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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Clark, Gracia. "Negotiating Asante family survival in Kumasi, Ghana." Africa 69, no. 1 (January 1999): 66–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161077.

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Extreme flexibility in the residential and financial arrangements attached to marriage and matrilineal kinship have remained a consistent characteristic of Asante throughout this century. The constant renegotiation processes that constitute and renew family relations have kept them remarkably strong through a series of radical changes in the enacted content and boundaries of those relations, linked with dramatic fluctuations in the economic and political environment of Ghana. The degree of personal agency sustaining this Asante social framework has challenged and stretched a succession of theoretical models, since this negotiability extends to the principles and limits of negotiation itself. The continuing vitality of Asante matriliny actually requires a high degree of individual autonomy, including the economic autonomy that anchors the negotiating position of each social adult. Recent life history work among Kumasi women traders shows that the elastic framework of family relations can absorb considerable change in the expectations and the balance of power between spouses or between parents and children as long as the pace remains slow enough and individual self-reliance stable enough to preserve the continuity of the renegotiation process. The economic crisis of the final decade of the century has threatened the basis of social reproduction by reducing the opportunities for financial independence. Without basic autonomous subsistence young men and women can no longer function effectively as Asante adults.

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2

BARROSO, Fábio Túlio. "OS SINDICATOS PODEM NEGOCIAR DIREITOS TRADICIONALMENTE INDISPONÍVEIS DOS SEUS REPRESENTADOS?" Revista Juridica 4, no. 57 (October 5, 2019): 520. http://dx.doi.org/10.21902/revistajur.2316-753x.v4i57.3787.

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RESUMOObjetivo: O objetivo da pesquisa e analisar os limites da ampliação da negociação coletiva no âmbito do Direito do Trabalho brasileiro em decorrência da edição dos arts. 611-A e 611-B da Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho, advindas da Lei nº. 13.467/2017, em especial sobre quais seriam os limites da autonomia negocial coletiva, sem olvidar-se da análise do papel do sindicato em face desse alargamento na negociação de direitos indisponíveis.Metodologia: Utilizou-se os métodos lógico e dedutivo, por meio de legislação trabalhista e constituional, além da revisão de literatura sobre a matéria.Resultados: Os resultados demonstram que houve uma ampliação da autonomia negocial atribuída aos sindicatos, na medida em que conferem prevalência do negociado sobre o legislado e um alargamento da negociação coletiva entre as empresas e os empregados. Por outro acepção, conclui-se que a reforma trabalhista no aspecto negocial proporcionou risco de possíveis reduções de direitos e garantias fundamentais.Contribuições: A contribuição deste estudo refere-se à discussão de que os sindicatos não podem negociar direitos tradicionalmente indisponíveis.Traçou-se um paralelo a respeito de como se desenvolvia a negociação sindical antes e após a edição dos arts. 611-A e 611-B da Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho, introduzidos pela Lei nº. 13.467/2017, para, ao fim, após a análise de todo o complexo de normas, a principiologia do Direito do Trabalho e a doutrina especializada.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Reforma trabalhista; direitos indisponíveis, flexibilização. ABSTRACTObjective: To analyze the limits of the expansion of collective bargaining in the scope of Brazilian Labor Law due to the edition of arts. 611-A and 611-B of the Consolidation of Labor Laws, arising from Law no. 13,467/2017, in particular about what would be the limits of collective bargaining autonomy, without forgetting the analysis of the union's role in view of this enlargememt in the negotiation of unavailable rights.Methodology: The logical and deductive methods were used through labor and constitutional legislation, as well as a literature review on the subject.Results: The results show that there was an increase in the negotiating autonomy attributed to the unions, as they confer prevalence of the “negotiated over the legislated” and an expansion of collective bargaining between companies and employees. On the other hand, it can be concluded that the labor reform in the negotiation aspect posed the risk of possible reductions in rights and fundamental guarantees.Contributions: The contribution of this study refers to the discussion that unions cannot negotiate traditionally unavailable rights. A parallel was drawn about how trade union negotiations developed before and after the publication of arts. 611-A and 611-B of the Consolidation of Labor Laws introduced by Law no. 13,467/2017 after the analysis of the whole complex of norms, the principles of Labor Law and the specialized doctrine.KEYWORDS: Labor reform; unavailable rights, relaxation.

