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1

Kim, Hanna, and Won-ho Park. "Who Toes the Line? Mandate Type, Open-Primary Experience, and Party Defection in the Korean National Assem." Korea Observer - Institute of Korean Studies 53, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 357–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2022.53.2.357.

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Previous studies on legislative voting behavior in the Korean National Assembly (KNA) were based on two theories: "The Best of Both Worlds" vs. "Contamination." However, both these theories have paid limited attention to the electorally vulnerable condition of legislators owing to voting behavior in South Korea. In this study, we propose a conditional mandate-divide theory to elucidate party defection voting behavior in KNA. According to our findings, Proportional Representatives (PR) are more likely to defect from party-line voting than Single Member District (SMD) members, although SMDs elected through a party primary are more likely to defect from party-line voting than other SMDs. Additionally, SMDs elected with the primary experience deviate from their party line more in Yeongnam province compared to other regions. Our findings suggest that legislators' voting behavior in the mixed-member system may vary depending on their prospects of re-election, essentially shaped by their incentive structure.
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Cherry, Steven M. "Testing on-line voting [Web Sites]." IEEE Spectrum 38, no. 2 (February 2001): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/mspec.2001.8820114.

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3

Kumar B, Ashok, and S. Bhuvaneswari. "On Line Polling Information System." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 1, no. 2 (July 30, 2011): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v1i2.1128.

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In a social democratic set up voting is one of our fundamental duties as responsible citizens of the country. But no where around a 100% people come to vote during the elections in their territory. Net savvy new generation want manual free voting system. Survey says, pubic need a system on their hands reach through which they can vote. Keeping this as objective this via net based Information System is engineered.
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Anshelevich, Elliot, Zack Fitzsimmons, Rohit Vaish, and Lirong Xia. "Representative Proxy Voting." Proceedings of the AAAI Conference on Artificial Intelligence 35, no. 6 (May 18, 2021): 5086–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/aaai.v35i6.16643.

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We study a model of proxy voting where the candidates, voters, and proxies are all located on the real line, and instead of voting directly, each voter delegates its vote to the closest proxy. The goal is to find a set of proxies that is theta-representative, which entails that for any voter located anywhere on the line, its favorite candidate is within a distance theta of the favorite candidate of its closest proxy. This property guarantees a strong form of representation as the set of voters is not required to be fixed in advance, or even be finite. We show that for candidates located on a line, an optimal proxy arrangement can be computed in polynomial time. Moreover, we provide upper and lower bounds on the number of proxies required to form a theta-representative set, thus showing that a relatively small number of proxies is enough to capture the preferences of any set of voters. An additional beneficial property of a theta-representative proxy arrangement is that for strict-Condorcet voting rules, the outcome of proxy voting is similarly close to the outcome of direct voting.
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A. Thomas Paul Roy, P. Gokulakrishnan, D. Suresh,. "A HOMOMORPHIC ENCRYPTION BASED ON-LINE VOTING SYSTEM." INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN INDUSTRY 9, no. 1 (March 17, 2021): 1157–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/itii.v9i1.249.

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This paper developed for the risk free and person oriented Online Voting System. The Online Voting gadget is made for the humans of the united states living round the world and needs to vote for their representative. The election can be carried out in two methods the paper ballot election and the computerized ballot elections. The automatic ballot elections are referred to as the digital voting. The on line vote casting device is rather developed and the on-line polling machine can be changed through precisely and at once vote casting on line and on the spot results. The on line balloting gadget is completed by using the net so it can be known as the Internet Voting. The gadget proceeds the on-line vote casting machine in a new approach known as Homomorphic Encryption . Homogeneous encryption is the form of encryption, which lets the computer generate encrypted end results in ciphertexts, as though they were performed in a plaintext, when decrypted, which matches the end result of the operations. In this paper we have a digital voting device based on homomorphic encryption to make sure that the vote is confidential. The benefits of multi-homorphic encryption systems are all presented in our suggestion. The proposed electoral system is suitable for elections that include non-partial votes and for multi-candidate elections. For outsourced storage and counting, homomorphic encryption can be used.
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Alós-Ferrer, Carlos, and Michele Garagnani. "Voting under time pressure." Judgment and Decision Making 17, no. 5 (September 2022): 1072–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1930297500009335.

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AbstractIn a controlled laboratory experiment we investigate whether time pressure influences voting decisions, and in particular the degree of strategic (insincere) voting. We find that participants under time constraints are more sincere when using the widely-employed Plurality Voting method. That is, time pressure might reduce strategic voting and hence misrepresentation of preferences. However, there are no effects for Approval Voting, in line with arguments that this method provides no incentives for strategic voting.
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7

Chenguttuvan, J. "Voting through Power Line Communication with Biometric Verification." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology V, no. IX (September 30, 2017): 1183–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2017.9171.

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8

Sawer∗, Marian. "Above‐the‐line voting in Australia: How democratic?" Representation 41, no. 4 (January 2005): 286–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890508523323.

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9

Stratmann, Thomas. "Congressional Voting over Legislative Careers: Shifting Positions and Changing Constraints." American Political Science Review 94, no. 3 (September 2000): 665–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585838.

