Journal articles on the topic 'Literacy Greece Athens'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Literacy Greece Athens.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Literacy Greece Athens.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Spanos, Dimitrios, and Alivisos Sofos. "Digital literacy of students participating in a one-to-one laptop initiative in Greece." Ανοικτή Εκπαίδευση: το περιοδικό για την Ανοικτή και εξ Αποστάσεως Εκπαίδευση και την Εκπαιδευτική Τεχνολογία 10, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/jode.9812.
Full textAbstract:
This research was conducted at a private school in Athens Greece, that implements a one-to-one laptop initiative. There were two research questions: a) does the digital literacy of students participating in the program of one laptop per student change and b) is there a differentiation in the digital literacy of boys and girls. The students completed a questionnaire in two phases (pre / post) that included 75 Likert-scale questions, divided in 5 sections. According to the data, it can be concluded that the digital literacy of the students does indeed improve, while the second research question cannot be answered as there is no clear superiority of either of the sexes.
2
Shapiro, H. A. "Literacy and social status of archaic attic vase-painters." Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, no. 5 (December 18, 1995): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2448-1750.revmae.1995.109236.
Full textAbstract:
In recent years, new evidence has led some scholars to question the traditional view of Athenian potters and painters as banausoi of low social status whose lives seldom if ever intersected with those of the aristocracy (Keuls, 1989: 149-67). The evidence pertains mainly to the generation of the red-figure pioneers, who are excepcional in their strong sense of identity and self-conscious reference to each other and to their patrons. Their meeting ground was the symposium. The presente paper focuses on an earlier period, the mid-sixth century, and on certain vase inscriptions that suggest not only a high degree of literacy on the part of the painter, but also a familiarity with several genres of sympotic and other poetry. These metrical inscriptions, some on otherwise modest vases and not previously collected, attest to the pervasiveness of the “song culture” of Archaic Greece described by J. Herington (1985). These and other examples imply that the social structure of Early Archaic Athens, in the wake of Solon’s reforms, was not a rigidly stratified one, but rather artisans mixed freely with aristocrats, often joined through their shared tastes for poetry and song.
3
Nightingale, Andrea Wilson. "Plato's lawcode in context: rule by written law in Athens and Magnesia." Classical Quarterly 49, no. 1 (May 1999): 100–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/49.1.100.
Full textAbstract:
Perhaps more than any other dialogue, Plato's Laws demands a reading that is at once historical and philosophical. This text's conception of the ‘rule of law’ is best understood in its contemporary socio-political context; its philosophical discussion of this topic, in fact, can be firmly located in the political ideologies and institutions of fourth-century Greece. In this paper, I want to focus on the written lawcode created in the Laws in the context of the Athenian conception and practice of rule by written law. How are the Athenian laws authorized, disseminated, and implemented, and how does Plato's lawcode reflect and/or depart from this model? What is the status of the ‘text’ of each lawcode? How—and how well—do the citizens know the law? When and by whom can the lawcode be altered? Recent work on literacy and on rule by written law in fourth-century Athens invites a serious reconsideration of Plato's lawcode and the polity it is designed for. Certainly Plato's Laws is grounded in a serious meditation on Athenian legislative practices. But Plato adds a novel ingredient to his legislation—the ‘Egyptian’ practice of ‘doing things by the book’ exemplified by (among other things) the institution of laws which compel doctors to treat patients in strict accordance with venerable and, indeed, sacred medical texts. As I will argue, the ‘Egyptian’ medical and textual practices offer a model for the rule of law quite different from that found in Athens.
4
Efthymiou, Areti, Evridiki Papastavrou, Nicos Middleton, Artemis Markatou, and Paraskevi Sakka. "How Caregivers of People With Dementia Search for Dementia-Specific Information on the Internet: Survey Study." JMIR Aging 3, no. 1 (May 19, 2020): e15480. http://dx.doi.org/10.2196/15480.
Full textAbstract:
Background During the last decade, more research has focused on web-based interventions delivered to support caregivers of people with dementia. However, little information is available in relation to internet use among caregivers in general, especially those caring for people with dementia. Objective The aim of this study was to evaluate the dementia-related internet use and factors that may be associated with its use among caregivers of people with dementia in Greece. Methods Secondary data from the Greek Dementia Survey of the Athens Association of Alzheimer’s Disease and Related Disorders were collected from April to June 2017. A total of 580 caregivers of people with dementia participated in the study. Results The majority of the caregivers reported that they had used the internet in the previous 3 months (84.1%, 488/580). Nearly half of the caregivers (47.5%, 276/580) reported that they had received dementia services online. Bivariate analysis showed that a dementia-specific search of information was associated with age, education, kinship, and years of care. Age (odds ratio [OR] 2.362, 95% CI 1.05-5.33) and education (OR 2.228, 95% CI 1.01-4.94) were confirmed as predictors, with younger caregivers and those with higher educational attainment being more likely to search for dementia-specific information. Use of the internet to search for dementia information was only related to hours of care. The internet use by caregivers within the previous 3 months was associated with variables such as age, education, occupation, kinship, years of care, and self-reported impact on physical and social health. Conclusions Caregivers of people with dementia in Greece, as in the other southern European countries, are essential agents of the national health system. The existing short- and long-term respite care services are limited or nonexistent. Currently, caregivers receive mostly support and education from memory clinics and municipality consultation centers, which are mainly based in central cities in Greece. Despite the dementia awareness movement in Greece, there is still space to integrate the role of technology in the support and education of caregivers. Development of training programs for enhancing electronic health literacy skills as well as web-based services provision could support Greek caregivers in their everyday caring tasks.
5
Spanou, Stella, and Makrina-Nina Zafiri. "Teaching Reading and Writing Skills to Young Learners in English as a Foreign Language Using Blogs: A Case Study." Journal of Language and Cultural Education 7, no. 2 (September 1, 2019): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jolace-2019-0009.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This study focused on the development of reading and writing skills to a group of B1 level learners of English in a private language institute in Athens, Greece with the aid of blogs (a web tool), since Computer Assisted Language Learning (CALL) enhances foreign language learning. To this end, two groups of young learners were formed; the control group which was taught through the traditional coursebook and the experimental group which was taught through a differentiated approach to language teaching. The differentiated approach which was applied involved eight teaching sessions in a private language institute. Pre-tests and post-tests were administered to both groups in order to evaluate the use of CALL in the improvement of literacy skills. Pre- and post- semi-structured interviews were also conducted with the students of the experimental group to evaluate their attitudes and feelings before and after the instruction. The aim of using blogs, as a web tool, was to enhance collaborative learning and social interaction. This research attempted to prove that blogs create a social interaction between students, and between the students and the teacher. For the purposes of this research, students were involved in process writing by making drafts and writing their posts and in active reading when they read other posts and texts from other web sites.
6
Georgakopoulou, Eleni A., and Georgios Kostakis. "TOPICAL AGENTS FOR THE PREVENTION AND TREATMENT OF ORAL MUCOSITIS." Wiadomości Lekarskie 75, no. 9 (2022): 2121–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36740/wlek202209113.
