Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Limitation of actions – Human rights'

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on September 12, 2008) Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Doctor Legum - LLD
Taxation is fundamental for development in South Africa (SA), a developing country with an emerging economy in which taxation is essential to capacitate the government so that it can fulfil its mandate under the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Constitution). This mandate includes bringing about socio-economic transformation, part of transformative constitutionalism, through progressively realising socio-economic rights. This dissertation examines the way in which tax administration may take place efficiently and effectively with due respect for taxpayers' rights. A clear link is shown between taxation, human rights and the South African government's responsibilities to attain its transformation targets. To facilitate this process, the Constitution creates a legal framework for the imposition of tax and for the equitable distribution of tax revenue among the three spheres of government. For historical, political and other reasons, South Africans generally, as happens elsewhere in the world, lack a strong culture of voluntary tax compliance. Wilful non-payment of tax is antithetical to the values of democracy, ubuntu and the rule of law. Tax non-compliance minimises revenue collected from taxation. This, in turn, hinders the attainment of transformation in all its facets. A pressing need exists for laws that, on the one hand, promote tax morality and, on the other, strengthen the South African Revenue Service (SARS) so that it can effectively administer SA's national tax system (or grid). To this end, the Tax Administration Act 28 of 2011 (TAA) is pivotal. It regulates tax administration, a part of public administration. Under the Constitution, SARS is obliged to execute its functions in a manner respectful of taxpayers' rights and that upholds the Constitution’s values and democratic principles. Consequently, the TAA must strike a fair balance between, on the one hand, protecting taxpayers' rights and, on the other, arming SARS with adequate powers with which it can effectively combat the mischief of tax non-compliance. This dissertation shows that, when viewed through the prism of s 36 of the Bill of Rights (BOR), the powers conferred on SARS by ss 45(1), (2), 63(1) and (4) of the TAA to conduct warrantless inspections and searches, as the case may be, limit taxpayers' rights to, inter alia, privacy. It concludes that, whilst ss 63(1) and (4) ought to pass muster, ss 45(1) and (2) are susceptible to a declaration of invalidity under s 172(1) of the Constitution.

Cette étude traite de la question de l’inter-normativité entre le droit et la morale dans le domaine spécifique de la limitation des droits de l’homme au nom de la morale, et dans le champ juridique formé par la jurisprudence de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme. Même si la Convention européenne comporte déjà un but de restriction de la protection de la morale, le sujet de la thèse requiert une conceptualisation plus large et moins formelle du phénomène à analyser. La notion de « norme morale limitative » peut alors être utilisée pour couvrir l’ensemble des modes de pertinence de la morale en sa fonction de limitation des droits. La thèse examine l’introduction de la norme morale limitative dans le contentieux européen à travers l’inter-normative nationale, et vérifie son niveau de pertinence lors de la désignation de l’applicabilité de la Convention. Elle établit le contexte axiologique de l’ordre public européen dans lequel la norme morale est évaluée. L’examen de la question, en tenant compte des différents types de valeur que la norme morale peut viser à protéger ou promouvoir, met en lumière l’affaiblissement juridique des motifs moralistes et paternalistes dans la justification de la limitation des droits. En revanche, la norme morale limitative devient plus difficilement contestable dans l’argumentation lorsqu’elle se veut protectrice d’autrui. Toutefois, la zone d’interférence entre la morale et la protection d’autrui est en mutation. Ce dernier facteur devient exclusivement pertinent dans le domaine des conflits axiologiques émergents, en limitant la norme morale limitative à des matières de réglementation plus classiques
The thesis deals with the question of inter-normativity between the law and the moral in the specific context of limitation of human rights in the name of the moral and in the legal context created by the case law of the European Court of Human Rights. The European Convention of Human rights includes already a restriction to the protection brought by the moral. The topic of the thesis provides a much broader conceptualization of the phenomena. The notion of « limitative moral norm » can be used to cover all modes of the moral as a limitation of rights. This study analyses the introduction of the limitative moral norm in the European litigation and verifies its level of efficiency in the applicability of the Convention. The thesis establishes the axiological background of the European public policy in which the moral norm is evaluated. The moralist and paternalistic motifs are legally poor when it comes to justify the limitation of rights. However, the limitative moral norm becomes difficult to contest when it comes to protect the rights of others. Nevertheless, the interference zone between the moral and the protection of the other is changing. This latter factor becomes exclusively efficient in the context of emerging axiological conflicts, limiting the scope of the limitative moral norm to fields of classical regulation

Magister Legum - LLM
This mini-thesis is based on the presumption that the Danish cartoons and the anti-Muslim clip posted on YouTube as forms of expression, ridiculed the religious beliefs and practices of Muslims which in turn affected the exercise of religious freedom as it violated the dignity of the bearers of the right to freedom of religion and therefore a conflict between the right to freedom of religion and freedom of expression exists. The above incidence of conflict between the right to freedom of religion and freedom of expression involves infringing the freedom of religion of the Islamic community. Blasphemy in Islam is speech that is insulting to God, but during the course of Muslim history it has become increasingly linked with insult to the Prophet Muhammad. In Islam the depiction of the Prophet Muhammad in any way is strictly forbidden and is considered blasphemous.

