Academic literature on the topic 'Lobby Groups'
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Journal articles on the topic "Lobby Groups"
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Mendes, Philip. "Welfare lobby groups responding to globalization." International Social Work 49, no. 6 (November 2006): 693–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872806070969.
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English Theories of globalization suggest that national lobby groups continue to exert influence on social policy agendas and outcomes. Yet little has been written about the impact of globalization on the political and ideological context within which pro-welfare state advocacy groups operate. This article explores the response of an Australian welfare lobby group to the challenges posed by globalization. French Les théories de la mondialisation soutiennent que les groupes de pression nationaux continuent d'exercer leur influence sur les projets et les définitions des politiques sociales. Pourtant, on recense peu d'écrits sur la façon dont la mondialisation influence le contexte politique et idéologique dans lequel travaillent les groupes de pression en faveur de l'aide sociale. Cette étude explore la position d'un groupe de pression australien en égard aux défis de la mondialisation. Spanish Las teorías de la globalización sugieren que los grupos nacionales de presión continúan ejerciendo influencia en las agendas y resultados de la política social. Se ha escrito poco sobre el impacto de la globalización en el contexto política social. Se ha escrito poco sobre el impacto de la globalización en el contexto político e ideológico, en el cual operan los grupos que abogan en pro del bienestar. Este artículo explora las respuestas de un grupo australiano de presión por el bienestar, frente a los desafióos que ofrece la globalización.
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Eaton, Lynn. "Antismoking groups lobby against Lords report." BMJ 332, no. 7555 (June 15, 2006): 1410.5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.332.7555.1410-d.
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Damania, Richard, and Per G. Fredriksson. "On the formation of industry lobby groups." Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 41, no. 4 (April 2000): 315–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0167-2681(99)00079-7.
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&NA;. "GROUPS LOBBY AGAINST CUTS IN MEDICARE AND MEDICAID." Journal of Wound, Ostomy and Continence Nursing 14, no. 4 (July 1987): 29A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00152192-198707000-00009.
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Grafov, D. B. "Comparison of the Influence of the Chinese Lobby and the Israeli Lobby in the United States." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(44) (October 28, 2015): 84–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-5-44-84-98.
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The article is about how pro-Israel and pro-China interest groups try to lobby on the ground of Capitol, White House and executive branch. The study of the lobbying results is based on «General theory of action» T. Parsons. It is concluded that for lobbying interests the main point will be the representation of the interests in the political and public spaces and the creating of advocacy and lobbying infrastructure. The ability of the Israeli lobby to achieve the goal can be explained, firstly, by political inclusion in the decision-making process, and, secondly, by almost axiomatic representation Israel interests through the national interests of the United States. The Israeli lobby can be considered as the religious lobby. It can use the possibilities of Jewish religious organizations in grass root action. Also this gives the opportunity to avoid the requirements of the LDA. From the point of view of the theory of Talcott Parsons, the success of the Israeli lobby is the cause of the action of a large number of actors that may form in large groups. Another advantage of the Israeli lobby is the ability of its members to get relevant information about the current situation in different spheres of political life in the U.S. The objective of the present study was to reveal the ways in which China lobby succeeds. The influence of China lobby on decision-making process in the United States can be explained through strong economic ties between American corporations and the Chinese market. When lobbying China uses numerous Chinese Diaspora in many States, as well as trying to interest of the former high-ranking American officials, granting them special privileges for doing business in China. In comparison to the Israeli lobby, the Chinese lobby has weaknesses. Chinese interest groups are not included in the political system of the USA and this is the disadvantage of the Chinese way of lobbying. Unlike Israel lobby Chinese one is external. The interests of the chinese pressure groups do not coincide with American national interests. Their actors are not rooted in the American political system.
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Ovaere, Lotte, Stef Proost, and Sandra Rousseau. "The choice of environmental regulatory enforcement by lobby groups." Journal of Environmental Economics and Policy 2, no. 3 (November 2013): 328–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21606544.2013.836136.
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Puy, M. Socorro. "Lobby Groups and the Financial Support of Election Campaigns." Journal of Public Economic Theory 2, no. 3 (July 2000): 319–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1097-3923.00041.
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Imomova, Yulduzkhan. "INFLUENCE OF LOBBYING ON THE KARABAKH CONFLICT." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 12, no. 3 (December 30, 2020): 48–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2020-12-7.
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This article examines the role and influence of ethnic lobby groups that exert pressure on decision-making processes regarding the Karabakh conflict. The lobby groups actively operate in democratic states such as the United States, Russia and Turkey and form a political position on the war between Azerbaijan and Armenia, which in turn may affect the consequences of the conflict
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Shakoori, Marziehe, Davood Kiani, and Masha Allah Heidarpour. "Effect of AIPAC Lobby on America's Foreign Policy towards the Islamic Republic of Iran." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 6 (July 31, 2016): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n6p129.