Full textAbstract:
Eleni A. Georgakopoulou, Georgios Kostakis NATIONAL AND KAPODISTRIAN UNIVERSITY OF ATHENS, ATHENS, GREECE The aim: To make a narrative assessment of the agents currently in use, with a particular emphasis on the topical agents that we frequently utilize in our practice. Materials and methods: The main method of this work is a review of literary sources. We reviewed the literature (PubMed, Google Scholar, Web of Science, Scopus) to support and explain the interventions we use in different cases of oral mucositis patients. We decided to combine our experience with evidence-based data. Conclusions: Topical treatments alleviate and prevent oral mucositis. Topical medicines can assist maintain oral balance and moistness by modulating oral bacteria and replacing saliva.
7
Foxhall, Lin. "Household, Gender and Property in Classical Athens." Classical Quarterly 39, no. 1 (January 1989): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800040465.
Full textAbstract:
The idea that the household was the fundamental building block of ancient Greek society, explicit in the ancient sources, has now become widely accepted. It is no exaggeration to say that ancient Athenians would have found it almost inconceivable that individuals of any status existed who did not belong to some household; and the few who were in this position were almost certainly regarded as anomalous. In ancient Athens, as elsewhere, households ‘are a primary arena for the expression of age and sex roles, kinship, socialization and economic cooperation’. It has been suggested for modern Greece that our own cultural biases, along with the Greek ideology of male dominance, have led to the assumption that the foundations of power in Greek society lie solely in the public sphere, and that domestic power is ‘less important’. In a less simple reality the preeminent role of the household cannot be underestimated. Here I hope to question similar assumptions about ancient Greece, focusing in particular on the relationships that existed between Athenian households and the property of the individuals, particularly women, within these households.
8
Cawkwell, G. L. "Early Colonisation." Classical Quarterly 42, no. 2 (December 1992): 289–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800015937.
Full textAbstract:
It is commonly supposed that in the eighth century B.c. there was a ‘population explosion’ in Greece which moved the Greeks to send out colonies. A. J. Graham in the Cambridge Ancient History iii, 3 (1982) is typical: ‘The basic active cause of the colonizing movement was overpopulation’; ‘at the very time when the Archaic colonising movement began, in the second half of the eighth century, there was a marked increase in population in Greece’ (p. 157). The presumed connection between overpopulation and colonisation is not immediately obvious. The evidence for the population explosion is found in the increased number of burials in Attica and the Argolid, but Athens sent out no colony before the very end of the seventh century and Argos probably none at all, certainly none in this period. So special explanations have to be formulated for Athens' and Argos' lack of colonies while their postulated ‘population explosion’ is presumed for Greece as a whole and called in to explain the burst of colonising in the eighth century. The hypothesis is not used for seventh-century colonisation when the number of burials declines.
9
Mausen, Sonja. "Athens to Aotearoa: Greece and Rome in New Zealand Literature and Society, Diana Burton, Simon Perris and Jeff Tatum (eds) (2017)." Journal of New Zealand & Pacific Studies 9, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 287–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/nzps_00081_5.
Full textAbstract:
Review of: Athens to Aotearoa: Greece and Rome in New Zealand Literature and Society, Diana Burton, Simon Perris and Jeff Tatum (eds) (2017)Wellington: Victoria University Press, 361 pp.,ISBN 978 1 77656 176 6 (pbk), NZ$40
10
Fowden, Elizabeth Key. "The Parthenon, Pericles and King Solomon: a case study of Ottoman archaeological imagination in Greece." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 42, no. 2 (September 5, 2018): 261–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2018.8.
Full textAbstract:
What made Athens different from other multi-layered cities absorbed into the Ottoman Empire was the strength of its ancient reputation for learning that echoed across the Arabic and Ottoman worlds. But not only sages were remembered and Islamized in Athens; sometimes political figures were too. In the early eighteenth century a mufti of Athens, Mahmud Efendi, wrote a rarely studiedHistory of the City of Sages (Tarih-i Medinetü’l-Hukema)in which he transformed Pericles into a wise leader on a par with the Qur'anic King Solomon and linked the Parthenon mosque to Solomon's temple in Jerusalem.
11
DE ANGELIS, FRANCO. "GOING AGAINST THE GRAIN IN SICILIAN GREEK ECONOMICS." Greece and Rome 53, no. 1 (April 2006): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383506000027.
Full textAbstract:
On his recent retirement from the chair of classical archaeology in Cambridge University, Anthony Snodgrass reflected on the state of the subject, wondering whether a paradigm shift has occurred. Snodgrass assesses various matters, including, for our purposes, how archaeological approaches to ancient literary sources have changed. His comments deserve quotation in full:…Classical archaeology is often stigmatized, by its many critics, as being ‘text-driven’ … [in] that the subject takes its orientation from, and adapts its whole narrative to, the lead given by the literary sources. Thus the archaeology of Roman Britain has been built around Tacitus' narrative of conquest; the study of Greek art around the text of the Elder Pliny; the archaeology of fifth-century Athens around the narratives supplied by Herodotus, Thucydides and Xenophon; that of Republican Rome similarly around those of Livy and Diodorus; that of Sicily again around Thucydides; and most notoriously, that of Aegean prehistory and protohistory around Homer…. But there is a deeper level still. Traditional Classical archaeology is stated…to have directed its energies at those aspects of the ancient world on which the written sources, taken as a whole, throw light. Thus, on urban but not on rural life; on public and civic, but not on domestic activity; on periods seen as historically important, but not on the obscurer ones; on the permanent physical manifestations of religion, but not on the temporary ones – sacrifice, patterns of dedication, ritual meals, pilgrimage; on the artefacts interred in burials, but not on burial itself; on the historically prominent states – in Greece, Athens and Sparta – but not on what has recently been called ‘the Third Greece’…
12
Rasmus, Agnieszka, and Xenia Georgopoulou. "Theatre Reviews." Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance 13, no. 28 (April 22, 2016): 141–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mstap-2016-0011.
Full textAbstract:
Please Continue (Hamlet). Dir. Yan Duyvendak and Roger Bernat. New Classics of Europe Festival. Stefan Jaracz Theatre, Łódź, Poland.
Macbeth. The Bible of Darkness. Dir. Theodoros Espiritou. Black Box, Michael Cacoyannis Foundation, Athens, Greece
13
Aliprantis, Christos. "Lives in exile: foreign political refugees in early independent Greece (1830–53)." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 43, no. 02 (September 10, 2019): 243–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2019.8.
Full textAbstract:
This article discusses the stay in Greece of Italian and Polish political refugees of the 1830–1 and 1848–9 European revolutions. The article depicts the human geography of the refugees and examines the experience of exile both collectively and individually. Apart from studying the émigré communities as a whole in Athens, Patras and Syros, this paper also analyses the problems and expectations of specific refugees in Greece after 1849 (e.g. Antonio Morandi, Marco Antonio Canini, Oronzio Spinazzolla). This contribution thus adds to our understanding of both Greece under King Otto and the Mediterranean by highlighting aspects of transnational mobility and interaction of peoples and ideas in the mid-nineteenth century.
14
Georgopoulou, Xenia, Coen Heijes, and Eleonora Oggiano. "Theatre Reviews." Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance 9, no. 24 (December 28, 2012): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10224-011-0018-1.
Full textAbstract:
Macbeth. Dir. Thomas Moschopoulos. Onassis Cultural Centre, Main Stage, Athens, Greece.