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The proposed model predicts that voting behavior of legislators is more variable early in their career and that junior members are more likely to vote with their party than senior members. The results from the analysis of voting patterns in the House of Representatives and the Senate are consistent with the hypotheses: Party line voting and variability of voting decisions decline with increasing seniority. Changes in voting behavior are also induced by redistricting. The empirical results show that legislators subject to redistricting change their voting behavior to accord better with altered constituency preferences.
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10

Kang, Yoo-Duk. "European Affiliations or National Interests? Analyses of Voting Patterns on Trade Policy in European Parliament." Baltic Journal of European Studies 9, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 19–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0036.

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Abstract This article examines the determinants of voting patterns within the European Parliament for EU trade legislations including EU trade agreements. Given that trade is a very sensitive issue for particular Member States, our question is to verify whether members of European Parliament (MEP) tend to vote in line with their political affiliation or national identity prevails in voting for trade-related issues. Our results from EU trade agreements with Korea and Columbia/Peru show that MEPs tend to vote with others in their political groups in trade legislations and their voting pattern is not very different from the overall voting pattern observed in other policy areas. This trend is confirmed by both the comparison of intra-voting cohesion index and the empirical test based on the probit model. Country-specific variables do not explain well the voting behavior of MEPs in trade issues. However, it is noteworthy that some MEPs voted in line with their national interests in case of EU-Korea FTA.
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11

Dancey, Logan, and Geoffrey Sheagley. "Partisanship and Perceptions of Party-Line Voting in Congress." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 1 (July 24, 2017): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917722233.

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This paper explores public perceptions of congressional partisanship in an era of polarized parties. We use data from a module on the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES) that asks respondents about the voting behavior of their legislators. Our results show that individuals underestimate the extent to which legislators from their own party vote the party line—even when primed with information about high levels of party-line voting in Congress—while fairly accurately perceiving levels of unity in the opposing party. We also find evidence that this perceptual gap endures, and at times widens, at higher levels of political knowledge and in the presence of elections. Finally, in a separate experiment, we explore how voters respond to differential levels of party-line voting by a hypothetical legislator. The combined results from the experiment and CCES module suggest voters’ perceptions often align with what allows them to have the most favorable impression of their party’s senators or unfavorable impression of the other party’s senators. The results suggest that biases in how voters process information about levels of partisanship in Congress may limit accountability in meaningful ways.
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Pendarovski, Stevo, Veno Pachovski, Marko Andonov, Zoran Mihajloski, and Kimo Cavdar. "ON-LINE POLITICS AND VOTING: OVERCOMING THE DEMOCRATIC DEFICIT." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 8, no. 1 (June 24, 2015): 1462–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v8i1.3604.

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The advance of digital technology in the field of politics in the last 20 years has raised the expectations about enhancing the potentials of the long dominant model of representative democracy. The need to reinvigorate the overall political process was talked about since the first signs of decline in the civic engagement in the second half of the past century. In the meantime, technological gadgets, and, especially the great versatility of Internet applicability have indeed contributed for better communication between the political elites and their people and for sharing the information on the unprecedented level. Yet, the key challenge still seems barely touched: how to provide meaningful participation of the politically awakened individuals in the decision-making processes within the states. In the article we offer a brief survey of the European and USA achievements in the field of e-voting and Internet-voting in order to show how the political, technical and security concerns are still prevailing in the debates thus undermining the trust in the new modes of casting the votes. Also, we present the results of the survey done with 120 students in the Republic of Macedonia and their considerations about the eventual Internet voting in the country. Applying the descriptive and analytical methods we would argue that the immense possibilities for using Internet in politics are far from being exploited, so the initial miscalculation and failures should not discourage the communities from observing new pathways for improving the unavoidable digital component of democracy.
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13

WANG Shi-gang, 王世刚, 鲁奉军 LU Feng-jun, 赵文婷 ZHAO Wen-ting, 赵晓琳 ZHAO Xiao-lin, and 卢. 洋. LU Yang. "Action recognition based on on-line random forest voting." Optics and Precision Engineering 24, no. 8 (2016): 2010–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3788/ope.20162408.2010.

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14

DARMANN, ANDREAS. "POPULAR SPANNING TREES." International Journal of Foundations of Computer Science 24, no. 05 (August 2013): 655–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0129054113500226.

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Combinatorial Optimization is combined with Social Choice Theory when the goal is to decide on the quality of a spanning tree of an undirected graph. Given individual preferences over the edges of the graph, spanning trees are compared by means of a Condorcet criterion. The comparisons are based on scoring functions used in classic voting rules such as approval voting and Borda voting. In this work, we investigate the computational complexity involved in deciding on the quality of a spanning tree with respect to the different voting rules adapted. In particular, we draw the sharp separation line between polynomially solvable and computationally intractable instances.
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15

Зворыкина, Екатерина. "Что делать с дистанционным электронным голосованием?" Palladion, no. 2 (June 10, 2022): 68–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.55167/cb22dbe6a668.

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The article deals with history, problems and possible future of a remote electronic voting in Russia. Author describe a chronology of its implementation, how and for what blockchain technology was using, made conclusions about a discrepancy between Russian systems of remote electronic voting and world law standards and principles of election law after their comparison. A proposal has been put forward on what needs to be done to bring Russian remote electronic voting in line with the highest democratic standards.
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16

Yu, Jianwei, Zhipeng Chen, and Zhiming Xiong. "A Novel Path Voting Algorithm for Surface Crack Detection." Electronics 11, no. 3 (February 8, 2022): 501. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/electronics11030501.