Essa tese de doutorado tem como principal objetivo avaliar os dez anos da política de ações afirmativas na UFRGS, em especial as cotas raciais, aprovada pela Decisão do Consun em 2008 atendendo a demanda do movimento negro e de outros seguimentos sociais que demandaram por essa política. A questão central da pesquisa busca investigar: como foi a trajetória acadêmica dos alunos cotistas negros na UFRGS, considerando as categorias de inserção, adaptação e empoderamento. Os ex-alunos cotistas concederam entrevistas de como sentiram essa política a partir do recorte racial (negros) nas áreas biológicas humanas e exatas, sendo esses oriundos dos cursos de ciências sociais, enfermagem, história e ciências contábeis. O referencial teórico dialoga com Freire, Santos, Munanga, Zitkoski, Davis, Oliven e outros. Além da base teórica, a tese contempla as legislações das ações afirmativas e os diálogos com os direitos humanos nas mais variadas formas incluindo a democratização da universidade, educação pública e as questões de etnia, gênero e sexualidade. Essa pesquisa de campo junto aos alunos cotistas negros trouxe à tona inusitadas situações de preconceitos e discriminações por parte de seus colegas e professores pois a universidade que tem em sua apresentação o comprometimento com o futuro, com a consciência crítica e com o respeito às diferenças, imprimiu nesses marcas contraditórias à sua missão. Entre os prazeres e os dissabores dos alunos cotistas nesse ambiente elitizado e hostil, destacam-se: os percursos acadêmicos de forma solitária entre os cotistas, as dificuldades de se reconhecerem inicialmente e expressarem sua negritude, os preconceitos contra a religiosidade e sexualidade onde, na instituição, inúmeras vezes foram tolhidos do direito de dizerem a sua palavra. Os ex-cotistas após diplomados fizeram significativas sugestões direcionadas aos alunos e professores no que tange ao respeito das legislações específicas protetivas dos direitos raciais, que ainda tem sido violados. Também sugeriram que seja alterada a forma de acolhimento/atendimento/acompanhamento dos cotistas raciais a partir de atividades específicas sobre a lei de cotas e o combate ao preconceito. A continuidade das pesquisas desse tema sugere um aprofundamento na forma da abordagem do aluno cotista racial por parte da universidade, incidindo na área da formação dos docentes da universidade e maior flexibilização do currículo, abrindo espaço junto ao departamento jurídico da instituição para registros e acompanhamentos das queixas dos cotistas raciais. Essas negras mulheres e negros homens transformaram suas adversidades em superação alçando vôos como os personagens de Fernão Capelo, pois avaliam as cotas como uma política que vem dando certo que necessitada de ajustes, porém, deve seguir como tem feito também na pós-graduação, incluindo cada vez mais os variados segmentos sociais na universidade pública, onde hoje esses se percebem como sujeitos empoderados na luta pela transformação social.
This doctoral thesis has as its main objective to evaluate the ten years of affirmative action policies at Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS in Brazil’s acronym), with special focus on racial quotas, which were approved by an university council decision in 2008, meeting the long standing demands of the Afro-Brazilian and other social movements The central question of this research is to investigate the following: what has been the academic trajectory of the black students who joined UFRGS through affirmative action quotas, considering the parameters of Insertion-adaptation and empowerment. Former black students provided interviews on how they felt under these policies from a racial perspective, as students from humanities, biology, social sciences, nursing, history and accounting. The theoretical reference includes names such as Freire, Santos, Munanga, Zitkoski, Davis, Oliven and others. In addition to the theoretical basis, the thesis deals with affirmative action legislation and human rights dialogues in a variety of ways, including university democratization, public education, ethnicity, gender and sexuality issues. This field of research of Afro-Brazilian students under affirmative actions brought to the surface unusual situations of prejudice and discrimination on the part of their colleagues and professors, cohorts of the same university that has a tradition of commitment with the future, the critical thinking and the respect for the differences, therefore exposing contradictory remarks to its mission. Among the advantages and disadvantages of quota students in this elitist and hostile environment were: a solitary academic experience among quota students, the difficulties of initially recognizing and expressing their ethnicity, prejudices against their religiosity and sexuality, when in many times they were denied the right to speak their minds. Former quota students, now alumni, made significant suggestions directed at current students and teachers regarding laws in place to protect racial rights, and how those laws have still been violated. Those alumni also suggested that the way of receiving, assisting, accompanying students should be changed based on specific activities on the affirmative action law and the fight against prejudice. The ongoing research on this topic suggests a deeper approach from the university towards the racial quota student, focused on training university professors and on greater flexibility in the academic curriculum, opening communication channels with the legal department of the institution to register and follow-up complaints from quota students with the university. These black women and men turned their adversities into opportunities, taking off such as the characters of Fernão Capelo. Such feat comes from the fact those students perceive the quotas as a policy that is going on the right direction. While there are needs for adjustments, these policies should follow through also in other spaces such as postgraduate degrees, with broader social outreach, touching other segments on the public university, leading those individuals to be perceived as empowered subjects in the fight for social transformation.