The Merchant of Venice. Dir. Rupert Goold. The Royal Shakespeare Company, The Royal Shakespeare Theatre, Stratford-upon-Avon.
La Tempesta. Pre-testi. Dir. Yana Balkan and Isabella Caserta, Teatro Scientifico Company, Camploy Theatre, Verona.
15
Georgopoulou, Xenia, Eleni Pilla, Urszula Kizelbach, and Jacek Fabiszak. "Theatre Reviews." Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance 12, no. 27 (June 26, 2015): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mstap-2015-0012.
Full textAbstract:
Romeo and Juliet for Two. Dir. Kostas Gakis, Athina Moustaka, Konstantinos Bibis. 104 Theatre, Athens, Greece.
Lady Macbeth. Dir. Marios Mettis. Theatro Thentro, Nicosia, Cyprus
Hamlet. Dir. Jan Klata. Gdańsk Shakespeare Theatre, Gdańsk, Poland
The Taming of the Shrew [Poskromienie złośnicy]. Dir. Katarzyna Deszcz. Stefan Żeromski Theatre, Kielce, Poland
16
Mozhajsky, Andrej Yu. "The Portrayal of the Thebans in the Works of Xenophon." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 13, no. 2 (2019): 580–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2019-13-2-580-595.
Full textAbstract:
It is traditionally considered that Xenophon intentionally suppresses the image of the Theban commanders in his work “Hellenika”, where even Epaminondas - the winner of The Battle of Leuctra – is not mentioned by name. The suppression of the commanders is often explained by his disaffection towards the Thebans, because of his participance in The Battle of Coronea supporting Sparta against the Thebans. Furthermore, he lost his son Gryllus fighting the Thebans at Mantinea. At our point of view, this negative judgement of Xenophon’s view on Thebes and the Thebans is explained first of all by Athens’ traditional education, which created a negative literary tradition towards Thebes. The literary tradition was established long before Xenophon’s existence and continued after him. The tradition was established as response to the border conflicts between the Thebans and the Athenians, that continued during archaic and classical periods of the history of Greece. The anti-Theban literary tradition is also supported by evidence of material culture, namely the border system of defense. Studying these materials, allows us to conclude that at the time of Xenophon, in the first half of the 4th century BC, at a time when their oppositions escalated against each other, the Athenians and the Thebans literally observed each other over the fortress walls. With regard to Xenophon, his hatred against the Thebans is mostly visible in his work “Hellenika”. The main argument that Xenophon uses is retelling of Pelopidas’ speech that he gives at the court of the Persian king, where the first thing he mentions is the Thebans’ pro-Persian attitude. Epaminondas is mentioned in the “Hellenika” only in episodes of his career as a commander where he cannot achieve his goals or develop past success.
17
Willi, Andreas. "Old Persian in Athens Revisited (Ar. Ach. 100)." Mnemosyne 57, no. 6 (2004): 657–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525043083514.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe Old Persian line in Aristophanes' Acharnians (100) is commonly believed to contain nothing but comic gibberish. Against this view, it is argued here that a responsible reconstruction of an Old Persian original is possible if one takes into account what we nowadays know about late fifth-century Old Persian. Moreover, the result, whose central element is the Persian verb for 'writing',fits in with both general considerations on linguistic realism in drama and the historical reality of diplomatic interaction between Greece and Persia during the Peloponnesian War.
18
Shipton, Kirsty M. W. "The private banks in fourth-century b.c. Athens: a reappraisal." Classical Quarterly 47, no. 2 (December 1997): 396–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/47.2.396.
Full textAbstract:
This essay has two aims: to affirm the significance of private banking in fourthcentury B.C. Athens, and to propose a model of its role in the economy. Such a project is desirable because there has been a tendency since the publication of Finley's The Ancient Economy to minimalize the significance of banking in ancient Greece. Banking is seen as a ‘fringe activity’ largely carried out by such ‘outsiders’ as metics and ex-slaves.Consequently historians have frequently overlooked the value of banking as a tool for understanding the Greek economy.
19
Rodríguez Pérez, Diana. "The Meaning of the Snake in the Ancient Greek World." Arts 10, no. 1 (December 28, 2020): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts10010002.
Full textAbstract:
Despite playing no meaningful practical role in the lives of the ancient Greeks, snakes are ubiquitous in their material culture and literary accounts, in particular in narratives which emphasise their role of guardian animals. This paper will mainly utilise vase paintings as a source of information, with literary references for further elucidation, to explain why the snake had such a prominent role and thus clarify its meaning within the cultural context of Archaic and Classical Greece, with a particular focus on Athens. Previous scholarship has tended to focus on dualistic opposites, such as life/death, nature/culture, and creation/destruction. This paper argues instead that ancient Greeks perceived the existence of a special primordial force living within, emanating from, or symbolised by the snake; a force which is not more—and not less—than pure life, with all its paradoxes and complexities. Thus, the snake reveals itself as an excellent medium for accessing Greek ideas about the divine, anthropomorphism, and ancestry, the relationship between humans, nature and the supernatural, and the negotiation of the inevitable dichotomy of old and new.
20
Laborda, Jesús Garcia. "EDITORIAL." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 6, no. 7 (December 31, 2019): I. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v6i7.4569.
Full textAbstract:
It is the great honor for us to edit proceedings of “10th World Conference on Learning, Teaching and Educational Leadership (WCLTA-2019)” held on 01-03 November, at the Novotel Conference Center Athens –Greece. This privileged scientific event has contributed to the field of educational sciences and research for ten years.
As the guest editors of this issue, we are glad to see variety of articles focusing on the Active Learning, Administration of Education, Adult Education, Affective Learning, Arts Teaching, Asynchronous Learning, Behaviorist Learning, Biology Education, Blended Learning, Chemistry Education, Classroom Assessment, Classroom Management, Classroom Teacher Education, Collaborative Learning, College and Higher Education, Constructivist Learning, Content Development, Counseling Underperformers, Course and Programme Evaluation, Critical Thinking and Problem Solving Development, Curriculum and Instruction, Democracy Education, Desktop Sharing, Developmental Psychology, Digital Content, Creation, Preservation and Delivery, Distance Learning, E-administration, E-assessment, Education and Culture, Educational Administration, Educational Technology, E-learning, E-Learning Strategies, E-Library and Learning Resources, Embedding Soft Skills in Curriculum Development, Enhancing and Integrating Employability, Environmental Education, ESL Education, E-teaching, Evaluation of e- Learning Technologies, Evaluation of Student Satisfaction, Faculty Development and Support, Future Learning Trends and Globalization, Gaming, Simulation and, Virtual Worlds, Guiding and Counseling, Healthy Education, High School Teacher Education, History Education, Human Resources in Education, Human Resources Management, Human Rights Education, Humanistic Learning, Information Literacy Support for Teaching, Learning and Assessment, Innovation and Changing in Education, Innovations in e-Assessment, Innovative Teaching Strategies, Institutional Audit and Quality Assurance, Institutional Performance, Instructional Design, Instructional Design,, Knowledge Management in Education, Language Learning and Teaching, Language Teacher Education, Learner Centered Strategies, Learners Diversity, Inclusiveness and Inequality, Learning and Teaching Research Methods, Learning Assessment and Evaluation, Learning Disabilities, Learning Psychology, Learning Skills, Learning Theories, Lifelong Learning Strategies, Mathematics Learning and Teaching, Measurement and Evaluation in Education, Middle School Teacher Education, Mobile Learning, Multi-cultural Education, Multiple Intelligences, Music Learning and Teaching, New Learning Environments, New Learning Web Technologies, Nursery Education, Outcome-based Education, Performance Assessment, Physics Education, Portfolio Assessment, Pre-school Education, Primary School Education, Professional Development, School Administration, Science Education, Science Teaching, Social Networking and Interactive, Participatory Applications and Services, Social Sciences Teaching, Special Education, Sport and Physical Education, Strategic Alliances, Collaborations and Partnerships, Student Diversity, Student Motivation, Supporting Students Experience, Table of Specifications, Teacher skills, Teacher Training, Technology and the Learning Environment, Virtual Classroom Management, Vocational Education, Web Conferencing and etc.