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Path voting is a widely used technique for line structure detection in images. Traditional path voting, based on minimal-path, is performed to track paths based on how seeds grow. The former requires to set a starting point and an end point. Thus, the performance of minimal-path path voting depends on the initialization. However, high-quality initialization often requires human interaction, which limits its applications in practice. In this paper, a fully automatic path voting method has been proposed and applied for crack detection. The proposed path voting is performed to segment images, which partitions an image patch along the potential crack path and integrates the path to form a crack probability map. After path voting, crack seeds are sampled and modeled into a graph, and the edge weights are assigned using an attraction field algorithm. Finally, cracks are extracted by using spanning tree and tree pruning algorithms. Experimental results demonstrate that the proposed path voting approach can effectively infer the cracks from 2D optic images and 3D depth images.
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17

NGUYEN, Toan Dinh, and Gueesang LEE. "Text Line Segmentation in Handwritten Document Images Using Tensor Voting." IEICE Transactions on Fundamentals of Electronics, Communications and Computer Sciences E94-A, no. 11 (2011): 2434–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1587/transfun.e94.a.2434.

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18

ICHINO, NAHOMI, and NOAH L. NATHAN. "Crossing the Line: Local Ethnic Geography and Voting in Ghana." American Political Science Review 107, no. 2 (April 15, 2013): 344–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000664.

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Theories of instrumental ethnic voting in new democracies propose that voters support co-ethnic politicians because they expect politicians to favor their co-ethnics once in office. But many goods that politicians deliver to voters are locally nonexcludable in rural areas, so the local presence of an ethnic group associated with a politician should affect a rural voter's assessment of how likely she is to benefit from that politician's election. Using geocoded polling-station–level election results alongside survey data from Ghana, we show that otherwise similar voters are less likely to vote for the party of their own ethnic group, and more likely to support a party associated with another group, when the local ethnic geography favors the other group. This result helps account for the imperfect correlation between ethnicity and vote choice in African democracies. More generally, this demonstrates how local community and geographic contexts can modify the information conveyed by ethnicity and influence voter behavior.
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19

Rico-Juan, Juan Ramón, and José M. Iñesta. "Confidence voting method ensemble applied to off-line signature verification." Pattern Analysis and Applications 15, no. 2 (April 8, 2012): 113–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10044-012-0270-1.

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20

Umbers, Lachlan M. "Compulsory Voting: A Defence." British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 4 (December 27, 2018): 1307–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123418000303.

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AbstractTurnout is in decline in established democracies around the world. Where, in the mid-1800s, 70–80 percent of eligible voters regularly participated in US Presidential elections, turnout has averaged just 53.7 percent since 1972. Average turnout in general elections in the UK has fallen from 76.6 percent during the period 1945–92, to 64.7 percent since 1997. Average turnout in Canadian federal elections has fallen from 74.5 percent during the period 1940–79, to 62.5 percent since 2000. For most democrats, these numbers are a cause for alarm. Compulsory voting is amongst the most effective means of raising turnout. However, compulsory voting is also controversial. Most of us think that coercion may only be employed against the citizenry if it is backed by a justification of the right kind. Opponents of compulsory voting charge that no such justification is available. This article resists this line of argument in two ways. First, I offer an argument from free-riding which, though gestured towards by others, and widely criticized, has yet to be defended in any depth. Second, I consider a range of objections to compulsory voting as such, arguing that none succeeds.
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Wang, Qidong, Zhenya Wei, Jiaen Wang, Wuwei Chen, and Naihan Wang. "Curve recognition algorithm based on edge point curvature voting." Proceedings of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers, Part D: Journal of Automobile Engineering 234, no. 4 (August 1, 2019): 1006–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0954407019866975.

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In this paper, a new curve-lane recognition algorithm is proposed. The algorithm uses edge point curvature voting to determine the region of interest based on near-vision straight-lane information. First, information is detected in the near-vision area regarding the straight lines to the left and right of the current lane. Near-vision lane-line extraction includes lane image filtering, as well as edge detection of the region of interest below the vanishing line. The vanishing point is positioned by determining the position of the edge point and distribution of the direction angle. In addition, the straight line is extracted based on the position of the vanishing point. The straight lines that are constructed for the current lane in this way are selected and used as supplementation, in combination with the lane model. Next, the road curvature range isometry is divided into multiple subdivision regions. The near-vision lane straight-line curvature parameters extending from each edge point in the region of interest are computed by combining the straight-line near-vision lane information with the curve lane model in the pixel coordinate system. Subsequently, voting and counting are carried out for the curvature regions of each edge point to which the corresponding curvature computing values belong. Finally, the counting maximum from the corresponding curvature regions of the straight lines located to the left and right of the current lane are searched for, and the curvature region is converted, to obtain the lane line corresponding to the curvature parameter values. Experimental results indicate that the proposed curve-lane recognition algorithm can effectively detect the curve lanes of different curvatures. The results also indicate that the proposed curve detection method is highly accurate, and the algorithm is very robust in different environments.
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22

Klym, Viktoriia. "ELECTRONIC VOTING: CONDITIONS OF DESIGN AND TECHNOLOGY OF THE NATIONAL INFORMATION SYSTEM CREATION." Technical Sciences and Technologies, no. 1(27) (2022): 142–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.25140/2411-5363-2022-1(27)-142-151.