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Undoubtedly, no countries have been, by now, the host and under the influence of pressure groups as far America would, the issue make difficult to make a decision in foreign policy affairs, because of the benefits and the valuation system in America. It seems that among the pressure groups in America, the Israel lobby in America has the most influence on the foreign policy-making; accordingly it can be said almost there has been a special relationship between America and Israel after World War II and AIPAC always guarantees this relationship to continue. In shaping the foreign policy of any country, a collection of internally, nationally and internationally different-level factors would contribute that the outcome of the interaction between these factors has been provided as an output and called by "foreign policy". United States of America's foreign policy has been the outcome of such a process, accordingly, on the basis of theories of international relations that the internal level would be the most essential level of the analysis of the foreign policy of the United States of America, which one of its components is to examine the role of pressure groups in shaping this country’s foreign policy, actually in this regard, there is no the most prominent and significant lobby group except Israel lobby in America. So, author intends to investigate the influence of various forms of Israel lobby and this regime position and performance within America’s foreign policy against Iran and thereby, the lobby’s directed activates in the arena of Iran were investigated; followed by the research process, stated that the penetrating element in the decision-making system of the United states of America is undeniably in terms of the Israeli-centered influential lobby groups’ contribution and the unsparing support of the United states for this lobby.
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Smith, V. Kerry. "A Theoretical Analysis of the “Green Lobby”." American Political Science Review 79, no. 1 (March 1985): 132–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956123.
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The purpose of this article is to develop a theoretical framework for analyzing why individuals support private environmental “public interest” groups. The model attempts to integrate past contributions which have argued that these decisions could be explained by one of several factors, including: bounded rationality and imperfect information (Moe, 1980); the features of the public goods provided (or influenced by) these groups (Mitchell, 1979); the existence of a disequilibrium in households' demands for public goods (Weisbrod, 1977); or as a response to contract failures (Hansmann, 1980). The article uses a theoretical framework originally developed to explain individuals' decisions to join private clubs and specifies the conditions for the efficient provision of access to different types of private, nonprofit groups. By describing the optimal access conditions as if individuals could be coordinated to assure this efficient outcome, the model provides insights into the benefits and costs associated with membership in the environmental groups in practice.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Lobby Groups"
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Škrobáková, Irena. "Lobby farmaceutických firem v České republice." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193707.
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The pharmaceutical companies are considered as one of the most influential interest groups within drug policy, or in general within healthcare system. Therefore, this diploma thesis is focused on the influence of the pharmaceutical manufacturers on legislative framework that forms the drug policy, on the impact on the concrete implementation of drug policy and finally on the influence on prescription, sales and public opinion. Based on an analysis of the pharmaceutical market and the drug policy of the Czech Republic, the diploma thesis defines the most common interests of the pharmaceutical companies which they are trying to push through lobbying. Furthermore, the thesis identifies the access points through which these interests can push through and tries to illustrate these facts on concrete examples.
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Marinello, Rita de Cássia Laude. "Lobby : uma revisão crítica da literatura brasileira (1994- 2007)." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2010. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/995.
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Previous issue date: 2010-05-06This essay is a critic review about the term lobby in Brazil. The redemocratization and the Federal Constitution, wich accured in the early decades of 1980, the studies about politics were worried about the mechanism, working and the efficacy from the politics institutions. From this way, the studies about interested groups, pressure groups and the lobby are dated from 1994 to 2007. In this work, these are two most important discussions: (a) the lack of scientific searching from Brazilian winters, means, the necessity to discus a better conception between groups in a common interested, pressure groups and the lobby to procure an empiric searching without failures; (b) the matter of don´t make use from the north-american lobby model in Brazil for the reason of each country has difference means for social matters, economy, culture, history and politics. Even with the studies about lobby in Brazil, also, there was the bibliographic analyses exposed by the collective action of Mancur Olson. The importance of democracy and the pluralism of developed organized and the grammar of Brazilian politics.
Resumo Essa dissertação é uma revisão crítica da literatura de lobby existente no Brasil. A redemocratização no país, bem como a formulação de sua Constituição Federal, aconteceram em meados da década de 1980. A partir de então, os estudos da Ciência Política se preocuparam com o mecanismo, funcionamento e eficácia das instituições políticas vigentes. Dessa forma, os estudos sobre grupos de interesse, grupos de pressão e lobby são datados de 1994 a 2007. Nesse trabalho se encontram duas problemáticas principais: (a) a falta de rigor científico por parte dos autores brasileiros, ou seja, a necessidade de se discutir melhor e estabelecer as fronteiras conceituais entre grupo de interesses, grupo de pressão e lobby para assim engendrar uma pesquisa empírica sem falhas; (b) a questão de não aplicar o modelo de lobby norte-americano no Brasil, mesmo o modelo de regulamentação, pois cada país possui suas singularidades sociais, econômicas, culturais, históricas e políticas. Além da análise bibliográfica sobre lobby no Brasil, também foi esboçado o problema da ação coletiva, de Mancur Olson. A importância da democracia e do sistema pluralista ao desenvolvimento de grupos organizados. E as gramáticas da política brasileira.