Furthermore, the conference is getting more international each year, which is an indicator that it is getting worldwide known and recognized. Scholars from all over the world contributed to the conference. Special thanks are to all the reviewers, the members of the international editorial board, the publisher, and those involved in technical processes. We would like to thank all who contributed to in every process to make this issue actualized. A total of 82 full papers or abstracts were submitted for this conference and each paper has been peer reviewed by the reviewers specialized in the related field. At the end of the review process, a total of 26 high quality research papers were selected and accepted for publication.
I hope that you will enjoy reading the papers.
Guest Editors
Prof. Dr. Jesús Garcia Laborda, University of Alcala, Spain
Editorial Assistant
Zeynep Genc, Phd. Istanbul Aydin University, Istanbul, Turkey
21
Arafat, K. W. "M. Pipili: Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Greece 4: Athens, National Museum 4. Attic Black-Figure Skyphoi. Pp. 72; 64 plates, 16 drawings. Athens: Academy of Athens, 1993. Paper." Classical Review 45, no. 1 (April 1995): 195–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00293220.
Full text
22
Schmid, Stephan G. "Worshipping the emperor(s): a new temple of the imperial cult at Eretria and the ancient destruction of its statues." Journal of Roman Archaeology 14 (2001): 113–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400019851.
Full textAbstract:
In Greece, as in the E Mediterranean as a whole, the ruler-cult was well established during the Hellenistic period, but whereas in the Attalid, Seleucid and Ptolemaic kingdoms the same dynasty had ruled for centuries and the cult of the living ruler and the dynastic cult were stable institutions, the ruler-cult in Greece, though at first part of the Macedonian kingdom, was affected by the series of rulers of different dynasties who followed one another in rapid succession. This led to a large number of dedications for and offerings by Hellenistic rulers in Greece. Roman Republican leaders and figures were also subject to specific honours in Greece from an early stage. Compared to the excesses of rulers such as Demetrios Poliorcetes, the well-organized and at first rather modest cult for the Roman emperors must have seemed a distinct improvement. After the behaviour of previous Roman leaders the Greeks were probably relieved at Augustus's attitude towards cultic honours, and it is no surprise that the imperial cult was widely diffused in Greece, as literary sources and inscriptions show. Almost every city must have had one or more places for the worship of the emperors and their families, but archaeological evidence for the cult has remained rather slim and the only two attested Sebasteia or Kaisareia (at Gytheion and Messene) are known only from inscriptions. The Metroon at Olympia is the only specific building in which an imperial cult is attested on good archaeological evidence. Statues of an emperor and perhaps a personification of Roma found at Thessaloniki point to a Sebasteion there. Athens must have had more than one building where the emperor was worshipped. At Beroia a provincial sanctuary for the imperial cult of Macedonia has been posited. Yet even at the Roman colony of Corinth, the location of the temple for the imperial cult is far from clear, all of which underlines the interest of a building at Eretria which we identify with the municipal temple for the imperial cult.
23
Fearn, David. "Oligarchic Hestia: Bacchylides 14B and Pindar,Nemean11." Journal of Hellenic Studies 129 (November 2009): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900002937.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract:This article uses recent findings about the diversity of political organization in Archaic and Classical Greece beyond Athens, and methodological considerations about the role of civic Hestia in oligarchic communities, to add sharpness to current work on the political contextualization of Classical enkomiastic poetry. The two works considered here remind us of the epichoric political significance of such poetry, because of their attunement to two divergent oligarchic contexts. They thus help to get us back to specific fifth-century political as well as culturalRealien.
24
Heijes, Coen, Xenia Georgopoulou, and Nektarios-Georgios Konstantinidis. "Theatre Reviews." Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance 8, no. 23 (November 30, 2011): 133–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10224-011-0010-9.
Full textAbstract:
The Tempest. Dir. Janice Honeyman. The Baxter Theatre Centre (Cape Town, South Africa) and the Royal Shakespeare Company (Stratford-upon- Avon, United Kingdom).
As You Like It. Dir. Damianos Constantinidis. “Angelus Novus” Theatre Group, “Vafeio” Theatre.
Queen Lear. Dir. Kostis Kapelonis. “Delos G8” Theatre Group, “Delos” Theatre.
Hamlet Committed Suicide. Dir. Stella Mari. Street theatre, “Minus [two]” Theatre Group, Thission pedestrian zone (Apostolou Pavlou & Heracleidon).
The Documentary. Dir. Sergios Gakas. “Ex Animo” Theatre Group, “Altera Pars” Theatre.
Othello. Dir. Yorgos Kimoulis and Konstantinos Markoulakis. Badminton Theatre, Athens, Greece.
25
Gilley, Sheridan. "Canon Patrick Augustine Sheehan: Priest and Novelist." Studies in Church History 48 (2012): 397–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400001479.
Full textAbstract:
‘The primary object of a novelist is to please’, said Anthony Trollope, but he also wanted to show vice punished and virtue rewarded. More roundly, Somerset Maugham declared that pleasing is the sole purpose of art in general and of the novel in particular, although he granted that novels have been written for other reasons. Indeed, good novels usually embody a worldview, even if only an anarchic or atheist one, and the religious novel is not the only kind to have a dogma at its heart. There is the further issue of literary merit, which certain modern Catholic novelists such as Evelyn Waugh and Graham Greene have achieved, giving the lie to Newman’s assertion that in an English Protestant culture, a Catholic literature is impossible. But Newman and his fellow cardinal Wiseman both wrote novels; Wiseman’s novel, Fabiola, with its many translations, had an enthusiastic readership in the College of Cardinals, and was described by the archbishop of Milan as ‘a good book with the success of a bad one’. Victorian Ireland was a predominantly anglophone Catholic country, and despite poor literacy rates into the modern era, the three thousand novels in 1940 in the Dublin Central Catholic Library indicate a sizeable literary culture, comparable to the cultures of other Churches. The ‘literary canons’ who contributed to this literature around 1900 included the Irishman Canon Patrick Augustine Sheehan, the subject of this essay; another Irishman, Canon Joseph Guinan, who wrote eight novels on Irish rural life; Canon William Barry, the son of Irish immigrants in London, whose masterpiece was the best-selling feminist novel, The New Antigone; Henry E. Dennehy, commended by Margaret Maison in her classic study of the Victorian religious novel; and the prolific Monsignor Robert Hugh Benson, the convert son of an archbishop of Canterbury. Catholic writers were often ignored by the makers of the contemporary Irish literary revival, non-Catholics anxious to separate nationalism from Catholicism (sometimes by appealing to the nation’s pre-Christian past), but this Catholic subculture is now being studied.