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3

Ku, Agnes S. "Negotiating the Space of Civil Autonomy in Hong Kong: Power, Discourses and Dramaturgical Representations." China Quarterly 179 (September 2004): 647–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004000529.

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This article delineates the negotiated space of civil autonomy in post-handover Hong Kong through the contingent interplay of law, discourse, dramaturgy and politics. It takes the Public Order Ordinance dispute in 2000 as the first major test case of civil conflicts in the shadow of the right of abode struggle. As it unfolded, the event demonstrated both the power and limits of resistance by the people, and the government's increasing will, as well as the strategies it used, to rule within the “law and order” framework under continual challenges. In the event, civil autonomy had been a contested issue involving considerations of rule of law, rights, civic propriety, state legitimacy and the construction of particular identity (such as student-hood). Given the multiplicity of discourses and sub-discourses, citizenship practices and public criticisms opened up a contested space for resistance and negotiation. A campaign of civil disobedience was at first successfully mounted through an ensemble of political and symbolic mechanisms. A turning point was configured when, mediated by a meaning reconstruction process, the government made a series of political and performative acts to re-script the drama, which turned out to be an ironic success for itself that put state–society relations on an increasingly tenuous course. Ultimately ideological differences were at stake: respect for a rights-based discourse of rule of law versus the assertion of political and legal authoritarianism.

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4

Giustino, Cathleen M. "Industrial Design and the Czechoslovak Pavilion at EXPO ’58: Artistic Autonomy, Party Control and Cold War Common Ground." Journal of Contemporary History 47, no. 1 (January 2012): 185–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009411422371.

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The socialist industrial designs displayed in Czechoslovakia’s EXPO ’58 pavilion spoke a visual language understood on both sides of the Iron Curtain, making the pavilion a site of common ground between East and West. The showcase was also a point of convergence between Czechoslovak visual artists and Communist Party authorities who engaged in complex political negotiations in the years after Stalin’s death. Visual artists vied for liberation from socialist realism’s constraints, although they kept their demands within limits to avoid risking Party backlash. Communist Party leaders wanted domestic stability and saw improving the living standard as a tactic for insuring popular support. They increasingly perceived industrial design to be a visual-arts activity with special promise. Well-designed furniture, textiles, glass, ceramics and other consumer goods could generate state income useful for raising the living standard at home and earning hard currency abroad. The Party needed the designers’ cooperation to achieve efficient, attractive production within the command economy. In the Brussels showcase communist authorities compromised with visual artists helping to insure the latter’s support and success, demonstrating that culture in postwar Czechoslovakia was not merely imposed ‘from above’ by omnipotent authorities but could be the outcome of multidirectional negotiations between various competing interests.

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5

Ismailov, S., and B. Kojirova. "Issues of formation of the Kazakh-Russian border in the 1920s-1930s." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical Sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 141, no. 4 (2022): 50–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2022-141-4-50-66.

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This article examines the problem of the formation of the border between Kazakh autonomy and the Russian Federation. During the critical period of the 1920s, when the issue of delimitation of territories was raised, the Kazakh lands were managed by several centers: Kirrevkom, Sibrevkom and Turkestan Republic. During this period there was an active activity of the Kazakh intelligentsia, which within the limits of their authority defended the territorial interests of the people, at that their unity in this matter was noted, despite the old ideological contradictions. It is necessary to note that the big contribution in business of inclusion of the native Kazakh lands and preservation of them as a part of new autonomy was made by many leaders of Alash movement. It was A. Baitursynov and M. Seralin who were able to defend the issue of the inclusion of Kustanai uyezd into the Kazakh ASSR. It is known that some of the Alash leaders for a positive solution of the territorial issue specifically went to Moscow for negotiations with Lenin and Stalin. As a result of their active position, most of the Kazakh territories were included in the Kazakh autonomy formed in 1920 on the terms of the Bolsheviks. In the 1930's the process of delimitation of lands between the Kazakh autonomy and the Russian Federation continued. During this period, the process of complete delimitation between the two Soviet republics went on gradually until it was formalized in the position that was fixed in 1936, when Kazakhstan received the status of a union republic. As a result of the activities of various administrative-territorial commissions, the border issue was almost completely resolved. However, some shortcomings, in the form of interspersions, remained. Thus, during the Soviet period the issue of territorial delimitation was not finally resolved.