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Frassão, Caroline de Souza. "Lobby e proteção da Indústria: uma análise do Plano Brasil Maior." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-02052017-140756/.
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Essa dissertação testa a hipótese de que a ação política empresarial organizada faz diferença nas decisões governamentais e, portanto, que grupos de interesse empresariais seriam relevantes para o sucesso político alcançado por setores econômicos no contexto estudado. A análise avalia deliberações decorrentes do Plano Brasil Maior que afetaram 19 setores organizados entre 2011 e 2014. Dez setores são selecionados para a amostra, contrapondo-se os mais bem sucedidos e os menos bem sucedidos, sendo o sucesso a variável dependente. Como variáveis independentes, elencou-se uma série de possíveis causas que podem ter levado ao resultado de sucesso, sendo metade delas relacionadas a aspectos estruturais dos setores (geração de empregos, faturamento, balança comercial e tipo de setor), e a outra metade relacionada à atividade de lobbying (número de associações representativas do setor, estrutura das associações, número de reuniões realizadas com o governo, ação política através da associação). A análise é realizada através da metodologia de Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), que aponta as variáveis determinantes para o sucesso dos grupos no período mencionado. Os resultados da pesquisa condizem com a hipótese levantada e com parte da literatura sobre grupos de interesse, ao constatar que as variáveis estrutura das associações e ação política através da associação são necessárias para o resultado. Isso quer dizer que variáveis ligadas ao lobbying são essenciais para o sucesso do setor, e que a atividade de ação política empresarial faz diferença.The dissertation tests the hypothesis that the business political action makes a difference in government decisions - and therefore that the business interest groups would be relevant for the political success achieved by the economic sectors in the context. The analysis assesses deliberations arising from the Plano Brasil Maior that affected 19 organized sectors between 2011 and 2014. 10 sectors are selected for the sample, oposing \"most successful\" and \"less successful\" sectors, as \"success\" is the dependent variable. As independent variables, we list a few possible causes that may have led to the successful outcome, half of which are related to structural aspects of the sectors (job generation, income, trade balance and industry type), and the other half is related to the lobbying activity (number of associations representing the sector, the structure of associations, number of meetings with the government, political action through the association). The analysis uses the Qualitative Comparative Analysis method (QCA), which points out variables which were crucial to the groups success in the mentioned period. The results are consistent with the hypothesis and with the interest groups literature, since variables \"structure of associations\" and \"political through the association\" are necessary for the result. This means that variables related to lobbying are essential to the group success, and that business political action activity makes a difference.
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Enomoto, Lívia Yuri de Queiroz. "Influência e disputa regulatória: a atuação de grupos de interesses do setor privado na definição da neutralidade de rede no Brasil." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-24052017-084708/.
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Esta pesquisa analisa a atuação dos grupos de interesses do setor privado na política de internet no Brasil, concentrando-se na definição do princípio da neutralidade de rede no âmbito do Marco Civil da Internet. A influência dos grupos de interesses e o seu papel como fornecedores de informação aos tomadores de decisão foi constatada a partir do levantamento de documentos oficiais, contribuições a consultas e audiências públicas e artigos jornalísticos. Em seguida, os dados levantados foram analisados sob três abordagens teóricas: os tipos de políticas públicas de Lowi, a ciência política com foco na política (policy-focused) de Hacker e Pierson, e o equilíbrio interrompido de True e Baumgatner. A pesquisa identificou que os grupos de interesses traçaram as suas estratégias em função das características da política, formaram coalizões baseadas em interesses compartilhados e construíram três imagens principais para o assunto da neutralidade de rede a fim de destacar o seu posicionamento e captar a atenção de formuladores de política, tomadores de decisão e da opinião pública, são elas: a liberdade de expressão, competição e a legalidade. Os três principais grupos de interesses do setor privado que disputaram a definição do Marco Civil da Internet foram o setor de conteúdo, o setor de internet e o setor de telecomunicações. Em conclusão, a pesquisa identificou a redução gradativa do escopo da política para acomodar interesses conflitantes em um mínimo final.This research aims to analyze private sector interest groups influence on internet policy in Brazil, particularly on the definition of network neutrality in the Internet Framework Law (Marco Civil da Internet). Interest groups influence and their role as information subsidizers was examined through the study of official documents, contributions to public consultations and public hearings and media articles. Following data collection, a descriptive analysis of the results was undertaken based on three main theoretical approaches: Theodore Lowi\'s public policy typology, Hacker and Pierson\'s policy-focused social science and True and Baumgartner\'s punctuated equilibrium. The research identified that interests groups traced their strategies according to the policy in dispute, built coalitions based on shared (but mutable) interests, and developed three main images to emphasize their position and engage policymakers, decisionmakers and public opinion: network neutrality as freedom of speech, as competition and as legality. Three main private sector interest groups were identified during the dispute: the content industry, the internet industry and the telecommunications industry. In conclusion, this research observed that group dispute gradually reduced policy scope to accommodate conflicting interests in one final policy.
