within the pluralistic development of the new era. The government implementation has completely reflected the identification of people and has been supervised by the people. This is one of the purposes of democratic politics. In general democratic countries commonly use constitutions or laws to judge the two sides of their rule, and to protect the freedom of congregating and associating of the people should be done by the book for promoting the degree of expressing of the people in organized forms. As the more economic prosperous and society opening the more number of the public communities has been increasingly, and different social interests have acquired their channels of integration and presentation. Making those different social interest societies express fully is one of the important linkage during the democratic political operations. The interest groups trying their best to maintain and to satisfy their members’ mutual benefits usually take activities of inviting, applying, meeting and parading to directly and indirectly influent the policy making. Although the activities have the value of balancing the distribution of social resource, those interest groups cannot avoid putting their groups’ interests above the interest of the whole society which may break the principle of social fair and abuse the social position and resource of the interest group. Which in the different kinds of interest groups, the activities of interest group with the background of enterprise have been the most attention attracting and controversy. And so, the organizing and activities of interest group should be correctly positioned and made reasonable rules. In the beginning of this study is from the definition of interest group to discuss what are those relating matters and then to discuss how to operate the political power to reach their goals. After finishing this study, I try to propose the conclusion: 1. To research the lobbying activities of our interest groups and to understand the main trait and the way of operation process of the policy making is very important. 2. It is very important that we should carefully draw “the law of lobby” and analysis the necessary contents of the law providing suggestions. 3. It is very necessary to analysis the influence of lobby activities of the interest groups after making “the law of lobby” , and takes the example of “the lobby activities of the establishment of high speed rail” as a particle analysis. 4. After making “the law of lobby” , the role playing of interest groups should be on positive side and which will influence the policy making to the best effect. Hopefully, the above mentioned research can provide as a reference for the civilian groups and governmental relating units and staffs.

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XU, RU-HENG, and 許如亨. "Interest groups and the executive branch of U.S. government:an analytical study on lobby methods." Thesis, 1986. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/52856464127400445897.

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25

Currie, Erin. "Jak etnická lobby ovlivňují politiku: případ uznání arménské genocidy ve Spojených státech." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-398858.

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This thesis seeks to examine the characteristics of the Turkish Lobby in the United States and the strategies it has utilized in its approach to countering the Armenian Lobby's efforts at official Recognition of the Armenian Genocide. While the Armenian Lobby and its approach to Genocide Recognition in the United States has been well-documented, the organizational structure of the Turkish Lobby and its approach to counter Genocide Recognition has been less explored. The Turkish Lobby consists of various Turkish-American organizations with close ties to Ankara, as well as professional lobbying and public relations firms contracted by the Turkish government for millions of dollars annually. The variety of actors that compose the Turkish Lobby is a reflection of Turkey's multi-pronged approach to preventing Genocide Recognition. This seeks to examine the primary strategies the Turkish Lobby has employed to counter Genocide Recognition, as well as its strengths and weaknesses according to indicators of effective ethnic group lobbying. Two case studies are presented in order to gain a better understanding of the characteristics of the Turkish Lobby and the strategies it employed to prevent two House Resolutions calling for Genocide Recognition. The findings show that the Turkish Lobby fulfills several...

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26

Attafuah, Kenneth Agyemang. "Toward a deconstruction of homosexuality as deviant conduct : a case study of homosexual lobby groups in Manitoba." 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/6863.

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This is a study of the deconstruction of a stigmatized identity and the attainment of legal protection by members of a minority group in a pluralistic society. Between 1972 and 1987 two homosexual lobby groups in Manitoba challenged the taken-for-granted notions of appropriate and inappropriate sexual orientations and behaviors. Their efforts culminated in the passage of Bill 47 which provides legal protection for homosexuals against discriminatory treatment in employment, housing and social services. Using these groups as a case study, this thesis aimed at determining the crucial factors which make for the success or failure of minority groups to achieve goals which may involve the deconstruction of significant items of reality. Organizational strength, leadership and strategies were found to be positively correlated with interest group success. Congruence between the demands of the lobby groups and the ideological position of the targets was also crucial to the success of the lobby groups. In responding to interest group demands, targets took into consideration their perception of the state of public opinion on the specific demands.

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Wu, Chih-wei, and 吳致緯. "An Examination of Lobbying Acts Regarding the Implementation Effect of Lobbying Act in Taiwan：From the Perspective of Lobby Groups." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/31664586806084147035.

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碩士
國立中山大學
政治學研究所
101
Through keeping lobbying public, the purpose of the Lobbying Act. is to prevent improper transfer of benefits and protect the right of the people. It has been five years since the legislation of the Lobbying Act. but it is not only rarely used but also criticized by scholars and Member of Congress, thus it would be necessary to re-examine the Lobbying Act. The method of this research is literature review, mainly comprised of the Lobbying Act. , theories of the lobbying group, and the related laws. This research would also contains in-depth interview of three specific interest groups in the purpose of digging out the question of the Lobbying Act. and the possible improvements. This paper found certain factors which would explain why the Lobbying Act. is so rarely used : the over regulation on l lobbyist, the definition of who to be lobbied, the government institutions have the power to deny lobbying, and the complexity of records might make other ways more attractive than lobbying. This paper suggest that the Lobbying Act. needs to be reformed. First, the assistant of Member of Congress must be considered as parts of who to be lobbied, and simplify the records of lobbying. The reform of the Lobbying Act. should be consistent rather than one-time, we must take the context of political environment into account to form the possible best Lobbying Act.

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Frajtová, Věra. "Evropská kulturní lobby. Případ kampaně We are more." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-324136.

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Master thesis "European cultural lobby. Case of We Are More campaign" is analyzing the European lobbying in the cultural domain. As an area of European policies, culture has been established continuously since the 80's of the 20th century. The role that culture gained at the European Union (EU) level is specific by its double dimension. At the same time, culture is perceived as a source of common values and an area with high economic potential. This thesis examines whether the exclusive role of culture within the EU signifies specific features of lobbying in the cultural domain. Theoretical part of this work is using the concept of europeanization in order to explain how culture became an area of European public policy. The same part develops the theory of European lobbying to demonstrate division of the EU interest groups into public and private. Second part of this thesis presents the case study of the nowadays biggest European cultural lobby, Culture Action Europe, and We Are More campaign organized by this lobby in order to influence future European framework programmes for culture and audiovisual in 2014-2020 period. Features that decide whether an interest group is public or private, as defined by the theoretical part of this thesis, are studied on the case of Culture Action Europe. In order to...

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Montpetit, Nicolas. "Cadrage et mise à l'agenda du projet de privatisation d'une partie du parc national du Mont-Orford." Thèse, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7482.

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Descôteaux, David. "Désunis dans l'adversité : le lobbying des consommateurs américains pendant le conflit du bois d'oeuvre." Thèse, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7474.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Lobby Groups'

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