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6

Becker, Penny Edgell. "“Rational Amusement and Sound Instruction”: Constructing the True Catholic Woman in the Ave Maria, 1865-1889." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 8, no. 1 (1998): 55–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1998.8.1.03a00030.

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This article explores the relationship between gender ideology and popular culture in one particular time and place—a Catholic family magazine called the Ave Maria during the latter part of the nineteenth Century. This case study yields an interpretive sociological account of how women were portrayed in this magazine, an account that sheds light on our understanding of the construction and negotiation of religious ideologies. When I speak of “ideology,” I refer to highly articulated and explicit meaning Systems that construct and regulate patterns of conduct. “Official ideologies” are endorsed and promoted by organizational officials and/or community elites.A systematic examination of Ave Maria from 1865 to 1889 reveals that two-thirds of the articles reproduce some version of the official ideology of the True Catholic Woman. On the other hand, about one-third of the articles produce what I call “alternative interpretations”—“alternative” because they are critical of the limits that the official versions placed on women's character, activity, or autonomy.

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7

Dar, Sadhvi. "Negotiating Autonomy." Journal of Health Management 9, no. 2 (May 2007): 161–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097206340700900202.

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This article is a contribution to the under-researched but growing literature relating organisational theory to non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Many developmental academics and practitioners have highlighted the imposition of Northern ideas and values on Southern NGOs as inherently colonial, patronising and leading to minimal grassroots autonomy (Crush 1995; Escobar 1995; Ferguson 2003[1990]; Hobart 1993). While acknowledging this, the present article analyses the diffusion of Northern managerialism on Southern ways of working with special reference to how Southern NGOs are pressured to exude a cohesive, uniform and positive organisational identity in order to work in partnership with their donors. In doing so, the analysis points to the concept of organisational identity itself being a construct of Northern ideas of management and, therefore, not applicable universally. It is suggested that fissures and resistances created by this double construction are played out in development project reports. It is in reports that an organisational narrative is created and an image is portrayed of the organisation: setting up a textual space where organisational identity is legitimated and used for negotiating autonomy in relation to donors.

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8

Lake, Robert W. "Negotiating local autonomy." Political Geography 13, no. 5 (September 1994): 423–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0962-6298(94)90049-3.

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9

Ridinger, Robert B. "Negotiating Limits." Journal of Homosexuality 50, no. 2-3 (May 2, 2006): 189–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j082v50n02_09.

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10

Henckes, Nicolas. "Negotiating the limits of therapy." Medizinhistorisches Journal 56, no. 1-2 (2021): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/mhj-2021-0004.

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Noorman, Merel, and Deborah G. Johnson. "Negotiating autonomy and responsibility in military robots." Ethics and Information Technology 16, no. 1 (February 18, 2014): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10676-013-9335-0.

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12

Tomanović, Smiljka. "Negotiating children's participation and autonomy within families." International Journal of Children's Rights 11, no. 1 (2003): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092755603322384029.

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13

Voorhoeve, Alex. "The limits of autonomy." Philosophers' Magazine, no. 46 (2009): 78–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tpm20094646.

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14

Fried, Terri R. "Limits of Patient Autonomy." Archives of Internal Medicine 153, no. 6 (March 22, 1993): 722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/archinte.1993.00410060032006.

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15

Zartman, I. William. "Negotiating with Terrorists." International Negotiation 8, no. 3 (2003): 443–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571806031310815.