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Bomtempo, Davi. "O gás sob pressão: o mapeamento de stakeholders e o lobby no parlamento." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/14198.
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Este estudo objetivou identificar os stakeholders que influenciam a agenda do gás de xisto no parlamento brasileiro. A pesquisa teve uma abordagem qualitativa, uma vez que não houve preocupação com os números e sim com a percepção dos entrevistados. Além disso, os dados coletados na pesquisa de campo foram interpretados e alinhados com o referencial teórico desse trabalho. Quanto à metodologia, foi classificada como exploratória, uma vez que ainda há pouco conhecimento sobre a influência de grupos de interesse no Congresso Nacional, do tipo pesquisa de campo e de estudo de caso por se tratar especificamente da exploração do gás de xisto. A coleta de dados foi feita por meio de entrevistas e da aplicação de questionário com um roteiro previamente estabelecido. Após a análise dos dados, concluiu-se que há duas correntes que atuam na agenda do gás de xisto. A primeira tem um posicionamento que preza pela precaução, ou seja, é necessário que se descubra os impactos da exploração da atividade no meio ambiente antes que se decida iniciar a exploração e a produção do gás de xisto. A segunda corrente defende a exploração desse gás não convencional como forma de reduzir os custos de produção e aumentar a competitividade do país. Foram identificados 39 stakeholders que influenciam o andamento do Projeto de Lei 6904/2013, que suspende a autorização e a exploração do gás de xisto por um período de cinco anos. Isso mostra que os grupos de interesse, uns mais poderosos que outros, têm papel importante na formulação de políticas públicas e, através do lobby, buscam influenciar os tomadores de decisão de acordo com os seus objetivos.
This study aimed to identify the stakeholders that influence the shale gas agenda in the brazilian parliament. The research had a qualitative approach since there was no concern with numbers but with the perception of respondents. In addition, the data collected in the field research was interpreted and aligned with the theoretical material. Regarding the methodology, it was classified as exploratory as yet little is known about the influence of interest groups in Congress, the type of field research and case study because it specifically deals of exploration of shale gas. Data collection was done through interviews and a structured questionnaire. After analyzing the data, it has been concluded that there are two stances in the shale gas agenda. The first one has a position that values caution, that is, it is necessary to know about the environmental impact of the exploration activity before deciding to start the exploration and production of shale gas. The second stance defends unconventional gas exploration in order to reduce production costs and increase competitiveness. They identified 39 stakeholders that influence the progress of the Projeto de Lei 6904/2013, suspending the permit and the exploitation of shale gas for a period of five years. This shows that interest groups, some more powerful than others, play an important role in the formulation of public policies and, through lobbying, try to influence decision-makers according to their goals.
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Baird, Marcello Fragano. "O lobby na regulação da propaganda de alimentos da Agência Nacional de Vigilância Sanitária - Anvisa." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-22102012-121046/.
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Esta dissertação analisa a ação política dos grupos de interesse ao longo do processo de regulação da propaganda de alimentos desencadeado pela Agência Nacional de Vigilância Sanitária (Anvisa) em 2005. Ao descrever as estratégias e articulações políticas dos grupos de interesse público e dos grupos de interesse empresariais, atenção especial foi dada ao lobby do empresariado, de modo a aferir se sua ação foi bem-sucedida no sentido de minimizar ou anular a polêmica e conflituosa regulação proposta por aquela agência, cujos efeitos incidiam diretamente sobre as atividades do setor privado. O estudo compreendeu um acompanhamento detalhado de cada etapa do processo decisório, buscando observar quais arenas políticas são acionadas por esses grupos para a consecução de seus objetivos. Para a condução desta pesquisa, amparamo-nos no exame exaustivo de documentos relacionados à regulação proposta, oriundos dos três Poderes bem como dos grupos de interesse, e em entrevistas aprofundadas com os principais atores políticos envolvidos com a temática. A análise evidenciou que os grupos de interesse da sociedade civil e do empresariado possuem diferentes estratégias de ação, as quais refletem seus distintos recursos e acesso desigual aos principais canais de poder político. Da mesma forma, pudemos observar que, a despeito do poder econômico incontrastável dos dois setores afetados, indústria de alimento e de publicidade, sua ação política não foi capaz de impedir a Anvisa de prosseguir com o regulamento proposto, o que nos sugere importante autonomia política da agência. Não obstante, encontramos evidências de que a pressão do empresariado foi capaz de mitigar em grande medida a regulação da Anvisa, pois a norma foi alterada consideravelmente entre a consulta pública de 2006 e sua promulgação em 2010. Além disso, alterações organizacionais e no comando da Anvisa em 2012, alinhadas aos interesses dos grupos empresariais, dão conta de mudanças mais profundas na agência, as quais parecem ter redefinido as próprias bases do relacionamento com o empresariado. Sob essa ótica, o lobby do empresariado, embora não totalmente bem-sucedido na regulação aqui estudada, teria sido eficaz na reestruturação das relações com a Anvisa de agora em diante.This dissertation analyzes the political action of interest groups throughout the process of food propaganda regulation triggered by the National Health Surveillance