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The article is of an overview and information nature.The development and improvement of information technology (IT) contributes to the construction of an open information space of major state institutions. Electronic voting (e-voting) is one of the important components of a modern democratic society.In Ukraine, the issue of an integrated approach to the development and implementation of the national information system (IS) of e-voting has become relevant over the past two years.The analysis of publications showed a number of problems on the way to the formation and spread of electronic government in the country, which depend on many factors according to the legislative field, historical traditions, economic, social and political preconditions.The aim of the work is to determine the priority tasks for implementation, the necessary conditions for design, optimal ways to create and implement modern technologies of national e-voting IS, taking into account world experience and national characteristics.The paper considers the results of the experience ofsome European countries in the use of e-voting. The development of the international legal framework for such IS is shown. Existing legislative documents of Ukraine that promote the creation and development of national e-voting IS are presented.Priority tasks for the implementation of electronic voting IS at the national level in Ukraine have been formulated. A detailed analysis of stationary e-voting IS and on-line e-voting IS is provided to determine the main tasks, features of application at the stages of the voting process, provided schemes for data exchange and control. The main characteristics of blockchain technology in application to electronic voting IS are discussed. The effectiveness of blockchain technology according to the main criteria of the voting process is shown.
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Fernandes, Leandro A. F., and Manuel M. Oliveira. "Real-time line detection through an improved Hough transform voting scheme." Pattern Recognition 41, no. 1 (January 2008): 299–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.patcog.2007.04.003.

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Shapiro, Vladimir. "Accuracy of the straight line Hough Transform: The non-voting approach." Computer Vision and Image Understanding 103, no. 1 (July 2006): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cviu.2006.02.001.

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Li, Jiayuan, Qingwu Hu, Mingyao Ai, and Ruofei Zhong. "Robust feature matching via support-line voting and affine-invariant ratios." ISPRS Journal of Photogrammetry and Remote Sensing 132 (October 2017): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.isprsjprs.2017.08.009.

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26

Holmes, Danae V., and Philip Kortum. "Alternative Review Screen Design for Electronic Voting Systems." International Journal of Technology and Human Interaction 13, no. 1 (January 2017): 82–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijthi.2017010105.

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Verifying a ballot for correctness in an election is a critical task for the voter. Previous work has shown that up to 30% of the ballot can be changed without being noticed by more than half of the voters. In response to this ballot weakness, this study evaluated the usability and viability of alternative ballot verification methods in an electronic voting medium. Three verification methods were tested: end-of-ballot, in-line confirmation, and dual confirmation. In-line and dual confirmation perform similarly to end-of-ballot confirmation in terms of effectiveness. The most efficient method is end-of-ballot review, and dual confirmation produced the longest time spent on the review screen. End-of-ballot confirmation produced the highest satisfaction ratings, though survey results indicated that dual confirmation may be the most appropriate method in terms of voting. Additional research in the field is the next step in exploring these confirmation methods.
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Olivella, Santiago, and Margit Tavits. "Legislative Effects of Electoral Mandates." British Journal of Political Science 44, no. 2 (March 5, 2013): 301–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000828.

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Data has been taken from the Hungarian National Assembly, where the mandate type (single member district (SMD) vs. party list or proportional representation (PR)) changes for a number of legislators each term, to explore whether and how such changes lead to changes in legislators’ voting behavior. When the electoral system under which a legislator was elected changes from PR to SMD, then the rate at which the legislator defects against the party line of voting increases significantly. Contrary to expectations, when the electoral system changes from SMD to PR, there is no significant change in the voting behavior of legislators. Additional robustness tests confirm these results. The lasting influence of reputations and habits may account for the asymmetric results.
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Stiers, Dieter, and Ruth Dassonneville. "Retrospective Voting and the Polarization of Available Alternatives." Canadian Journal of Political Science 53, no. 1 (September 30, 2019): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423919000556.

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AbstractGovernment cohesiveness is known to moderate retrospective voting. While previous work on this topic has focused on characteristics of the government, we build on the literature on clarity of responsibility and the literature on valence to argue that the extent to which government and opposition are ideologically distinct also moderates retrospective voting. Two alternative expectations follow from these two theoretical perspectives. While the clarity of responsibility framework leads to the expectation that a larger difference between government and opposition will strengthen retrospective voting, the valence literature presumes that retrospective voting is stronger when ideological differences are small. Using the data of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) project, we find evidence that is in line with the clarity of responsibility framework: the higher the degree of ideological polarization between government and opposition, the larger the effect of retrospective performance evaluations on the vote.
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Chartash, David, Nicholas J. Caruana, Markus Dickinson, and Laura B. Stephenson. "When the team’s jersey is what matters: Network analysis of party cohesion and structure in the Canadian House of Commons." Party Politics 26, no. 5 (August 30, 2018): 555–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818795196.