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AbstractNegotiating with terrorists is possible, within limits, as the articles in this issue show and explore. Limits come initially in the distinction between absolute and contingent terrorists, and then between revolutionary and conditional absolutes and between barricaders, kidnappers and hijackers in the contingent category. Revolutionary absolute are nonnegotiable adversaries, but even conditional absolutes are potentially negotiable and contingent terrorists actually seek negotiation. The official negotiator is faced with the task of giving a little in order to get the terrorist to give a lot, a particularly difficult imbalance to obtain given the highly committed and desperate nature of terrorists as they follow rational but highly unconventional tactics. Such are the challenges of negotiating with terrorists that this issue of the journal explores and elucidates.

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16

Eilenberg, Michael. "Negotiating Autonomy at the Margins of the State." South East Asia Research 17, no. 2 (July 2009): 201–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/000000009788745831.

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17

Rössler, Beate. "Autonomy. Problems and Limits Introduction." Philosophical Explorations 5, no. 3 (October 2002): 162–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10002002108538730.

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18

IZENBERG, GERALD. "SELF: THE LIMITS OF AUTONOMY." Modern Intellectual History 15, no. 1 (June 8, 2017): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924431700021x.

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If one is looking for the authoritative work on the history of the modern Western concept of “self,” the place to go is Jerrold Seigel's The Idea of the Self. It is a wide-ranging, deeply insightful account of Western thinking about the nature of selfhood in Britain, France, and Germany since Descartes, framed by a powerfully argued thesis about the right way to conceptualize it. But that project was driven by what in the retrospect of Seigel's whole body of work can be seen as an even more comprehensive historical program, one both methodological and substantive. One of Seigel's basic historiographical convictions, more implicit than systematically argued, is that individual subjectivity matters for historical explanation. His broader substantive interest is in the meaning of the Western notion of “modernity,” above all in its implications and consequences for our contemporary self-understanding. Methodological conviction and substantive interest are tightly interwoven. As Seigel sees it, the process of European modernization was guided by, and in turn further developed, a historically locatable, complex, and internally conflicted version of universal selfhood—the autonomous bourgeois self. His corpus is an extended and evolving exploration of this process and its result, which he finds most clearly documented in European thought and culture from the mid-seventeenth century to the mid-twentieth.

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19

Shuman, Andrew G., and Andrew R. Barnosky. "Exploring the Limits of Autonomy." Journal of Emergency Medicine 40, no. 2 (February 2011): 229–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jemermed.2009.02.029.

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20

Jiwa, M. "Autonomy: the need for limits." Journal of Medical Ethics 22, no. 6 (December 1, 1996): 340–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jme.22.6.340.

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21

Volpe, Rebecca L., Benjamin H. Levi, George F. Blackall, and Michael J. Green. "Exploring the Limits of Autonomy." Hastings Center Report 42, no. 3 (May 2012): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/hast.46.

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22

Sajoo, Amyn B. "Negotiating Virtue." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 43, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429813513234.

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Principlist modes of reasoning in bioethics – with autonomy at the core – resonate strongly with a legalism that dominates Muslim ethics, including the understanding of the shari’a. From abortion and organ donation/transplant to end-of-life decisions, both secular and Muslim bioethics generally apply “cardinal” principles in ways felt to be relatively objective and certain, though they may produce different outcomes. This article builds on recent critiques, notably that of virtue ethics, in drawing attention to the cost in sensitivity to context and the individual. The Aristotelian basis of virtue ethics has a venerable place in Islamic traditions – as does maslaha, the public good, which has long played a critical role in tempering formalism in the shari’a. In conjunction with the agent- and context-centred reasoning of virtue ethics, maslaha can contribute vitally to negotiating competing bioethical claims. It is also more inclusive than principlist legalism, given the latter’s traditionalist and patriarchal moorings. The shift is urgent amid the growing interface of religious and secular approaches to problems raised by biomedical technologies, and to biosocial issues such as female genital mutilation (FGM) and honour killings.

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23

Rajeshwari, B., Nandini Deo, and Margit van Wessel. "Negotiating autonomy in capacity development: Addressing the inherent tension." World Development 134 (October 2020): 105046. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2020.105046.