The research hypothesis of the thesis is that “an open participation in the co-creation of the services and environments, makes life easier for vulnerable groups”; assuming that the participatory and emancipatory approaches are processes of possible actions and changes aimed at facilitating people’s lives. The adoption of these approaches is put forward as the common denominator of social innovative practices that supporting inclusive processes allow a shift from a medical model to a civil and human rights approach to disability. The theoretical basis of this assumption finds support in many principles of Inclusive Education and the main focus of the hypothesis of research is on participation and emancipation as approaches aimed at facing emerging and existing problems related to inclusion. The framework of reference for the research is represented by the perspectives adopted by several international documents concerning policies and interventions to promote and support the leadership and participation of vulnerable groups. In the first part an in-depth analysis of the main academic publications on the central themes of the thesis has been carried out. After investigating the framework of reference, the analysis focuses on the main tools of participatory and emancipatory approaches, which are able to connect with the concepts of active citizenship and social innovation. In the second part two case studies concerning participatory and emancipatory approaches in the areas of concern are presented and analyzed as example of the improvement of inclusion, through the involvement and participation of persons with disability. The research has been developed using a holistic and interdisciplinary approach, aimed at providing a knowledge-base that fosters a shift from a situation of passivity and care towards a new scenario based on the person’s commitment in the elaboration of his/her own project of life.

The research hypothesis of the thesis is that “an open participation in the co-creation of the services and environments, makes life easier for vulnerable groups”; assuming that the participatory and emancipatory approaches are processes of possible actions and changes aimed at facilitating people’s lives. The adoption of these approaches is put forward as the common denominator of social innovative practices that supporting inclusive processes allow a shift from a medical model to a civil and human rights approach to disability. The theoretical basis of this assumption finds support in many principles of Inclusive Education and the main focus of the hypothesis of research is on participation and emancipation as approaches aimed at facing emerging and existing problems related to inclusion. The framework of reference for the research is represented by the perspectives adopted by several international documents concerning policies and interventions to promote and support the leadership and participation of vulnerable groups. In the first part an in-depth analysis of the main academic publications on the central themes of the thesis has been carried out. After investigating the framework of reference, the analysis focuses on the main tools of participatory and emancipatory approaches, which are able to connect with the concepts of active citizenship and social innovation. In the second part two case studies concerning participatory and emancipatory approaches in the areas of concern are presented and analyzed as example of the improvement of inclusion, through the involvement and participation of persons with disability. The research has been developed using a holistic and interdisciplinary approach, aimed at providing a knowledge-base that fosters a shift from a situation of passivity and care towards a new scenario based on the person’s commitment in the elaboration of his/her own project of life.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
This work has for objective to analyze the legal protection concerned to women in situation of violence, through the regressive actions in domestic violence proposals in Federal Court. The methodology adopted was case study, with the use of content analysis to cases, a technique that won best suited to the object of research. Violence against women is violation of human rights and its widespread practice by patriarchy was absorbed within society. The feminist movement has crowned by making public the intimacy tainted by violence and enter the topic in international agendas and gradually in the internal systems. In Brazil, although the proclamation of Maria da Penha Law (Law nº 11.340/2006) has represented a landmark in this protection, the State is still being structured to meet the needs of the minority. The Nacional Institute for Social Insurance, through the recent regressive actions, seeks reimbursement to public coffers of social security benefits granted by a result of unlawful acts committed by a third party against the women protected by social insurance, as well as aims to contribute with the punitive-educational for the formation of a culture of non-violence. Keywords: Domestic violence. Human rights. Regressive actions.
O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a tutela jurídica conferida à mulher em situação de violência, através das ações regressivas em violência doméstica propostas pelo Instituto Nacional do Seguro Social (INSS) na Justiça Federal. A metodologia adotada foi estudo de caso, com o emprego da análise de conteúdo aos casos perquiridos, técnica que se sagrou mais adequada ao objeto de pesquisa. A violência contra a mulher consiste em violação aos direitos humanos e sua prática disseminada pelo patriarcado foi absorvida no seio social. O movimento feminista sagrou-se por tornar pública a intimidade maculada pela violência e inserir o tema nas agendas internacionais e progressivamente nos ordenamentos internos. No Brasil, embora a promulgação da Lei Maria da Penha (Lei nº 11.340/2006) tenha representado um marco nesta proteção, a atuação estatal ainda tem se estruturado para atender as necessidades dessa minoria. O INSS, através das recentes proposituras das ações regressivas acidentárias, busca o ressarcimento aos cofres públicos dos benefícios previdenciários concedidos por decorrência de atos ilícitos praticados por terceiros contra as mulheres seguradas da Previdência, bem como visa contribuir com o caráter punitivo-pedagógico pela formação de uma cultura da não violência.