26
Kollias, Hector. "Athens in Paris: Ancient Greece and the Political in Post-War French Thought." French Studies 61, no. 2 (January 1, 2007): 242–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knm037.
Full text
27
Goula, Eleni G. "The Cult of Itonia Athena and the Human Conscience." Open Journal for Studies in History 3, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 47–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojsh.0302.03047g.
Full textAbstract:
The cult of Athena as Itonia is today almost completely unknown. Even in antiquity it was limited to specific areas as a local cult of the Aeolian tribe of the Boeotians, where, however, it had universal currency. Known places of her cult are in Thessaly, Boeotia and the island of Amorgos. At the Boeotian city of Koroneia, although the sanctuary of Itonia Athena is referring by the ancient writers (Pausanias and Strabo), its location has not been securely identified and the character of her cult is not well known. The available evidence (literary testimonies, mythological reports and archaeological data) suggest that her worship in Koroneia was a peculiar kind of mystery cult, which had accepted the influence of Orphism. This article highlights the properties of the forms involved in this secret cult and interpret the content of her worship in a philosophical context, with reference mainly to Aristotle’s work “On Memory and Remembrance”. The view supported by the present article is that her worship was oriented towards the achievement of self-awareness, to the Delphic oracular maxim “know thyself” (γνώθι σαυτόν). That was considered essential for the formation of the cultural consciousness of the societies of ancient Greece. This is a parameter of knowledge that in our modern societies has been forgotten, leading consequently to the misinterpretation of cultural development and a completely different perception of cultural memory and consciousness.
28
Remijsen, Sofie. "P. VALAVANIS Games and Sanctuaries in Ancient Greece: Olympia, Delphi, Isthmia, Nemea, Athens. Athens: Kapon Editions, 2017. Pp. 375. €47.60. 9786185209186." Journal of Hellenic Studies 139 (October 11, 2019): 272–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426919000405.
Full text
29
Ruth Asirvatham, Sulochana. "No Patriotic Fervor for Pella: Aelius Aristides and the Presentation of the Macedonians in the Second Sophistic." Mnemosyne 61, no. 2 (2008): 207–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852507x195763.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper examines four speeches by Aelius Aristides that contrast the image of Macedonian history negatively with Greek past and Roman present. Aristides' literary milieu of the 'Second Sophistic' is characterized by Greek self-consciousness and nostalgia in the Roman Empire. While writers like Plutarch and Arrian mythologize the figure of Alexander as a second Achilles and a philosopher-of-war as a means of offering subtle proof of 'Hellenic' primacy over the Romans, Aristides chooses to focus on the more negative aspects of the Macedonian legacy. To the Thebans I and II elaborately update the 'barbaric' image of Philip II found in Demosthenes, making him parallel not only, perhaps, to the Persian enemy of old but also to Rome's contemporary Parthian enemy. The Panathenaic Oration and To Rome, on the other hand, idealize the world of the present, where Athens reigns supreme in culture, Rome in conquest. Aristides' stance suggests that, despite the attractions of the 'Hellenic' Alexander, pride in Greece does not necessarily have to include Macedonian history. What is more important is that writers have some means of Hellenizing Rome, whether by idealizing a 'Greco-Roman' Alexander, or by seeing Rome as the ultimate polis.
30
Villing, Alexandra. "For whom did the bell toll in ancient Greece? Archaic and Classical Greek bells at Sparta and beyond." Annual of the British School at Athens 97 (November 2002): 223–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400017408.
Full textAbstract:
Bells of fairly small size were known across ancient Greece from the Archaic period onwards, both in bronze and terracotta. They are found in sanctuaries, graves and, more rarely, in houses, and served a variety of purposes, both practical and more abstract, in daily life and ritual, and in both male and female contexts. Archaeological, iconographical and literary sources attest to their use as votive offerings in ritual and funerary contexts, as signalling instruments for town-guards, as amulets for children and women as well as, in South Italy, in a Dionysiac context. A use as animal (notably horse) bells, however, was not widespread before the later Roman period. The bells' origins lie in the ancient Near East and Caucasian area, from where they found their way especially to Archaic Samos and Cyprus and later to mainland Greece. Here, the largest known find complex of bronze and terracotta bells, mostly of Classical date, comes from the old British excavations in the sanctuary of Athena on the Spartan acropolis and is published here for the first time. Spartan bells are distinctive in shape yet related particularly to other Lakonian and Boiotian bells as well as earlier bells from Samos. At Sparta, as elsewhere, the connotation of the bells' bronze sound as magical, protective, purificatory and apotropaic was central to their use, although specific functions varied according to place, time, and occasion.
31
Logotheti, Anastasia. "Of text and tech: digital encounters with Shakespeare in the Deree College classroom in Athens, Greece." Research in Drama Education: The Journal of Applied Theatre and Performance 25, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 38–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569783.2019.1687288.
Full text
32
SHEEDY, KENNETH A. "(N.) Kourou Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Greece, Athens, National Museum. Fasc. 5, Attic and Atticizing Amphorae of the Protogeometric and Geometric Periods. Pp. 110, ills, pls. Athens: Academy of Athens, 2002. Cased. ISBN 960-404-019-7." Classical Review 56, no. 1 (March 24, 2006): 201–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x05001046.
Full text
33
Chatziprokopiou, Marios. "FROM TESTIMONY TO HETEROGLOSSIA: THE VOICE(S) OF LAMENT IN WE ARE THE PERSIANS!" Acotaciones. Revista de Investigación y Creación Teatral 1, no. 46 (June 29, 2021): 151–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.32621/acotaciones.2021.46.06.
Full textAbstract:
We are the Persians! was a contemporary adaptation of Aeschy-lus’s The Persians presented in June 2015 at the Athens and Epidaurus Festival. Performed by displaced people from Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh, and directed by Yolanda Markopoulou, the piece grew out of the Station Athens group’s five-year theatre workshops. Extracts from the original play were intertwined with performative material brought to the project by the participants: from real-life testimonies to vocal improvisations, poems, and songs in different languages. High-lighting the historical thematic of the play, this adaptation was presented as a documentary theatre piece, and the participants as ‘modern-day heralds’ who provided on stage ‘shocking accounts’ concerning ‘contem-porary wars’ (programme notes, 2015). After briefly revisiting the main body of literature on the voice of lament in ancient drama and in Aeschylus’s The Persians in particular, but also after discussing the recent stage history of the play in Greece, I conduct a close reading of this adaptation. Based on semi-directed interviews and audiovisual archives from both the rehearsals and the final show,I argue that the participants’ performance cannot be limited to their auto-biographical testimonies, which identify their status as refugees and/or asylum seekers. By intertwining Aeschylus with their own voices and languages, they reappropriate and reinvent the voice(s) of lament in ancient drama. In this sense, I suggest that We are the Persians! can be read as a hybrid performance of heteroglossia, which disrupts and potentially transforms dominant ways of receiving ancient drama on the modern Greek stage.