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24

Emson, H. E. "Rights, Duties, and Limits of Autonomy." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 4, no. 1 (1995): 6–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180100005594.

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In the language of secular bioethics, autonomy is always accorded first place in the hierarchy of values that has come to be referred to as the “Georgetown mantra” A dictionary definition of mantra is “a verbal spell, ritualistic incantation, or mystic formula used devotionally,” and the value placed upon autonomy is largely of this nature: uncritical and uncriticised. That there should be and are limits to autonomy is obvious, but these boundaries are undefined, little discussed, and mostly unexplored. To use another metaphor, our emphasis on autonomy is an index of how far the pendulum has swung in an understandable and partly justifiable reaction from, earlier paternalism; has this swing approached its proper limit, and should we be seeking a less extreme and more balanced assessment of autonomy as a bioethical value?

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25

Khilyuta, V. V. "Limits of Autonomy in Criminal Law." Lex Russica, no. 4 (May 2, 2019): 117–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2019.149.4.117-128.

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The article raises a question about the autonomy of criminal law. Various aspects of the doctrinal understanding of the limits of criminal law and its scope in relation to the positive branches of legislation are considered. The author in the context of the existence of the concept of autonomy (independence) of criminal law regulation questions the limits of judicial interpretation. In this context, antagonistic views on the limits of the mechanism of criminal law regulation are considered. Particular attention is given to the fundamental premise that the functional autonomy of criminal law generates not only a protective component, but also a regulatory function, and the law enforcement officer has the right to decide a particular case, based on concepts borrowed from other branches of law, but it can give them a different meaning and significance than the one they are endowed with in these positive (regulating specific social relations) sectors. The author comes to the conclusion that an autonomous interpretation of foreign industry features and concepts of regulatory legislation is scarcely credible. If a criminal law is to protect economic relations arising from the static and dynamic nature of objects of civil rights and their turnover from criminal encroachments, its subordination to the provisions of regulatory legislation is inevitable. The determinism here should be manifested precisely in accordance with the description of the signs of the crime to the provisions of regulatory norms. As a result, the autonomy of criminal law may create uncertainty about the content of the rule of law itself and allow for unlimited discretion in its enforcement. In this formulation of the issue, the autonomy of criminal law regulation is replaced by a very different approach — the autonomy of the judicial interpretation of criminal law. However, in this case there is a substitution of concepts, and the autonomy of criminal law is associated not so much with the regulatory function as with the law enforcement of criminal law.

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26

Moreau, Stéphane. "Autonomy in hematology: limits and perspective." Hématologie 23, no. 1 (January 2017): 73–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1684/hma.2017.1215.

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27

Tia Powell. "LVADs and the Limits of Autonomy." Hastings Center Report 38, no. 3 (2008): 4–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hcr.0.0021.

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Powell, Tia. "LVADs and the Limits of Autonomy." Hastings Center Report 38, no. 3 (2008): 4–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hcr.0.0023.

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29

Nichols, Jeffrey. "Help Patients Understand Limits of Autonomy." Caring for the Ages 8, no. 12 (December 2007): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1526-4114(07)60289-3.

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30

Entwistle, John W. C., and Kathleen N. Fenton. "Reply: There are limits to autonomy." Journal of Thoracic and Cardiovascular Surgery 160, no. 1 (July 2020): e6-e7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jtcvs.2020.02.059.

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31

Ji, Yingchun. "Negotiating Marriage and Schooling." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 646, no. 1 (January 30, 2013): 194–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716212469925.

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This article investigates ways that young Nepalese women combine family and student roles when transitioning to adulthood. Findings show both women’s and their parents’ education is positively associated with the young women’s school enrollment after marriage. Furthermore, the effect of education on postmarriage schooling is dependent on type of marriage: for lower-educated women, those in an arranged marriage are more likely to continue education than those in a love marriage. However, for better-educated women, those in a love marriage are more likely to continue schooling than those in an arranged marriage. The more educated ones who balance personal autonomy and obedience to cultural authorities win parental support in both their marriage formation and personal development. Unlike the increasingly elongated, sequential transition to adulthood in the Western context, young Nepalese women experience an intense transition to adulthood as they take on family and student roles simultaneously with practical familial support.