Agency (Anvisa) in 2005. By describing the strategies and political articulations of the public interest groups and the business interest groups, special attention has been given to the business lobbying, in order to assess whether its action has been successful in minimizing or overturning the controversial and conflicting regulation proposed by the agency, which effects would affect directly private sector activities. The study enclosed a detailed follow-up of each stage of the decision-making process, seeking to observe which political arenas are activated by these groups in order to accomplish its goals. For the conduction of this research, we have done a comprehensive examination of the documents related to the proposed regulation, which were produced by the three branches of government and the interest groups, and in-depth interviews with the main political players involved in this issue. The analysis made clear that civil society and business groups have different action strategies, which reflect their distinct resources and unequal access to the main political power channels. Likewise, we were able to observe that, despite the irresistible economic power of the two affected sectors, food and advertising industry, its political action was not able to prevent Anvisa from carrying on the proposed regulation, which shows us the important political autonomy of the agency. Nevertheless, we found evidences that the pressure exerted by business groups was able to mitigate, to a large extent, Anvisas regulation, as the rule was considerably altered from the public comment period in 2006 until its promulgation in 2010. Besides, alterations in the structure and in the command of Anvisa in 2012, which are aligned with business interests, indicate deeper changes in the agency, which seem to have redefined the very bases of the relationship with businessmen. Under this point of view, business lobbying, although not entirely successful in the regulation herein studied, would have been effective in restructuring the relations with Anvisa from now on.
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Thomaz, Laís Forti [UNESP]. "A influência do lobby do etanol na definição da política agrícola e energética dos Estados Unidos (2002-2011)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93743.
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thomaz_lf_me_mar.pdf: 839496 bytes, checksum: f5b81c20753ed97a56693d21b5498cf0 (MD5)A forma como os atores domésticos defendem seus interesses econômicos pode influenciar os rumos da política de comércio internacional. Sob tal perspectiva de análise, esta dissertação tem por objetivo demonstrar como os lobistas dos produtores de etanol influenciaram a definição da política agrícola e energética dos Estados Unidos na última década. Com base no modelo de dois níveis proposto por Robert Putnam, foram identificados os grupos ligados à cadeia produtiva do etanol, bem como mapeadas as estratégias adotadas por eles para fazer valer seus interesses tanto na arena eleitoral como nas arenas decisórias dos poderes Executivo e Legislativo. As evidências sugerem que o lobby do etanol utilizou seus recursos financeiros e canais de influência para pressionar os membros do Congresso dos EUA a aprovar leis que concedessem benefícios setoriais na forma de subsídio. Os produtores do etanol fizeram doações aos candidatos em defesa de uma agenda agrícola, aumentando as chances de elegê-los para que representassem seus interesses na Câmara dos Representantes e no Senado; contrataram lobistas e custearam atividades em prol da indústria agrícola nacional; emplacaram representantes em agências do governo; apresentaram a pauta de reivindicações durante os trabalhos dos comitês agrícolas da Câmara e do Senado; e fizeram contribuições para a campanha de reeleição dos congressistas às vésperas das votações dos projetos de lei. Essa estratégia do lobby do etanol se revelou eficiente, visto que no período estudado foram aprovadas peças legislativas que atenderam às suas reivindicações. Por outro lado, o sucesso dos produtores americanos de etanol em suas iniciativas produziu distorções no comércio internacional de produtos agrícolas, prejudicando países em desenvolvimento como o Brasil
The way in which domestic actors defend their economic interests can influence international trade. From this perspective of analysis, this Master’s thesis aims to demonstrate that ethanol lobbyists influenced the features of U.S. agricultural and energy policy in the last decade. The two-level model proposed by Robert D. Putnam allowed identifying the lobbying groups for the ethanol industry and the strategies by asserting their interests, especially in the electoral arena and in decision arenas in Executive and Legislative decision-making. Evidence suggests that the ethanol lobby has used its financial resources and channels of influence for pressuring Members of U.S. Congress to pass laws providing benefits in the form of sectorial subsidies. Ethanol producers donated money to candidates in defense of agricultural issues, increasing the chances of electing congressional representatives to represent their interests in the House and in the Senate. They engaged in lobbying and financed activities in agricultural defense. They had representatives in government agencies. They presented a list of demands during the work time of the agricultural committees. They contributed to Members of Congress’ reelection campaign on the eve of voting of the bills. This strategy of the ethanol lobby was effective because representatives and senators enacted pieces of legislation towards the parochial demand. On the other hand, the triumph of American producers of ethanol created distortions for international trade of agricultural products, harming developing countries like Brazil
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Thomaz, Laís Forti. "A influência do lobby do etanol na definição da política agrícola e energética dos Estados Unidos (2002-2011) /." São Paulo, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93743.