Os Direitos Humanos são o tema da pesquisa. Tendo-os como referência política e para a reflexão, o objeto de estudo do presente trabalho é a educação na situação de internação imposta a adolescentes infratores, a ser cumprida em Unidades da Fundação Estadual para O Bem-Estar do Menor - Febem/SP. Apoiada teoricamente em Foucault e Bourdieu, particularmente nos conceitos de sujeição do sujeito e de habitus, respectivamente, a pesquisa teve como objetivo investigar processos educativos que se desenvolvem com e sobre os adolescentes em situação de privação de liberdade. Para realizá-lo, parte da definição conceitual dos Direitos Humanos e da Educação, tendo como termos fundamentais educação e internação. A estratégia metodológica para a busca de dados que permitissem a reflexão a partir da hipótese colocada se desenvolveu explorando diversos testemunhos escritos sobre o objeto, de fontes diversas: pesquisas acadêmicas, de órgãos de governo e de organismos internacionais; reportagens na mídia; documentos internos de uma Unidade e da Fundação; documentos nacionais e internacionais que legislam sobre educação e sobre adolescentes em privação de liberdade. O trabalho aponta para a hegemonia de processos educativos pautados pelas relações sociais e de poder próprios de sistemas carcerários, em detrimento dos valores, atitudes e conhecimentos que os documentos nacionais e internacionais estabelecem como objetivo para a Educação de todas as crianças, como direito subjetivo e inalienável.
The human rights are theme of this research. Starting from their as politic reference and element of reflection, the subject of this work is education imposed to the youth at institutions of reeducation as at unities of State Foundation for Welfare of Youth Febem/ SP. This research is on Foucaults and Bourdieus theories, more specifically by ideas about subjection of subject and habitus, it had as goal to investigate educative process development with and on the youths without freedom. For to think about it, we use as star point the conceptual definition about Human and Education Rights base on education and internement. The method of strategy used for search data to allow a reflection was developed exploring several write testimony about subject and several research sources as academic research, unities of government and international institution, newspapers, documents from Febem/ SP; national and international documents that have been legislating about education and freedom less for youth. This work toward to hegemony of educative process on social relations and relations of powerful from prisons systems than values, attitude and skill that internationals an nationals documents set up as goal for education of all children as subjective and non transferable.

Le siècle actuel est un siècle axé sur la protection des êtres humains contre les périls imminents qui menacent leur existence et que sont, pour n’en citer que quelques uns, la pauvreté, la maladie et la faim. Aussi, face à l’explosion des conflits internes, les débats sur la sécurité ont beaucoup évolué ces dernières années et ont conduit à la reconnaissance et à l’affirmation de la sécurité humaine en droit international. Cette situation aura une certaine incidence sur le système international et les débats sur la prévention des conflits du début du millénaire. Organisation politique et culturelle, la Francophonie intègre cette nouvelle conception de la sécurité dans ses actions de prévention structurelle des conflits dont le but est d’agir sur les causes profondes des conflits en travaillant principalement à l’édification d’un État de droit au service des populations civiles. L’espace francophone africain est particulièrement concerné par cette conflictualité politique extrêmement violente, ce qui justifie la légitimité de l’Organisation internationale de la Francophonie dans ce domaine. Pour autant, peut-elle être un acteur novateur de la prévention devant la multitude d’acteurs qui multiplient les interventions sur le continent et disposent de plus de moyens d’actions ? A-t-elle la capacité de rassembler l’ensemble de ses États membres sur des sujets d’intérêt commun et particulièrement, sur la prévention ? Ses programmes sont-ils un simple accompagnement des programmes internationaux, ou un complément utile et pertinent ? Autant de questions auxquelles nous tenterons d’apporter des réponses tout au long de cette recherche
The current century is a century of protecting human beings against the imminent perils threatening their existence, and to mention but a few, proverty, disease and hunger. Also, faced with the explosion of internal conflicts, debates on security have evolved considerably these last years leading to the recognition and affirmation of human security in international law. This situation will have some impact on the international system and debates on conflict prevention at the turn of the millenium. As a political and cultural organization, La Francophonie integrates this new conception of security into its structural conflict prevention actions, the purpose of which is to act on the root causes of conflict by working primarily to build the rule of law in the service of civilian populations. The African Francophone area is particularly concerned by this extremely violent political conflict, which justifies the legitimacy of the International Organization of La Francophonie in this area. However, can it be an innovative actor of prevention in front of the multitude of actors who multiply the interventions on the continent and have more means of actions ? Does it have the capacity to bring together all of its Member States on topics of common interest and particularly on prevention? Are it's programs a simple accompaniment of international programs, or a useful and relevant complement? So many questions that we will try to provide answers throughout this research