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Are parties “high discipline, low cohesion” in Westminster legislatures? This study applies network analysis to voting behavior among members of parliament (MPs), a novel approach that measures not deviation from party-line voting, but rather whether MPs with similar voting patterns are co-partisans. We study the Canadian Parliament from 2006 to 2015, during which time the governing party under Prime Minister Stephen Harper maintained tight central control and discipline, a likely source of elevated cohesion. We find that “low cohesion” generally holds, and parties do not always conform to commonsense expectations about how cohesively they “should” behave in various parliamentary situations, though they show themselves capable of learning over time. Moreover, we find that party cohesion stems less from shared voting behaviors and more from simple partisan identity. Further research should consider to what extent parliamentary behavior is based mainly on party alignment.
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Herrmann, Michael, and Ulrich Sieberer. "The basic space of a revolutionary parliament: Scaling the Frankfurt Assembly of 1848/49." Party Politics 25, no. 6 (January 9, 2018): 841–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817749778.

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We examine whether there is a basic space in a parliament which grew out of a revolution and had no prior history of parliamentarism: the Frankfurt Assembly of 1848/49. We scale all 299 roll call votes to determine the dimensionality of voting as well as the positions of deputies and their party groups. We find two dimensions of disagreement and show that they can be interpreted in line with historical scholarship as conflict over who should govern (the people or the monarch) and conflict over state borders (inclusion or exclusion of Austria). We find that the party groups line up on the first dimension in ways consistent with historical scholarship on their political inclinations, but we also find wide variation in deputies’ positions within and across parties. Moreover, deputies’ positions turn out to be polarized on the territorial dimension but not on the government dimension. We conclude that ideological constraint was the primary structuring force in parliamentary voting. Our results underscore the pervasiveness of low dimensionality in parliamentary voting even in the absence of strong parties and agenda control.
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Wu, Chung-li, Alex Min-Wei Lin, and Chingching Chang. "Strategic voting revisited: the case of the 2018 Taipei City mayoral election." Japanese Journal of Political Science 22, no. 3 (June 14, 2021): 175–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810992100013x.

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AbstractIn this study, we examine whether strategic voting – in which a voter seeks to maximize the expected payoff from casting a ballot – occurred among late voters in the 2018 Taipei City mayoral election. This multi-candidate mayoral contest was noteworthy because ballot-counting started before all the votes had been cast, with preliminary results being leaked to the media. Theoretically, having access to real-time updates of voting figures could have influenced the decision of voters who were still in line waiting to cast their ballots. Analysis and reconstruction of aggregate polling data, however, demonstrate that there was very little (if any) strategic voting among these late voters on election day, even if they had information that might have induced them to vote strategically.
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Falck, Oliver, Robert Gold, and Stephan Heblich. "E-lections: Voting Behavior and the Internet." American Economic Review 104, no. 7 (July 1, 2014): 2238–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.104.7.2238.

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This paper analyzes the effects on voting behavior of information disseminated over the Internet. We address endogeneity in Internet availability by exploiting regional and technological peculiarities of the preexisting voice telephony network that hindered the roll-out of fixed-line infrastructure for high-speed Internet. We find negative effects of Internet availability on voter turnout, which we relate to a crowding-out of TV consumption and increased entertainment consumption. We find no evidence that the Internet systematically benefits specific parties, suggesting ideological self-segregation in online information consumption. Robustness tests, including placebo estimations from the pre-Internet period, support a causal interpretation of our results. (JEL D12, D72, L82, L86)
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Marchuk, M., and L. Gudz. "Local elections in the European Union and Ukraine: comparative characteristics." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 70 (June 18, 2022): 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.70.16.

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The article provides a comparative analysis of the electoral legislation of the EU countries and Ukraine at the local level and on the basis of this analysis, the proposals to improve the electoral legislation of Ukraine take into account the experience of the European Union. The main forms of direct democracy in most EU member countries and Ukraine are fixed at the constitutional level, and the procedure of preparing and holding elections is regulated by special election laws. Domestic electoral legislation is overloaded with detailed norms of procedural aspects, unlike the legislation of EU countries, in which much more attention is paid to the issues of transparency of party financial funds and transparency of election campaign financing, as well as protection of national minorities’ interests. The main ways of exercising the right to vote not at the place of inclusion in the voter lists in the EU member states were characterized: voting by absentee ballots at specially designated polling stations, voting on the territory of diplomatic and consular missions, voting by mail, proxy voting, mobile voting, voting via the Internet, distance voting. It is noted that the norms in which the institution of a cash deposit is enshrined are discriminatory since they violate the principle of equality of suffrage and create a situation in which candidates are excluded from the political arena on the basis of the property criterion. Relevant for EU countries is the adoption of measures to create appropriate conditions for the full implementation of the principle of equality of citizens before the law, in particular, to overcome the actual inequality of opportunities between women and men. In order to bring Ukrainian legislation in line with international standards set by the European Union, we propose: to grant the right to vote in local elections to citizens of other states or stateless persons who permanently reside on the territory of the respective territorial community and permanently pay local taxes and fees have common local interests related to everyday life, infrastructure, communication, recreation; to introduce electronic voting; not to apply the institution of cash deposit at the local level; to introduce individual (party) gender quotas, following the French example.
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Mantau, Aprinaldi Jasa, Anom Bowolaksono, Budi Wiweko, and Wisnu Jatmiko. "Detecting Ellipses in Embryo Images Using Arc Detection Method with Particle Swarm for Blastomere-Quality Measurement System." Journal of Advanced Computational Intelligence and Intelligent Informatics 20, no. 7 (December 20, 2016): 1170–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.20965/jaciii.2016.p1170.