Full textAbstract:
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"Orientador: Tullo Vigevani
Banca: Janina Onuki
Banca: Carlos Eduardo Ferreira e Carvalho
Resumo: A forma como os atores domésticos defendem seus interesses econômicos pode influenciar os rumos da política de comércio internacional. Sob tal perspectiva de análise, esta dissertação tem por objetivo demonstrar como os lobistas dos produtores de etanol influenciaram a definição da política agrícola e energética dos Estados Unidos na última década. Com base no modelo de dois níveis proposto por Robert Putnam, foram identificados os grupos ligados à cadeia produtiva do etanol, bem como mapeadas as estratégias adotadas por eles para fazer valer seus interesses tanto na arena eleitoral como nas arenas decisórias dos poderes Executivo e Legislativo. As evidências sugerem que o lobby do etanol utilizou seus recursos financeiros e canais de influência para pressionar os membros do Congresso dos EUA a aprovar leis que concedessem benefícios setoriais na forma de subsídio. Os produtores do etanol fizeram doações aos candidatos em defesa de uma agenda agrícola, aumentando as chances de elegê-los para que representassem seus interesses na Câmara dos Representantes e no Senado; contrataram lobistas e custearam atividades em prol da indústria agrícola nacional; emplacaram representantes em agências do governo; apresentaram a pauta de reivindicações durante os trabalhos dos comitês agrícolas da Câmara e do Senado; e fizeram contribuições para a campanha de reeleição dos congressistas às vésperas das votações dos projetos de lei. Essa estratégia do lobby do etanol se revelou eficiente, visto que no período estudado foram aprovadas peças legislativas que atenderam às suas reivindicações. Por outro lado, o sucesso dos produtores americanos de etanol em suas iniciativas produziu distorções no comércio internacional de produtos agrícolas, prejudicando países em desenvolvimento como o Brasil
Abstract: The way in which domestic actors defend their economic interests can influence international trade. From this perspective of analysis, this Master's thesis aims to demonstrate that ethanol lobbyists influenced the features of U.S. agricultural and energy policy in the last decade. The two-level model proposed by Robert D. Putnam allowed identifying the lobbying groups for the ethanol industry and the strategies by asserting their interests, especially in the electoral arena and in decision arenas in Executive and Legislative decision-making. Evidence suggests that the ethanol lobby has used its financial resources and channels of influence for pressuring Members of U.S. Congress to pass laws providing benefits in the form of sectorial subsidies. Ethanol producers donated money to candidates in defense of agricultural issues, increasing the chances of electing congressional representatives to represent their interests in the House and in the Senate. They engaged in lobbying and financed activities in agricultural defense. They had representatives in government agencies. They presented a list of demands during the work time of the agricultural committees. They contributed to Members of Congress' reelection campaign on the eve of voting of the bills. This strategy of the ethanol lobby was effective because representatives and senators enacted pieces of legislation towards the parochial demand. On the other hand, the triumph of American producers of ethanol created distortions for international trade of agricultural products, harming developing countries like Brazil
Mestre
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Gundem, Sebnem. "The Ngos As Policy Actors: The Case Of Tusiad With Regard To Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604774/index.pdf.
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ABSTRACT
THE NGOs AS POLICY ACTORS:
THE CASE OF TÜSiAD WITH REGARD TO TURKEY&rsquo
S EU MEMBERSHIP GÜ
NDEM, Sebnem Master of Science, Department of European Studies Supervisor: Associate Prof. Dr. ihsan Dagi January 2004, 130 pages This study explores the effectiveness of NGOs within the policy process and governments&rsquo
decisions based on the case of TÜ
SiAD&rsquo
s activities with regard to Turkey&rsquo
s full membership process in the European Union. It firstly explains the process by which NGOs&rsquo
have become &ldquo
actors&rdquo
in world politics. The thesis, then, scrutinizes the role of NGOs in the policy process with regard to pluralist and corporatist paradigms and the concept of power since policy process can not be well understood without this theoretical background. After examining the roles of NGOs, especially the lobbying one, the importance of NGOs and strength of civil society for Turkey&rsquo
s integration to the European
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Mota, Maria Antónia Gaspar da. "O posicionamento político e partidário sobre a regulamentação do lóbi em Portugal (outubro de 2015 a setembro de 2016)." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/13529.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação de Mestrado em Ciência PolíticaEsta investigação de Mestrado pretende refletir sobre a contribuição da regulamentação do lóbi para a qualidade da democracia em Portugal. A hipótese da transposição da experiência teórica e prática existente na União Europeia e em outros países para a realidade portuguesa é igualmente colocada. Poderá o lóbi vir a ser uma profissão legalizada ou continuará a ser exercido por agências de comunicação, advogados e outras profissões que pretendam influenciar os decisores legislativos e governantes? Foi utilizada uma metodologia qualitativa dando primazia ao estudo fenomenológico em que foram considerados 16 entrevistados privilegiados, bem como uma observação externa de um debate na AR sobre lobbying. Foram obtidos contributos sobre questões políticas relacionadas com o tema, na tentativa de concluir sobre qual a viabilidade da regulamentação do lóbi em Portugal. Concluiu-se que o tema é transversal e polémico, havendo forças políticas que apoiam a regulamentação do lóbi e outras que não concordam com a existência desta atividade. Existe, porém, unanimidade no que respeita à defesa da transparência necessária para o aumento da qualidade da democracia. Informações especializadas, tendo por base diversos pontos de vista, poderão ser um contributo importante para o Legislador tomar uma decisão política mais informada, ponderada e equilibrada.