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In this study, quota policy discourses are analyzed, such as affirmative action policies and / or equity, present in the recommendations of international organizations and supranational agencies, which have sought to exert greater influence in shaping public policies for global education (UN, UNESCO and World Bank). International organizations, such as the UN, through its International Declarations, Covenants, Conventions and Conferences, and UNESCO, through its Declarations and Conventions, have been more influential in the design of speeches on education as a human right, which, in order to be effectively exercised, presupposes the fight against discrimination in the field of education, as well as the necessary equality in the conditions of access and permanence of socially discriminated individuals and groups. The perspectives of authors who interpret the processes of globalization in their various nuances and their relationship with education are used as a theoretical and methodological contribution, in addition to those that discuss the theme of equity and affirmative action / quotas in the view of human rights. In the context of international influence, the global influences in the configuration of the discourse on equity and affirmative actions are outlined, focusing on the policy of quotas for entry into higher education. In this context, the human rights legislation and international and regional documents dealing with this matter are examined. Thus, this study is characterized as a qualitative, bibliographic and documentary research. The research points out that international recommendations are guided, in general, by the principles of nondiscrimination, material equality and education as a right of all, whose access to the higher level is based, above all, on individual merit. Despite the centrality of merit as a guiding principle of access, human rights law and international documents point to the need to adopt positive, progressive measures aimed at democratizing the access of vulnerable groups to higher education. A pattern that undoubtedly faces resistance and opposition.
Nesse estudo, são analisados os discursos sobre políticas de cotas, como políticas de ações afirmativas e/ou equidade, presentes nas recomendações dos organismos internacionais e agências supranacionais, os quais têm buscado exercer maior influência na configuração de políticas públicas para a educação global (ONU, UNESCO e Banco Mundial). Parte-se da ideia que são, sobretudo, os organismos internacionais, como a ONU, através de suas Declarações, Pactos, Convenções e Conferências internacionais, e a UNESCO, através de suas Declarações e Convenções, que têm exercido maior influência no delineamento dos discursos sobre a educação como um direito humano, o qual, para ser efetivamente exercido, pressupõe o combate à discriminação na esfera do ensino, bem como a necessária igualdade nas condições de acesso e permanência dos indivíduos e grupos socialmente discriminados. São utilizadas, como aporte teórico-metodológico, as perspectivas de autores que interpretam sobre os processos de globalização, em suas várias nuances, e sua relação com a educação, além daqueles que discutem a temática da equidade e ações afirmativas/cotas na ótica dos direitos humanos. No contexto de influência internacional, são delineadas as influências globais na configuração do discurso sobre equidade e ações afirmativas, com foco na política de cotas para ingresso na educação superior. Nesse contexto, são examinados a normativa de direitos humanos e documentos internacionais e regionais que versam sobre a matéria. Assim, essa pesquisa se caracteriza como qualitativa, bibliográfica e documental. A pesquisa aponta que as recomendações internacionais pautam-se, de maneira geral, pelos princípios da não-discriminação, da igualdade material e da educação como um direito de todos, cujo acesso ao nível superior baseia-se, sobretudo, no mérito individual. Não obstante a centralidade do mérito como princípio norteador do acesso, a normativa de direitos humanos e os documentos internacionais apontam para a necessidade de adoção de medidas positivas, progressivas, voltadas à democratização do acesso de grupos vulneráveis na educação superior. Uma pauta que, sem dúvidas, enfrenta resistências e contraposições.

Den svenske lagstiftaren har under de senaste decennierna ökat polisens och åklagarens möjligheter till förundersökningsbegränsning som innebär att alla brott inte behöver utredas i enlighet med 23 kap. 4 a § RB. Samtidigt har Europadomstolen tolkat Europakonventionen om mänskliga rättigheter i en allt mer brottsoffervänlig riktning. Det betyder att reglerna om förundersökningsbegränsning rört sig ännu mera i riktningen mot mera av samhällelig effektivitetshänsyn medan konventionen gått mer åt att stärka brottsoffrens roll. I en rad rättsfall har Europadomstolen slagit fast att staterna har positiva förpliktelser gentemot brottsoffer, att se till att deras grundläggande rättigheter respekteras. Det betyder att de anslutna staterna måste skydda brottsoffren. Det gäller i synnerhet mot grova brott men domstolen har också öppnat för att offer för mindre allvarlig brottslighet måste få en chans till upprättelse. Samtidigt förundersökningsbegränsas, nedlägges, brottsutredningar av den typen med stöd av 23 kap. 4 a § RB dagligen i Sverige.