34
Timplalexi, Eleni, and Manthos Santorineos. "EXPERIMENTS IN DIGITALLY ENHANCED AUTOMATIC COLLABORATIVE WRITING AND PERFORMING." Acotaciones. Revista de Investigación y Creación Teatral 1, no. 46 (June 29, 2021): 235–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32621/acotaciones.2021.46.09.
Full textAbstract:
In the following paper, the case of Experiments in Automatic Writing, a festival-project that took place in October 2011 at Fournos Centre for Digital Culture in Athens, Greece, and involved collabora-tive writing and performance with the use of digital media, is presented and discussed. The project lasted for 4 days and involved 42 writers, playwrights, journalists, artists, poets, chat users, performers, actors, musicians, a visual artist and a chat bot. The article reflects on the so-cial, theoretical, writing and performative circumstances that gave rise to the project as well as its intentions and outcomes. By analyzing in depth the project, a reflective contribution to the field of digitally enhanced performance and theatre gamification practices is intended, from the point of view of the designer of the event as well as that of the practitioner. Some suggestions are made with regards to possible future uses of the methodology developed within the project framework in the arts and education sectors.
35
Melfi, Milena. "Ritual Spaces and Performances in the Asklepieia of Roman Greece." Annual of the British School at Athens 105 (November 2010): 317–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400000447.
Full textAbstract:
This paper attempts to investigate the existence of performative rituals—such as processions, songs, dances, dramatic enactments of divine myths and genealogies—in sanctuaries of Asklepios during the Roman Imperial period in Greece. Because of their long life and their well-documented ritual practice, the sanctuaries of Athens, Epidauros, and Messene have been selected as case studies. Archaeological, literary, and epigraphical sources are used to identify the nature of the ritual performed, and to assign to them a topographical space within the sacred precinct. The period under consideration mostly coincides with the reign of the Antonine emperors, when the relatively peaceful environment allowed for an artistic revival, and cultural phenomena such as the Second Sophistic promoted the reappropriation of ancient Greek tradition and a renewed continuity with it, despite the historical discontinuity. Wealthy patrons belonging to the educated elite and holding the highest offices within the imperial bureaucracy were often responsible for the refoundation of sacred buildings, and of long-forgotten religious festivals. In this context, the promotion of performative spaces and rituals in the sanctuaries of Asklepios is interpreted as a product of the cultural and social environment of the second and early third centuries in Greece.To άρθρο αυτό επιχειρεί να ερευνήσει την ύπαρξη επιτελεστικών τελετών -όπως πομπές, ύμνοι, χοροί, σραματικές αναπαραστάσεις θεïκών μύθων και γενεαλογιών- στα ιερά του Aσκληπιού κατά τη σιάρκεια της ρωμαïκής αυτοκρατορικής περιόσου στην Eλλάσα. Tα ιερά της Aθήνας, της Eπισαύρου και της Μεσσήνης επιλέχθηκαν ως περιπτώσεις έρευνας εξαιτίας της μακράς χρήσης τους και των καλά τεκμηριομένων τελετουργικών πρακτικών τους. Γίνεται χρήση αρχαιολογικών καταλοίπων και φιλολογικών και επιγραφικών πηγών προκειμένου να αναγνωριστεί η φύση των τελετών που πραγματοποιούνταν στα ιερά αυτά καθώς και να προσδιοριστεί τοπογραφικά η θέση των τελετών αυτών στο χώρο του τεμένους. H εν λόγω περίοδος συμπίπτει σε μεγάλο βαθμό με τη βασιλεία των Aντωνίνων κατά τη διάρκεια της οποίας το σχετικά ειρηνικό περιβάλλον επέτρεψε μία καλλιτεχνική αναγέννηση. Πολιτιστικά φαινόμενα όΠως η Δεύτερη Σοφιστική προώθησαν την επανοικειοποιήση της αρχαίας Eλληνικήσ παράδοσης και την ανανεωμένη ςυνέχειά της, παρά την ιστορική ασυνέχειά της. Eύποροι πάτρονες, μέλη της πεπαιδευμένης αριστοκρατίας και κάτοχοι των υψηλότερων αξιωμάτων της αυτοκρατορικής γραφειοκρατίας, ήταν συχνά υπεύθυνοι για την επανίδρυση ιερών κτιρίων, και θρησκευτικών εορτών ξεχασμένων για πολύ καιρό. Μέσα σε αυτό το πλαίσιο, η προώθηση επιτελεστικών χώρων και τελετουργιών στα ιερά του Aσκληπιού ερμηνεύεται ως απόρροια του πολιτιστικού και κοινωνικού περιβάλλοντοσ του δεύτερου και πρώιμου τρίτου αιώνα στην Eλλάδα.
36
Appiah, Kwame Anthony. "Boundaries of Culture." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 132, no. 3 (May 2017): 513–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2017.132.3.513.
Full textAbstract:
So begins Constantine Cavafy's classic poem of November 1898, “Waiting for the Barbarians,” in Edmund Keeley and Philip Sherrard's assured translation. Cavafy was a writer who tested all manner of boundary conditions. His every identity came with an asterisk. He was a Greek who never lived in Greece. A government clerk of Greek Orthodox upbringing, in a tributary state of a Muslim empire, he spent his evenings on foot, looking for pagan gods in their incarnate, carnal versions. He was a poet who resisted publication, save for broadsheets he circulated among close friends; a man whose homeland was a neighborhood, and a dream. Much of his poetry is a map of Alexandria overlaid with a map of the classical world—modern Alexandria and ancient Athens—as Leopold Bloom's Dublin neighborhood underlies Odysseus's Ithaca. And I conjure Cavafy because, as I want to persuade you, he is representative precisely in all his seeming anomalousness.
37
de Tapia, Aude Aylin. "Calendars of Exopraxis." Common Knowledge 26, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 308–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-8188916.
Full textAbstract:
In the nineteenth-century Ottoman empire, Cappadocia, in the heart of Anatolia, was one of the last regions where Rum Orthodox Christians cohabited with Muslims in rural areas. Among the main aspects of everyday coexistence were the beliefs and ritual practices that, shared by Muslim and Christian individuals, blurred religious belonging as it is traditionally defined. Anthropologists and ethnologists have studied exopraxis broadly, while historians have neglected the topic until recently. In the case of anthropologists, studies have mostly focused on the spatiality of sharing that is characteristic of exopraxis. This article, based largely on testimonies collected in the Oral Tradition Archives of the Center for Asia Minor Studies in Athens, analyzes the temporality of exopraxis and inquires into the different but shared calendars that ordered the ritual life of Muslims and Orthodox Christians in Cappadocia. These testimonies, taken from Orthodox Christians who lived in Turkey prior to the exchange of populations between Turkey and Greece in 1923, help us to understand how the sharing of religious calendars resulted in feelings of belonging to a single collectivity.
38
Ólafsdóttir, Ragnheiður. "BROGEDE REJSEBILLEDER (MOTLEY IMAGES OF TRAVEL) BY ELISABETH JERICHAU-BAUMANN, “EGYPT 1870”." Victorian Literature and Culture 38, no. 1 (February 23, 2010): 267–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150309990441.