This Master’s research aims to reflect on lobbying regulation on contribution to the quality of democracy in Portugal. The hypothesis of implementation of theoretical experience and existing practice available in the European Union and other countries for the Portuguese reality is also addressed. Can the lobby become a legalized profession or does it continue to be practiced by communication agencies, lawyers and other professionals, who wish to influence legislative decision makers and governors? A qualitative methodology was used, giving primacy to the phenomenological study, in which 16 interviewers were considered privileged respondents, as well as an external observation of a debate in National Assembly on lobbying. Were obtained input on policy issues related to the topic in an attempt to conclude on which the viability of the regulation of lobbying in Portugal. We conclude that the issue is transversal and controversial, with political forces that support the regulation of lobbying and others that do not agree with the existence of this activity. However, there is unanimity regarding the interests of transparency necessary to increase the quality of democracy. Specialized information, based on different points of view, may be an important contribution to the Legislator takes a more informed, thoughtful and balanced policy decision.
N/A
Books on the topic "Lobby Groups"
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Giavazzi, Francesco. Lobby d'Italia. Milano: Rizzoli, 2005.
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Brownfeld, Allan C. The revolution lobby. Washington, D.C: Council for Inter-American Security, 1985.
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Melo, Luiz de Magalhães. Lobby e democracia: Pressupostos legais. Recife: Prefeitura da Cidade do Recife, Secretaria de Educação e Cultura, Conselho Municipal de Cultura, Fundação de Cultura Cidade do Recife, 1992.
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Lobby: Do Fico à UDR. Porto Alegre, RS: SAGRA, 1987.
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Lodi, João Bosco. Lobby: Os grupos de pressão. São Paulo: Livraria Pioneira Editora, 1986.
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Lucas, Clarisse. Le lobby breton =: Lobi Breizh. Paris: Nouveau Monde, 2011.
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Privilegium: L'Italia divorata dalle lobby. [Milan, Italy]: Rizzoli, 2012.
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Mazzei, Giuseppe. Lobby della trasparenza: Manuale di relazioni istituzionali. Roma: Centro di documentazione giornalistica, 2003.
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Bolick, Clint. The age lobby: Mortgaging America's future. Washington, D.C. (1612 K St., NW, Suite 704, Washington 20006): Capital Research Center, 1990.
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Boivin, Dominique. Le Lobbying ou le pouvoir des groupes de pression. [s.l: s.n.], 1988.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Lobby Groups"
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Gaeta, Davide, and Paola Corsinovi. "Policy Bargaining: Lobby and Pressure Groups." In Economics, Governance, and Politics in the Wine Market, 143–212. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137395320_3.
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Sisson, Vivian. "Legislative Fly-Ins and Lobby Days." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Interest Groups, Lobbying and Public Affairs, 1–6. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-13895-0_203-1.
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Evéquoz, Florian, and Hugo Castanheiro. "Which Lobby Won the Vote? Visualizing Influence of Interest Groups in Swiss Parliament." In Lecture Notes in Computer Science, 155–67. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27325-5_12.
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Boschi, Renato R. "Lobby Groups, the State and the Relationships Between the Branches of Government in Brazil." In The Political System of Brazil, 163–81. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-40023-0_10.
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Ainsworth, Scott H., Erik K. Godwin, and R. Kenneth Godwin. "We Have Met the Lobbyists and They Are Us : When Governments Lobby Governments." In Interest Group Politics, 342–60. 2455 Teller Road, Thousand Oaks California 91320: CQ Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781483391786.n16.
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"Single-issue lobby groups." In Managing Communications in a Crisis, 75–82. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315593487-13.
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Colenutt, Bob. "The property lobby." In The Property Lobby, 57–82. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447340492.003.0005.