The Swedish legislator has during the three last decades extended the possibility for the police and the prosecutors to use preliminary enquiry limitation. That means that according to chapter 23, paragraph 4 a of the code of judicial procedure, the police and prosecutors does not always have to investigate crimes.   In the meantime, the European court of human rights has eventually interpreted the European convention on human rights, the ECHR, in a more crime victim friendly way. This study shows that the convention states need to consider positive obligations of the ECHR towards crime victims. The main aim of the convention is to protect individuals from violations of their rights committed by representatives of the states. But although it is not clearly written in the convention, the court of human rights has several times interpreted that article 8 of the convention includes positive obligations that demands the convention states to take measures in order to protect individuals and guarantee them their rights to personal and family life.

Le norme, le politiche e le prassi interne in Pakistan non sono sempre in linea con l’obbligo di assicurare il rispetto dei diritti umani senza discriminazioni. Ciò si deve sia a fattori interni che esterni. A livello interno, il forte relativismo culturale e religioso, l’allontanamento del sistema giuridico della Sharia dall'Ijtihad (ragionamento giuridico indipendente) verso il Taqleed (seguire un percorso predefinito), le eredità coloniali, l'esistenza di istituzioni statali parallele, la continua divisione tra la maggioranza tradizionalista e la minoranza modernista della società pakistana, la riluttanza e l'incapacità del legislatore, portano all'adozione di riforme legislative che altro non sono che il frutto di compromessi. Esternamente, due insidie del diritto internazionale dei diritti umani perpetuano questo problema: la possibilità di introdurre riserve ai trattati pertinenti e la mancanza di efficaci meccanismi volti alla loro attuazione. Le riserve permettono una diffusa partecipazione ai trattati internazionali sui diritti umani, ma minano la capacità delle norme in esse contenute di raggiungere uno status universalistico e possono assecondare il relativismo culturale e religioso. D'altra parte, la mancanza di un meccanismo di attuazione coercitiva impedisce l'applicazione sostanziale e la realizzazione indiscriminata a livello nazionale delle norme sui diritti umani, al di là del loro riconoscimento formale. Qualsiasi proposta per la soluzione di questi problemi dovrebbe essere bidimensionale. Dovrebbe avere il potenziale per mediare i lati negativi dell'attuale sistema internazionale di protezione dei diritti umani, fornendo efficaci meccanismi di attuazione e, al contempo essere accettabile per le parti interessate, a fronte di un forte relativismo culturale e religioso. A livello interno, tale obiettivo può essere raggiunto leggendo la Sharia alla luce degli obblighi sui diritti umani, da un lato, e promuovendo un'interpretazione dei diritti umani meno focalizzata sul modello occidentale, dall’altro. Dagli esempi progressisti di Tunisia, Egitto e Marocco, il Pakistan può imparare come la Sharia possa essere interpretata in modo modernista con un approccio non essenzialista e come le dottrine di Ijtihad, Takhayyur e Talfiq, invece del Taqleed, debbano essere impiegate. Ciò sarà fondamentale per raggiungere l'obiettivo di riformulare o ritirare le ampie e vaghe riserve apposte dal Pakistan ai regimi pattizi sui diritti umani. A livello esterno, meccanismi di attuazione efficaci per l’attuazione delle norme sui diritti umani possono essere ricercati al di fuori degli strumenti sui diritti umani. Così, il rispetto dei diritti umani potrebbe essere associato ad incentivi economici e commerciali. L'Unione europea interagisce con gli Stati terzi attraverso la politica commerciale comune, l'assistenza, la cooperazione allo sviluppo e fornendo posizioni commerciali preferenziali e altri incentivi economici ai paesi in via di sviluppo. Rispettare e promuovere i diritti umani è una condizione per acquisire e mantenere lo status di beneficiario del libero scambio. Questa ricerca analizzerà innanzitutto le norme internazionali sui diritti umani vincolanti per il Pakistan e gli esempi di riserve poste ai trattati pertinenti da altri paesi di tradizione islamica. Guarderà poi al sistema giuridico e politico del Pakistan dal punto di vista delle norme internazionali sui diritti umani. Soffermandosi sulle relazioni economiche tra l'UE e il Pakistan, esaminerà la cooperazione tra l'UE e il Pakistan, cercando di valutare quali sono le aree trascurate e le lacune, e quale ulteriore ruolo può svolgere l'UE nella promozione e attuazione delle norme internazionali sui diritti umani in Pakistan, in modo da valutare se il commercio possa effettivamente essere un mezzo per respingere le spinte relativiste al concetto universalista dei diritti umani, come suggerirebbe l'adagio il commercio unisce i nemici