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32

BULLEY, DAN. "Negotiating ethics: Campbell, ontopology and hospitality." Review of International Studies 32, no. 4 (October 2006): 645–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210506007200.

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David Campbell has been at the forefront of showing how deconstruction, and the philosophy of Jacques Derrida, can help us to think international relations differently. Like Derrida himself, Campbell has eschewed the goal of an ethical theory in favour of an ‘ethos of political criticism’ concerned to question and go beyond our assumptions and limits. In order to continue such an ethos of criticism, to push our understanding of ethics in international relations further still, it is surely important to question the assumptions and limits Campbell himself imposes. It is with this in mind that I wish to take a particular political intervention by Derrida in 1993 and read it against Campbell’s Derridean analysis of the Bosnian conflict which began in 1992.

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33

Sjödin, Sara. "Negotiating learner autonomy: a case study on the autonomy of a learner with high-functioning autism." Nordic Journal of Studies in Educational Policy 2015, no. 2 (January 2015): 28483. http://dx.doi.org/10.3402/nstep.v1.28483.

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34

Haist, Gordon. "Negotiating the Nonnegotiable." Journal of Indian Philosophy and Religion 26 (2021): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jipr2021261.

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Are human rights negotiable? Jacques Derrida argued that it is necessary to negotiate the nonnegotiable to save the nonnegotiable. This paper defends this claim while arguing for what Calvin Schrag called an ethics of the fitting response and finding such a response in Amartya Sen’s realization-focused comparative approach to justice. For Derrida, the aporetic character of urgency produces decisions which must be made outside the institutional limits of decision theory. That calls for a deconstruction of the axiomatics of rights in institutional settings. It also makes urgent the need for a deinstitutionalized ethics undeceived by the challenge of making judgments in aporias. Using Ted Honderich’s humanism as counterfoil, the argument moves through Derrida’s concept of "contradictory coherence" to Schrag’s transverse rationality, which thinks with deconstruction in order to think against its negative outcomes. The paper ends by suggesting that Schrag's communicative praxeology forges an ethics compatible with Sen’s threshold conditions to determine rights through freedoms.

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35

Wenner, Danielle M. "Nondomination and the Limits of Relational Autonomy." IJFAB: International Journal of Feminist Approaches to Bioethics 13, no. 2 (August 2020): 28–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ijfab.13.2.2020-01-08.

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Rosenthal, M. Sara. "The limits of autonomy in thyroid oncology." International Journal of Endocrine Oncology 2, no. 1 (March 2015): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2217/ije.14.29.

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37

Gereffi, Gary, and Nora Hamilton. "The Limits of State Autonomy: Postrevolutionary Mexico." Contemporary Sociology 15, no. 1 (January 1986): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2070981.

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38

Pryles, Michael. "Limits to Party Autonomy in Arbitral Procedure." Journal of International Arbitration 24, Issue 3 (June 1, 2007): 327–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/joia2007023.

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Who is in charge of the arbitral procedure - the parties or the arbitrator? The answer may not be readily apparent. This article explores the powers of the parties and the arbitrator to prescribe the procedure to be followed in an arbitration.

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39

Lewis, Jonathan. "Autonomy and the limits of cognitive enhancement." Bioethics 35, no. 1 (July 22, 2020): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/bioe.12791.

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Krishna, Lalit Kumar Radha, Deborah S. Watkinson, and Ng Lee Beng. "Limits to relational autonomy—The Singaporean experience." Nursing Ethics 22, no. 3 (June 9, 2014): 331–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969733014533239.