Full textAbstract:
I departed hospitable Athens on the first of February, the city of Pallas Athena glowing in the evening sun. My Greek Palace-servant Spiro had taken me to Piraeus in a Vienna-cart, where my numerous belongings were stored. It was the last minute to still be able to reach the ship, and steam could already be seen as we came closer to Piraeus. I am not the most punctual person, but when it is really necessary I can be on time. This time, however, it was a close call. Instead of being able to pack my own things, like other people of my standing, with my own hands or with my servants’, two of the most loveable and highly regarded people appeared on my threshold. The lady wore Turkish spectacles in front of her lovely eyes, the gentleman smiled warmly. And who were the lady and the gentleman? No less than His Royal Highness King George of Greece and his majesty's lovely Queen! “Mrs. Jerichau, you will not be ready, can we help? Here is a hairbrush and there is a silk ribbon you are forgetting, and your sketch book.” All this was put into the luggage, along with many pleasurable things “for the children.” These small things were later unpacked in Copenhagen with much enjoyment and laughter. At the same time, the carpenter was waiting who still had to box up my recently finished paintings. Truly, he had to wait, and Mrs. Jerichau tip-toed from the innermost rooms to the entrance hall, away from the swelling suitcases, which seemed to be filled up more and more as if by fairies, while the owner ran away from them towards the carpenter outside, and again away from the carpenter – a Greek who only poorly understood her, and who had even poorer understanding of how to pack pictures. Because he had not brought with him enough of the boards made in the King's palace, he had to make do with thin wooden bars such as one uses when sending chickens to the market. Out between the bars, the beautiful “Girl from Hymettus” and her companion, the “Shepherd on the Acropolis,” peeked. Finally, everything was ready, Mrs. Jerichau made as deep a curtsey as she was capable of, and thanked [her guests and helpers] from the bottom of her heart, but secretly did not believe that she would manage to reach the boat in time.
39
Holladay, A. J. "Sparta and the First Peloponnesian War." Journal of Hellenic Studies 105 (November 1985): 161–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631531.
Full textAbstract:
In JHS xcvii (1977) 54–63 I argued against the view that the prevalent Spartan attitude towards Athens throughout the Pentekontaetia was aggressive and that in the First Peloponnesian War Sparta was eager to engage and crush her, being prevented only by the barrier of Mt. Geraneia with its Athenian garrisons. There seemed to me to be four main difficulties in this view:(a) The Corinthians succeeded in crossing Mt. Geraneia with their local allies early in the war, even though the Athenians were already present: so why not Sparta?(b) A full Peloponnesian army was able to reach central Greece by sea after the war had been in progress for some three years, and their reluctance on that occasion to cross the northern frontier of Attica even after they had defeated the Athenians seems inexplicable on this view.
40
Hatzivassiliou, Eleni. "Attic Vases in Rhodes - (A.A.) Lemos Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Greece. Rhodes, Archaeological Museum: Attic Black Figure. Greece, Fascicule 10. Rhodes, Archaeological Museum, Fascicule 1. Pp. 138, ills, b/w & colour pls. Athens: Academy of Athens, 2007. Cased. ISBN: 978-960-404-098-8." Classical Review 58, no. 2 (October 2008): 571–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x08001212.
Full text
41
Moignard, Elizabeth. "V. Sabetai: Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Greece, Fascicle 6: Thebes, Archaeological Museum I. Pp. 367, 43 ills, 89 pls. Athens: Research Centre for Antiquity of the Academy of Athens, 2001. Cased. ISBN: 960-7099-93-1." Classical Review 52, no. 2 (September 2002): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/52.2.395.
Full text
42
Berent, Moshe. "Anthropology and the classics: war, violence, and the statelesspolis." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 1 (May 2000): 257–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.1.257.
Full textAbstract:
I. INTRODUCTIONIt has become a commonplace in contemporary historiography to note the frequency of war in ancient Greece. Yvon Garlan says that, during the century and a half from the Persian wars (490 and 480–479 B.C.) to the battle of Chaeronea (338 B.C.), Athens was at war, on average, more than two years out of every three, and never enjoyed a period of peace for as long as ten consecutive years. ‘Given these conditions’, says Garlan, ‘one would expect them (i.e. the Greeks) to consider war as a problem …. But this was far from being the case.’ The Greek acceptance of war as inevitable was contrasted by Momigliano and others with the attention given to constitutional changes and to the prevention ofstasis: ‘the Greeks came to accept war like birth and death about which nothing could be done …. On the other hand constitutions were men-made and could be modified by men.’Moralist overtones were not absent from this re-evaluation of Greek civilization. Havelock observed that the Greeks exalted, legitimized, and placed organized warfare at the heart of the European value system, and Momigliano suggested that:The idea of controlling wars, like the idea of the emancipation of women and the idea of birth control, is a part of the intellectual revolution of the nineteenth century and meant a break with the classical tradition of historiography of wars.
43
Ivory, Yvonne. "WILDE'S RENAISSANCE: POISON, PASSION, AND PERSONALITY." Victorian Literature and Culture 35, no. 2 (June 29, 2007): 517–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150307051613.
Full textAbstract:
IN 1877,AS AN OXFORD UNDERGRADUATE, Oscar Wilde was invited to fill out two pages of a “Confession Album,” an informal survey of his likes, dislikes, ambitions, and fears. Wilde's answers testify to his deep appreciation for all things Greek: his favorite authors include Plato, Sappho, and Theocritus; he would hate to part with his Euripides; he admires Alexander the Great. But when faced with a question regarding the place he would most like to live, Wilde chooses not Athens or Argos but “Florence and Rome”; and when asked about the historical period in which he would most liked to have lived, Wilde opts for “the Italian Renaissance” (Holland 44–45). As there was no room on the form for Wilde to expand on this statement, we can only speculate as to why he saw Renaissance Italy as a time and a place in which he would have felt at home. But what the response tells us for certain is that while he was at Oxford, Wilde found the culture ofQuattro- andCinquecentoItaly particularly appealing, was comfortable imagining himself as part of that period, and was prepared to acknowledge his enthusiasm for the period to his friends. Moreover, it shows that while Wilde may have treasured the cultural artifacts of ancient Greece as a young man, he was more eager to experience the whole way of life captured in the idea of the Italian Renaissance.
44
Anderson, Greg. "The Personality Of The Greek State." Journal of Hellenic Studies 129 (November 2009): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900002925.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract:Were the poleis of Classical Greece state-based or stateless communities? Do their political structures meet standard criteria for full statehood? Conventional wisdom maintains that they do not. According to a broad consensus, the Classical polis was neither state-based nor stateless as such, but something somewhere in between: a unique, category-defying formation that was somehow both ‘state’ and ‘society’ simultaneously, a kind of inseparable fusion of the two. The current paper offers an alternative perspective on this complex but fundamental issue. It questions prevailing views on theoretical grounds, suggesting that the consensus ‘fusionist’ position rests ultimately upon a misunderstanding of what Thomas Hobbes would call the ‘personality’ of polis political structures. Focusing on the case of Classical Athens, it then proceeds to present a new account of the Greek ‘state’, an account that aims to be both theoretically satisfying and heuristically useful. Even if all those who performed state functions were simultaneously constituents of polis ‘society’, the state was nevertheless perceived to function as an autonomous agency, possessing a corporate personality that was quite distinct from the individual personalities of the living, breathing citizens who happened to instantiate it at any particular time.