The domestic laws, policies, and practices of Pakistan are hardly in line with the Country’s international commitments to indiscriminately respect human rights. This is due both to internal and to external factors. Internally, strong cultural and religious relativism, misconceived departure of Shariah legal system from Ijtihad (independent legal reasoning) to Taqleed (following a predefined path), colonial legacies, the existence of parallel state institutions, the continuous divide between the majority traditionalist and minority modernist segments of Pakistani society, and the reluctance and inability of legislature, lead to the adoption of legislative reforms that are no more than the child of compromises. Externally, two pitfalls of international human rights law perpetuate this problem: the possibility to introduce reservations to human rights treaties and the lack of effective enforcement mechanisms. While allowing a widespread participation to international human rights treaties, reservations undermine the potential of human rights standards to achieve universalist status and may lead to cultural and religious relativism. On the other hand, the lack of a coercive enforcement mechanism impinges upon the substantial application and indiscriminate realization at the domestic level of human rights standards, beyond their formal recognition. In order to be effective, any proposed solution to these problems should be two-dimensional. It should have the potential to mediate the downsides of the existing international human rights protection system, by providing effective enforcement mechanisms, but at the same time it should be acceptable to the relevant stakeholders, at the face of strong cultural and religious relativism. Internally, this can be done by reading Shariah in line with human rights obligations, on one hand, and advocating for a less western-centric interpretation of human rights, on the other hand. From the progressive examples of Tunisia, Egypt and Morocco, Pakistan can learn how the rules of Shariah can be given modernist interpretations with a non-essentialist approach and how the doctrines of Ijtihad, Takhayyur, and Talfiq, instead of Taqleed, should be employed. Adoption of these tools and attitudes will be instrumental in achieving the objective to reformulate, narrow down and/or withdraw Pakistan’s broad and vague reservations to human rights treaty regimes. Externally, effective enforcement mechanisms for the purpose of implementing international human rights standards may be sought outside human rights instruments. Thus, human rights compliance could be associated to trade and other economic incentives. The European Union interacts with non-EU states through common commercial policy, assistance, development cooperation and by providing preferential trading positions and other economic incentives to developing and least developing countries. Respecting, ensuring, and promoting international human rights is a condition for acquiring and retaining free trade beneficiary statuses. This research will first analyse the international human rights standards binding on Pakistan and examples of reservations placed to human rights treaties by other countries of Islamic tradition. Secondly, it will examine the domestic legal and political system of Pakistan from the perspective of international human rights law. Focusing on the economic relations between the EU and Pakistan, it will then examine the current nature and level of engagements between EU and Pakistan, and it will attempt to assess what are the neglected areas and the loopholes and what further role the EU can play in the promotion and effective enforcement of international human rights standards in Pakistan, so as to assess whether trade could actually be a means to mediate the relativist challenge to the universalist concept of human rights, as the adage “trade brings the enemies together” would suggest.

Tenu dans un contexte international de démocratisation et d’aspiration à la liberté de peuples africains subsahariens, la décision phare du sommet de La Baule de juin 1990 fut la résolution de la France de conditionner son APD aux efforts démocratiques des pays d’Afrique subsaharienne. Avec cette décision, Paris entend: 1. Encourager l’ouverture démocratique des Etats africains, condition sine qua non à l’instauration de la paix et à la réalisation du développement économique ; 2. Défendre et promouvoir des valeurs de la démocratie libérale qu’il estime universelles. Par contre, la flagrance de la relation démocratie-développement est relative. Le relativisme culturel pose souvent problème au principe de l’universalité des valeurs démocratiques et des droits humains. Des potentats africains invoquent d’ailleurs le relativisme culturel pour innocenter leur mauvaise foi démocratique. Il reste encore beaucoup d’efforts à réaliser pour l’implantation d’un véritable Etat de droit en Afrique subsaharienne, en dépit d’une tendance de normalisation des processus électoraux sur le continent. La stratégie de conditionnalité politique de la France poursuivant cet objectif en Afrique subsaharienne n’est pas toujours fidèle à l’esprit de La Baule dans sa mise en œuvre. La personnalisation des relations étatiques, la primauté des intérêts géostratégiques de la France, etc. prennent souvent le dessus sur l’idéal démocratique de La Baule. La France demeure très présente en Afrique subsaharienne où ses multinationales ont une très forte implantation. Les leviers de commande de l’économie sont contrôlés par la France à travers ses multinationales comme Bolloré, Orange et Areva. Cependant, au-delà de cette apparence, il est constaté une régression de l’influence française sur le continent. Ce recul est lié à des dynamiques endogènes telles que des opinions publiques nationales et d’un leadership politique apparemment conscients des enjeux géostratégiques que représente dorénavant l’Afrique subsaharienne sur la scène internationale. A cela s’ajoutent des dynamiques exogènes relatives notamment à la percée de la Chine dont l’orientation stratégique de sa politique internationale africaine porte atteinte à l’efficacité de la conditionnalité politique de la France