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Recognition that the Principle of Respect for Autonomy fails to work in family-centric societies such as Singapore has recently led to the promotion of relational autonomy as a suitable framework within which to place healthcare decision making. However, empirical data, relating to patient and family opinions and the practices of healthcare professionals in Confucian-inspired Singapore, demonstrate clear limitations on the ability of a relational autonomy framework to provide the anticipated compromise between prevailing family decision-making norms and adopted Western led atomistic concepts of autonomy. Evidence suggests that despite a growing infusion of Western influence, there is still little to indicate any major shift to individual decision making, particularly in light of the way society and healthcare are structured. Similarly, the lack of employing a shared decision-making model and data that discredit the notion that the complex psychosocial and cultural factors that affect the decision making may be considered “content neutral” not only prevents the application of relational autonomy but questions the viability of the values behind the Principle of Respect for Autonomy. Taking into account local data and drawing upon a wider concept of personhood that extends beyond prevailing family-centric ideals along with the complex interests that are focused upon the preservation of the unique nature of personhood that arises from the Ring Theory of Personhood, we propose and “operationalize” the employing of an authoritative welfare-based approach, within the confines of best interest decision making, to better meet the current care needs within Singapore.

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41

Schwartz, Robert L. "Autonomy, Futility, and the Limits of Medicine." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 1, no. 2 (1992): 159–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180100000268.

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Most of us find the surgeon's surprise at this patient' request understandable, and it is hard to imagine any surgeon acceding to this patient's demand. On the other hand (the one left), the patient is right—the surgeon is denying his technical skill because his values are different from those of the patient, whose values the surgeon does not respect. The autonomy of the patient is being limited by the values of the doctor whose own interests, other than his interest in practicing medicine according to his own ethical values, would remain unaffected by his decision to provide the service.

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42

Shirley, Jamie L. "Limits of Autonomy in Nursingʼs Moral Discourse." Advances in Nursing Science 30, no. 1 (January 2007): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00012272-200701000-00003.

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43

King, Louise P. "Should Clinicians Set Limits on Reproductive Autonomy?" Hastings Center Report 47 (November 24, 2017): S50—S56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/hast.796.

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Lantos, John, Ann Marie Matlock, and David Wendler. "Clinician Integrity and Limits to Patient Autonomy." JAMA 305, no. 5 (February 2, 2011): 495. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.2011.32.

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45

Smith, M. "Review article - Negotiating Nature: Social Theory at its Limits?" Environmental Politics 11, no. 2 (June 2002): 181–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714000606.

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Cutter, Mary Ann Gardell. "Negotiating criteria and setting limits: The case of aids." Theoretical Medicine 11, no. 3 (September 1990): 193–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00489829.

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Bulloch, Hannah C. M. "Personifying Progress: Negotiating Autonomy, Obligation and Intergenerational Aspirations in the Philippines." Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 22, no. 5 (October 20, 2021): 414–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14442213.2021.1967437.

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Schwaller, J. F. "Indigenous Writings from the Convent: Negotiating Ethnic Autonomy in Colonial Mexico." Ethnohistory 60, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-1642878.

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Steen-Olsen, Tove, and Astrid Grude Eikseth. "The Power of Time: Teachers' Working Day — Negotiating Autonomy and Control." European Educational Research Journal 9, no. 2 (January 2010): 284–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/eerj.2010.9.2.284.

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50

Werner, Bridgette K. "Between Autonomy and Acquiescence: Negotiating Rule in Revolutionary Bolivia, 1953–1958." Hispanic American Historical Review 100, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-7993100.

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Abstract In January 1958, the townspeople of San Pedro de Buena Vista hunted down and killed peasant leader Narciso Torrico, sparking a wave of violence that provoked repeated state interventions in northern Potosí department, Bolivia. Encouraged by the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR) state's rightward turn, local elites had regrouped to challenge revolutionary change. Meanwhile, José Rojas—a powerful peasant leader and key MNR ally—faced a crucial crossroads. Repeatedly tapped by state authorities to pacify San Pedro de Buena Vista, Rojas vacillated between asserting political autonomy and acquiescing to state power. While previous scholarship has viewed Rojas's relationship with the revolutionary state as clear evidence of the MNR's co-optation of Bolivian peasants, the events of 1958 provide a powerful counterpoint to this narrative. I argue that crucial intermediaries like Rojas evaded state agents' control in spite of their public support for the MNR, thus challenging the historiographical portrayal of peasant leaders' passivity in the postrevolutionary years.

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