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The focus of this chapter is the major organised lobby groups in the property market and their influence on Government policy. The objectives and activities of the Country Land and Business Association (CLA), the Home Builders Federation, UK Finance, the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors and others are examined. The chapter also covers the close relationship of the Conservative Party to the land and property market and the impact of the lobbying of local councillors by developers and the revolving door between council officers and developers and property consultants. Property lobby organisations have become have become the first port of call for Government and civil servants in housing and planning policy development and as such are as a major obstacle to change.
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Colenutt, Bob. "The finance–housebuilding complex." In The Property Lobby, 1–12. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447340492.003.0001.
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This chapter introduces the main themes and arguments of the book. It asks why despite innumerable reports and studies and Government announcements over decades the housing crisis continues and is getting worse and more intractable. What are the main blockages to resolving the housing crisis? Why are there housing shortages when Government has poured billions of subsidies into the volume housebuilding sector? The chapter highlights the emergence of the ‘finance-housebuilding complex’ and its role in perpetuating the crisis. It explains how the social and affordable housing providers have become financialised, entangled in property development deals to the detriment of local communities. Local residents groups have begun to provide housing for themselves through community land trusts and co-ops but without reforms of the land, housing and planning system at a national level, the housing crisis cannot to resolved.
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"Appendix 3: Foreign policy pressure groups." In The Arab Lobby and US Foreign Policy, 172–74. Routledge, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203887394-10.
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Cury, Emily. "The Rise of the Muslim American Lobby." In Claiming Belonging, 72–90. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501753596.003.0005.
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This chapter talks about the impacts the US government's targeting of American Muslims have on the organizations that aim to speak on their behalf. It highlights government policies associated with the War on Terror that wreaked havoc on Muslim communities but have resulted in a new political structure of opportunity for Muslim American advocacy groups. It also explains how being targeted as an out-group has solidified perceptions of, and attachments to, a Muslim American collective identity. The chapter delves into Muslim American organizations that gained previously unimaginable degrees of visibility and access to the policy process, the media, and sources of funding. It points out how anti-Muslim discrimination had the unintended consequence of providing US Muslim organizations with opportunities to access the policymaking process, make claims on the state as an American minority group, and communicate a Muslim American collective identity.
Conference papers on the topic "Lobby Groups"
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Kim, Y. S., J. Y. Jeong, M. K. Kim, and S. W. Lee. "Personal Cognitive Characteristics in Affordance Perception: The User Activity Case Study in a Building Lobby." In ASME 2008 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2008-50063.
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User activities in performing tasks are influenced by the way the user perceives the related surrounding context and environment and determined with user judgment preferences. Physical environment structures afford user activities when these are perceived. Thus, this paper addresses how user activities and perceived affordances are different reflecting personal creativity modes, which are determined by factual-intuitive perception inclination and subjective-objective decision preferences as well as introverted-extroverted nature. To design-in various affordance features for diverse users in varying contexts, understanding on relations between user personal characteristics and affordance perception would be helpful. We conducted a case study in a public space — building lobby — used by many general people. User activities and behaviors were analyzed in several specific tasks given to twenty students in the lobby of a building they have never been to before. The tasks were devised so that various affordance features could be relevant while eliminating other factors affecting the affordance perception than those due to user personal characteristics. User activities can be classified into several different groups for each task based on affordance features involved in their activities. These user activity differences are then compared with their personal creativity modes. For user of less common activities for some tasks, relevant personal cognitive characteristics have been identified.
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Jatautas, Jaunius, and Pranas Mierauskas. "Towards the Development of Sustainable Hydro Energy in Lithuania." In Environmental Engineering. VGTU Technika, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/enviro.2017.023.
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Development of renewable energy sources together with sustainable development covers a complicated range of issues which require complex assessment in the context of Lithuania’s energy independence. Hydropower is an integral part of renewable energy resources and affects both the natural environment and human society. Although negative impact of hydropower on the environment is acknowledged, advances in modern technology can reduce the potential damage, especially when developing a network of small hydropower plants in Lithuania. Moreover, implementation and continuity of this kind of projects enables to improve the economic and social situation, e.g. by creating new jobs. Construction of small hydropower plants in combination with a sustainable development strategy would help to avoid the possible damage to the natural environment and would contribute to improvement of the country’s economic and social landscape. Limitation of the negative impact on the environment is primarily based on technological solutions – the appropriate construction of fish ladders or other passes at dams enables fish migration. Meanwhile, contribution to improvement of the economic and social situation in the case of small hydropower plants depends on political decisions and activity of lobby groups.
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Puspita, Yesi. "Application of Blended Learning (Discovery Learning, Small Group Discussion, Case Study, Role Play & Simulation, Cooperative Learning, and Collaborative Learning) to Improve Learning Activities and Achivements in Lobby and Negotiation Course." In The 3rd International Conference on Educational Development and Quality Assurance (ICED-QA 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210202.078.
Full textReports on the topic "Lobby Groups"
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Spiller, Pablo, and Sanny Liao. Buy, Lobby or Sue: Interest Groups' Participation in Policy Making - A Selective Survey. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, May 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w12209.
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