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The objective of this paper is to present a novel method, based on a swarm intelligence algorithm, for ellipse detection in digital images of embryo. The process is carried out in several stages. First, edge detection is performed on the image. Then, line segments in the image are detected, and potential elliptical arc segments are extracted from the line segments. Afterward, the detection process is carried out using the Particle Swarm Optimization (PSO) method, which utilize the calculation of the fitness function from the arc segment previously detected. The PSO technique, which is the idea behind the proposed algorithm, is used to find the actual ellipses by combining potential elliptical arcs. The best combination of potential arcs is determined by means a voting technique that utilizes three important points on the arc, namely the starting point, midpoint, and endpoint, so the voting is more efficient than doing the voting for every single pixel in the image. Furthermore, this method is used an embryo image that has following the characteristics: multiple ellipses, a lot of noise, an incomplete ellipse, low image contrast, and overlapping cells. Experiment show that the proposed method detects the ellipses better than do several voting-based ellipse detection methods such as RHT, IRHT, and PSORHT. On the other hand, the experiments show that the proposed method has a higher average hit rate than do other methods. This research is used to increase the success rate of In-Vitro Fertilization (IVF).
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35

Urbatsch, Robert. "A Referendum on Trade Theory: Voting on Free Trade in Costa Rica." International Organization 67, no. 1 (January 2013): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818312000355.

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AbstractResearch on mass opinion in international political economy overwhelmingly relies on survey data. This poses problems of external validity, especially for a frequently low-salience issue such as trade policy. To examine whether survey findings about attitudes toward economic openness apply outside of surveys, this note considers patterns of voting in the 2007 Costa Rican plebiscite about joining the Central American Free Trade Area. Several extant theories appear to explain voting patterns, but the results are less in line with traditional economic models based on locally important economic sectors.
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36

Kleinnijenhuis, Jan, Tilo Hartmann, Martin Tanis, and Anita M. J. van Hoof. "Hostile Media Perceptions of Friendly Media Do Reinforce Partisanship." Communication Research 47, no. 2 (May 22, 2019): 276–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093650219836059.

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The hostile media effect (HME) entails that partisanship incites hostile perceptions of media content. However, other research underscores that partisans selectively turn to like-minded media, resulting in a friendly media phenomenon (FMP). The present study suggests that the HME and FMP co-exist, and, furthermore, jointly affect people’s voting behavior. More specifically, based on a media content analysis and a long-term panel survey surrounding the 2014 election for the European Parliament in the Netherlands, we find that people selectively turn to like-minded friendly media (FMP), but perceive coverage about the EU (European Union) in these media as relatively unsupportive of their own position (HME). In this context, the FMP and HME appear to jointly influence voting behavior. People cast votes in line with the objectively partisan-friendly media tone of their self-selected media. However, to a certain extent they do so, because they seem motivated to counteract the seemingly unfair or insufficient coverage about the EU.
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37

Juelich, Courtney L., and Joseph A. Coll. "Ranked Choice Voting and Youth Voter Turnout: The Roles of Campaign Civility and Candidate Contact." Politics and Governance 9, no. 2 (June 15, 2021): 319–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i2.3914.

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Ranked choice voting (RCV) has become increasing popular in the United States as more cities and states begin allowing voters to rank candidates in order of preference. This change in election system has been linked to increased campaign civility and mobilization, but with little evidence suggesting these benefits lead to increased voter turnout in the general population. This study argues that RCV elections may not increase overall voting but will increase youth voting. Considering young Americans, who have become increasingly pessimistic towards politics and are also heavily reliant on mobilization for participation, this study argues that increased campaign civility and mobilization may work to offset the negative feelings and lack of political engagement that plague young Americans. Using a matched study of individual level voter turnout for seven RCV and fourteen non-RCV local elections from 2013 and 2014, we find that there is no statistical difference in voting rates between RCV and plurality cities for the general public. Yet, in line with our hypotheses, younger voters are more likely to vote in RCV cities. Further, we find that increased contact in RCV elections accounts for a larger portion of the increased voter turnout compared to perceptions of campaign civility. Findings suggest RCV acts as a positive mobilizing force for youth voting through increasing campaign contact.
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Caldelli, Roberto, Rudy Becarelli, Francesco Filippini, Francesco Picchioni, and Riccardo Giorgetti. "Electronic Voting by Means of Digital Terrestrial Television The Infrastructure, Security Issues and a Real Test-bed." International Journal of E-Adoption 2, no. 1 (January 2010): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jea.2010010101.