45
McKenzie, Nicholas J., and Patricia A. Hannah. "Thucydides’ Take on the Corinthian Navy. οἵ τε γὰρ Κορίνθιοι ἡγήσαντο κρατεῖν εἰ µὴ καὶ πολὺ ἐκρατοῦντο, ‘The Corinthians believed they were victors if they were only just defeated’." Mnemosyne 66, no. 2 (2013): 206–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852511x584955.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This paper closely examines Thucydides’ presentation of three naval battles fought in the Corinthian Gulf and the battle of Sybota off north-west Greece, in order to show how his version of the action does not just stress the pervasive impression of Athenian dominance and downplay the Peloponnesian performance, but extends to characterising the Corinthian fleet in a surprisingly negative way. In the first battle he claims that they were ignorant of the local weather patterns, in the second of the underwater hazards, and after the third that ‘The Corinthians believed they were victors if they were only just defeated’. His account of the earlier battle off Corcyra is similarly flawed, since by focussing on the participants’ treaty obligations he fails to bring out the significance of the Corinthian naval victory for the history of Greek warfare. The reader of The Peloponnesian War is encouraged not to question Thucydides’ disparaging record of the Corinthian navy, as it reinforces his focus on a bipartite contest between Athens and Sparta. However, a case is made here for a more positive assessment of Corinthian involvement in the modified design of the trireme and the revision of naval tactics in the late fifth century BC.
46
Rife, Joseph L. "The burial of Herodes Atticus: élite identity, urban society, and public memory in Roman Greece." Journal of Hellenic Studies 128 (November 2008): 92–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900000070.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper discusses the burial of Herodes Atticus as a well-attested case of élite identification through mortuary practices. It gives a close reading of Philostratus' account of Herodes' end inc. 179 (VS2.1.15) alongside the evidence of architecture, inscriptions, sculpture, and topography at Marathon, Cephisia and Athens. The intended burial of Herodes and the actual burials of his family on the Attic estates expressed wealth and territorial control, while his preference for Marathon fused personal history with civic history. The Athenian intervention in Herodes' private funeral, which led to his magnificent interment at the Panathenaic Stadium, served as a public reception for a leading citizen and benefactor. Herodes' tomb should be identified with a long foundation on the stadium's east hill that might have formed an eccentric altar-tomb, while an elegantklinêsarcophagus found nearby might have been his coffin. His epitaph was a traditional distich that stressed through language and poetic allusion his deep ties to Marathon and Rhamnous, his euergetism and his celebrity. Also found here was an altar dedicated to Herodes ‘the Marathonian hero’ with archaizing features (IGII26791). The first and last lines of the text were erased in a deliberate effort to remove his name and probably the name of a relative. A cemetery of ordinary graves developed around Herods' burial site, but by the 250s these had been disturbed, along with the altar and the sarcophagus. This new synthesis of textual and material sources for the burial of Herodes contributes to a richer understanding of status and antiquarianism in Greek urban society under the Empire. It also examines how the public memory of élites was composite and mutable, shifting through separate phases of activity — funeral, hero-cult, defacement, biography — to generate different images of the dead.
47
Kellner, Angelika. "Time Is Running. Ancient Greek Chronography and the Ancient Near East." Journal of Ancient History 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 19–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2019-0027.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The article explores the question whether there was a possible dialogue between ancient Greek and Mesopotamian chronography. This is an interesting albeit challenging subject due to the fragmentary preservation of the Greek texts. The idea that cuneiform tablets might have influenced the development of the genre in Greece lingers in the background without having been the subject of detailed discussion. Notably the Neo-Assyrian limmu list has been suggested as a possible blueprint for the Athenian archon list. In order to examine this topic further, a thorough analysis of ancient Greek chronography starting in the second half of the fifth century BC, when eponymous dates in various literary compositions begin to appear, is required. A close examination of the fragmentary evidence shows how difficult it is to trace the supposed annalistic style in the local histories of Athens (Atthides). In the Neo-Assyrian Empire, the eponymous limmu officials served as the chronological backbone, but there remains a huge time gap between the seventh century cuneiform manuscripts and the Athenian archon list from the fifth century. A comparison of the Neo-Assyrian Eponymous Chronicles with the preserved Greek chronographic traditions in Eusebius’ chronicle (fourth century AD) shows that the similarity is mainly confined to an abbreviated style, as the entries clearly point to the different cultural and political settings. Apart from the Neo-Assyrian sources, the Neo- and Late-Babylonian chronicles deserve further attention in the present inquiry. Looking for a connection with ancient Greek chronography in the fifth century, the lack of wholly preserved texts on both sides in the corresponding time constitutes an unsurmountable obstacle. Presenting and scrutinising the textual evidence both for ancient Greek and for Mesopotamian chronography enables an improved understanding of similarities and differences alike. To exemplify this point, Greek and Akkadian temple histories serve as test cases.
48
Downes, Sophy. "Greece and Iran - (S.M.R.) Darbandi, (A.) Zournatzi (edd.) Ancient Greece and Ancient Iran. Cross-cultural Encounters. 1st International Conference (Athens, 11–13 November 2006). Pp. xxx + 377, b/w & colour ills, b/w & colour maps. Athens: National Hellenic Research Foundation, Hellenic National Commission for UNESCO, Cultural Center of the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Athens, 2008. Paper, €60. ISBN: 978-960-930955-4." Classical Review 60, no. 2 (September 28, 2010): 474–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x10000697.
Full text
49
Konomi, María. "PERFORMING CRISIS IN GREEK THEATRE: SCENOGRAPHIC STRATEGIES AS DRAMATURGIES OF CRISIS." Acotaciones. Revista de Investigación y Creación Teatral 1, no. 46 (June 29, 2021): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.32621/acotaciones.2021.46.02.
Full textAbstract:
This essay will investigate a series of performances in Greece that showcase the theme of crisis discussed through the particular frame of their expanded scenographic strategies as dramaturgies of crisis. This expanded scenography is not restricted to politics and aesthetics of scenographic representation extending well beyond traditional staging paradigms to aspects that reinstate the emergence of social realities and a fundamentally social conception of space. Indicatively, this includes strategies like introducing various charged elements from lived experi-ence and contemporary visual culture, as well as conflictual aesthetics of the crisis and visual and spatial dramaturgies of the precarious. Sce-nographic dramaturgies of crisis seem to thrive on new spatial perfor-mance forms that directly interact with social realities and real spaces (like site-specific performance), while they mobilize a renewed address to found, shared public space putting to use strategies of participation. In this context of the crisis, the widespread multimedia idioms and the proliferation of video and cinematic idioms are also notable. Perfor-mances that thematize aspects of the crisis, such as Revolt Athens (2016), and the twin site-specific performances built with a core topographical address, Tea Time Europe (2014-15) and Eat Time Europe (2016) will be an-alyzed as key case studies to exemplify and further contextualize their scenographic approaches as content and context-oriented formulations, as visual and spatial dramaturgies that provide us with an entryway into performing crisis.
50
Stafford, Emma J. "V. Karageorghis: Greek Gods and Heroes in Ancient Cyprus. Pp. 334, map, 237 ills. Athens: Commercial Bank of Greece, 1998. Cased. ISBN: 960-7059-08-5." Classical Review 52, no. 1 (March 2002): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/52.1.182.
Full text