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In this paper a Digital Terrestrial Television (DTT) based voting system is presented. This electronic voting technology allows disabled users to cast their vote from home by using common well-known devices. The needed equipment are a TV set, a Set Top Box (STB) with its remote control and a telephone line. The complete infrastructure consists of an MHP (Multimedia Home Platform) application that acts as a client application, a server application that acts as a network/counting server for e-voting, and a security protocol based on asymmetric key encryption to ensure authentication and secrecy of the vote. The MHP application is broadcasted by a certified (e.g., national) TV channel that grants its originality. The user needs a smart card issued by a national authority and to sign the encrypted ballot. The voter can browse the application by acting on the STB remote control. The server application is in charge to verify user identity, to gather and store user’s encrypted ballots and finally to count votes. The communication between the client application and the server takes place by means of a secured channel (using HTTPS) while the voting operations are secured with the help of asymmetric keys encryption.
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Saad, Eysha, Saima Sadiq, Ramish Jamil, Furqan Rustam, Arif Mehmood, Gyu Sang Choi, and Imran Ashraf. "Predicting death risk analysis in fully vaccinated people using novel extreme regression-voting classifier." DIGITAL HEALTH 8 (January 2022): 205520762211095. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20552076221109530.

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Vaccination for the COVID-19 pandemic has raised serious concerns among the public and various rumours are spread regarding the resulting illness, adverse reactions, and death. Such rumours can damage the campaign against the COVID-19 and should be dealt with accordingly. One prospective solution is to use machine learning-based models to predict the death risk for vaccinated people by utilizing the available data. This study focuses on the prognosis of three significant events including ‘not survived’, ‘recovered’, and ‘not recovered’ based on the adverse events followed by the second dose of the COVID-19 vaccine. Extensive experiments are performed to analyse the efficacy of the proposed Extreme Regression- Voting Classifier model in comparison with machine learning models with Term Frequency-Inverse Document Frequency, Bag of Words, and Global Vectors, and deep learning models like Convolutional Neural Network, Long Short Term Memory, and Bidirectional Long Short Term Memory. Experiments are carried out on the original, as well as, a balanced dataset using Synthetic Minority Oversampling Approach. Results reveal that the proposed voting classifier in combination with TF-IDF outperforms with a 0.85 accuracy score on the SMOTE-balanced dataset. In line with this, the validation of the proposed voting classifier on binary classification shows state-of-the-art results with a 0.98 accuracy.
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Seddighin, Masoud, Mohammad Latifian, and Mohammad Ghodsi. "On the Distortion Value of Elections with Abstention." Journal of Artificial Intelligence Research 70 (January 29, 2021): 567–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1613/jair.1.12306.

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In Spatial Voting Theory, distortion is a measure of how good the winner is. It has been proved that no deterministic voting mechanism can guarantee a distortion better than 3, even for simple metrics such as a line. In this study, we wish to answer the following question: how does the distortion value change if we allow less motivated agents to abstain from the election? We consider an election with two candidates and suggest an abstention model, which is a general form of the abstention model proposed by Kirchgässner. Our results characterize the distortion ¨ value and provide a rather complete picture of the model.
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Bozec, Yves, and Jackie Di Vito. "Founder-Controlled Firms and R&D Investments: New Evidence From Canada." Family Business Review 32, no. 1 (August 17, 2018): 76–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894486518793237.

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Our study investigates the R&D investment behavior of founder-controlled Canadian listed firms. We use De Massis et al.’s model of the sufficiency conditions of ability and willingness and adapt it to predict investments in R&D. As founder-controlled firms are heterogeneous in nature, we distinguish four categories: lone founder firms and family founder firms with and without excess voting rights. In line with our predictions, we find that only lone founder firms without excess voting rights have both the ability and the willingness to invest in R&D and so they invest more in R&D than their counterparts.
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42

Dall’Aglio, Marco, Vito Fragnelli, and Stefano Moretti. "Indices of Criticality in Simple Games." International Game Theory Review 21, no. 01 (March 2019): 1940003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0219198919400036.

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Power indices in simple games measure the relevance of a player through her ability in being critical, i.e. essential for a coalition to win. We introduce new indices that measure the power of a player in being decisive through the collaboration of other players. We study the behavior of these criticality indices to compare the power of different players within a single voting situation, and that of the same player with varying weight across different voting situations. In both cases we establish monotonicity results in line with those of Turnovec [1998]. Finally, we examine which properties characterizing the indices of Shapley–Shubik and Banzhaf are shared by these new indices.
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43

Zabagai, Ametissa, Naambow Anaba Edwige Christelle, and Kiamba Claude Ernest. "Sociological Determinants of Voting in the Local Public Space in Cameroon." East African Scholars Multidisciplinary Bulletin 5, no. 8 (August 6, 2022): 155–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.36349/easjmb.2022.v05i08.002.

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Electoral sociology, the subject of this study, appears to be a privileged framework for the exercise and understanding of theories of voting, and knowledge of the sociological determinant of voting, a line of thought created to understand electoral behaviour in Cameroon. In order to understand the related logics, a qualitative study was conducted based on a review of the political science literature on explanatory models of voting. Results of this study showed that electoral behaviour at the local level is no longer fixed and is not necessarily a function of political parties. Voters are more informed, more realistic and less predictable. This situation is sustained by the political context, as voters seem to be more aware of issues at stake because they are more directly concerned than in the past and feel solely responsible for their future and their fate with the disengagement of the State in most sectors of the Cameroon economy through decentralisation.
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44

Zabagai, Ametissa, Naambow Anaba Edwige Christelle, and Kiamba Claude Ernest. "Sociological Determinants of Voting in the Local Public Space in Cameroon." East African Scholars Multidisciplinary Bulletin 5, no. 8 (August 6, 2022): 155–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.36349/easjmb.2022.v05i08.001.

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Electoral sociology, the subject of this study, appears to be a privileged framework for the exercise and understanding of theories of voting, and knowledge of the sociological determinant of voting, a line of thought created to understand electoral behaviour in Cameroon. In order to understand the related logics, a qualitative study was conducted based on a review of the political science literature on explanatory models of voting. Results of this study showed that electoral behaviour at the local level is no longer fixed and is not necessarily a function of political parties. Voters are more informed, more realistic and less predictable. This situation is sustained by the political context, as voters seem to be more aware of issues at stake because they are more directly concerned than in the past and feel solely responsible for their future and their fate with the disengagement of the State in most sectors of the Cameroon economy through decentralisation.
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45

Green, Jon, and Sean McElwee. "The Differential Effects of Economic Conditions and Racial Attitudes in the Election of Donald Trump." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 02 (October 29, 2018): 358–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718003365.

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Debates over the extent to which racial attitudes and economic distress explain voting behavior in the 2016 election have tended to be limited in scope, focusing on the extent to which each factor explains white voters’ two-party vote choice. This limited scope obscures important ways in which these factors could have been related to voting behavior among other racial sub-groups of the electorate, as well as participation in the two-party contest in the first place. Using the vote-validated 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Survey, merged with economic data at the ZIP code and county levels, we find that racial attitudes strongly explain two-party vote choice among white voters—in line with a growing body of literature. However, we also find that local economic distress was strongly associated with non-voting among people of color, complicating direct comparisons between racial and economic explanations of the 2016 election and cautioning against generalizations regarding causal emphasis.
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46

Miller, Nicholas R. "In Search of the Uncovered Set." Political Analysis 15, no. 1 (2007): 21–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpl007.

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This paper pursues a number of theoretical explorations and conjectures pertaining to the uncovered set in spatial voting games. It was stimulated by the article “The Uncovered Set and the Limits of Legislative Action” by W. T. Bianco, I. Jeliazkov, and I. Sened (2004, Political Analysis 12:256—78) that employed a grid-search computational algorithm for estimating the size, shape, and location of the uncovered set, and it has been greatly facilitated by access to the CyberSenate spatial voting software being developed by Joseph Godfrey. I bring to light theoretical considerations that account for important features of the Bianco, Jeliazkov, and Sened results (e.g., the straight-line boundaries of uncovered sets displayed in some of their figures, the “unexpectedly large” uncovered sets displayed in other figures, and the apparent sensitivity of the location of uncovered sets to small shifts in the relative sizes of party caucuses) and present theoretical insights of more general relevance to spatial voting theory.
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47

Zeng, Honghao, Shihong Jiang, Tianxiang Cui, Zheng Lu, Jiawei Li, Boon-Giin Lee, Junsong Zhu, and Xiaoying Yang. "ScatterHough: Automatic Lane Detection from Noisy LiDAR Data." Sensors 22, no. 14 (July 20, 2022): 5424. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/s22145424.

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Lane detection plays an essential role in autonomous driving. Using LiDAR data instead of RGB images makes lane detection a simple straight line, and curve fitting problem works for realtime applications even under poor weather or lighting conditions. Handling scatter distributed noisy data is a crucial step to reduce lane detection error from LiDAR data. Classic Hough Transform (HT) only allows points in a straight line to vote on the corresponding parameters, which is not suitable for data in scatter form. In this paper, a Scatter Hough algorithm is proposed for better lane detection on scatter data. Two additional operations, ρ neighbor voting and ρ neighbor vote-reduction, are introduced to HT to make points in the same curve vote and consider their neighbors’ voting result as well. The evaluation of the proposed method shows that this method can adaptively fit both straight lines and curves with high accuracy, compared with benchmark and state-of-the-art methods.
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48

Redlawsk, David P. "You Must Remember This: A Test of the On-Line Model of Voting." Journal of Politics 63, no. 1 (February 2001): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0022-3816.00058.

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YU, Xiaoran, Tatsuya HAZUKU, Tomoji TAKAMASA, and Masaki OSHIMA. "21003 Measurement of Interfacial Configuration of Dispersed Particle using Normal-line Voting Method." Proceedings of Conference of Kanto Branch 2008.14 (2008): 227–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1299/jsmekanto.2008.14.227.

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50

Jacobs, Dirk. "Discourse, Politics and Policy: The Dutch Parliamentary Debate about Voting Rights for Foreign Residents." International Migration Review 32, no. 2 (June 1998): 350–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839803200203.

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This article contains the results of research concerning parliamentary debate about voting rights for foreign residents in the Netherlands (1970–1996) using a discourse analytical framework. Due to the characteristics of the Dutch political field, a large majority of the political actors has to be willing and able to combine political interests and ideological narratives into one story line propagating franchise for foreign residents in order to grant voting rights to nonnationals. It is claimed that the success and failure of policy changes regarding the political participation of nonnationals is foremost determined by the extent of the discursive affinity of argumentative clusters used by parties of the “center-right” with the (leftist) discourse which propagates enfranchisement.
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