Made in against the international backdrop of democratization and aspiration for the freedom of sub-Saharan African peoples, the landmark decision of the La Baule summit of June 1990 was France's commitment to conditioning its ODA to the democratic efforts of sub-Saharan African countries. Paris took this decision with a view to: 1. Encouraging the democratic opening of African States as a prerequisite for peace and economic development.2. Defending and promoting values of liberal democracy that she considers universal. On the other hand, the flagrance of the relationship between democracy and development is relative. Cultural relativism often poses a problem to the principle of the universality of democratic values and human rights. Moreover, African potentates invoke cultural relativism to exonerate their bad democratic faith. Despite a trend towards the normalization of electoral processes on the continent, a lot of work is yet to be done to establish genuine Rule of Law in sub-Saharan Africa. As regards its implementation, France’s poltitical conditionnality strategy pursuing this objective in sub-Saharan Africa is not always true to the spirit of La Baule. The personalized state relations, the primacy of the geostrategic interests of France, etc., often get the upper hand over the democratic ideal of La Baule. France remains very present in sub-Saharan Africa where its multinationals are very strongly settled. France has a hold over the control levers of the economy through its multinationals like Bolloré, Orange and Areva. However, beyond this appearance, there is a regression of French influence on the continent. This decline is linked to endogenous dynamics such as national opinions and political leadership seemingly aware of the geostrategic stakes that now represent sub-Saharan Africa. Furthermore, there are exogenous dynamics, particularly related to the breakthrough of China, whose strategic orientation in its African policy undermines the effectiveness of France's political conditionality

No presente trabalho, pretendemos realizar um exercício de reflexão sobre duas questões inter-relacionadas que, hoje, são temas de intenso debate jurídico-político em nossa sociedade: o papel dos direitos humanos na dinâmica social e as cotas étnico-raciais enquanto políticas afirmativas de inclusão do segmento negro ou afrodescendente. O exercício reflexivo consiste em buscar construir uma perspectiva crítica, que enfatize a aproximação dessas duas experiências jurídicas, os direitos humanos e a política de cotas para a população negra, no sentido de compreender as possibilidades de ações sociais transformadoras de uma realidade estruturada por relações de exclusão desse grupo na sociedade brasileira. Quanto aos direitos humanos, observa-se, por um lado, o incômodo sentido contemporaneamente em razão da inefetividade das suas normas jurídicas, por meio da permanência de graus elevados de todos os tipos de desigualdades sociais, e, por outro lado, reitera-se a sua condição de instrumento no combate às injustiças sociais. Essa tensão sugere a necessidade de uma reflexão contínua sobre seus fundamentos e sua metodologia. A partir de elementos teóricos emprestados da teoria crítica frankfurtiana, sugere-se uma necessária ampliação da concepção formalista e positivista do direito, tendo em vista a dialética entre a teoria jurídica de direitos humanos e a práxis social correspondente, da qual novas formas conceituais se desenvolvem, entendendo a demanda por cotas raciais, enquanto política focalizada ou afirmativa, como uma exigência de reconhecimento da identidade individual e coletiva dos negros e, por isso, de proteção da dignidade desses indivíduos dentro da sociedade brasileira. Nessa perspectiva, impende desenvolver uma análise crítica do processo de construção das relações entre brancos e negros no Brasil, fortemente marcado por atitudes e práticas discriminatórias, nas esferas pública e privada, contra a população negra, que permanece excluída do gozo efetivo dos direitos fundamentais, buscando perceber de que maneira o racismo condiciona as desigualdades entre brancos e negros no Brasil. Destaca-se, nesse processo, a própria memória do período escravagista, o ideal do branqueamento da elite brasileira do fim do século XIX, o racismo científico, a miscigenação e o mito da democracia racial. Por meio de um diálogo introdutório com a teoria crítica de Axel Honneth sobre a luta por reconhecimento, sugere-se que o processo de formação da sociedade brasileira, dentro do qual essas relações raciais hierarquizadas se manifestam, afetou negativamente na construção das identidades individual e coletiva dos negros, violando a dignidade desses indivíduos, haja vista o potencial das experiências de desrespeito social, como a exclusão, a privação de direitos e a desvalorização social, sofridas pela população negra, de atingirem afetivamente os sujeitos, no âmbito das suas formas de autorrealização. Sob a perspectiva honnetiana, sugere-se que a política de cotas para a população negra no acesso ao ensino superior público, ao redistribuir o direito social à educação a partir da valorização das diferenças, produz novas condições intersubjetivas de reconhecimento, conduzindo, em algum nível, à transformação da realidade desigual entre brancos e negros no Brasil.
In this paper, we will perform a reflexive exercise about two questions interrelated that are in the centre of the public debate on Brazilian society: the influence of human rights on social dynamic and the affirmative actions on superior education. The exercise consists in building a critic perspective of analyze that approximates both legal experiences, human rights and affirmative actions, to try comprehending the possibilities of social actions that can transform a reality structured by relations based on the exclusion of the black population, such as in Brazil. Regarding human rights, we can observe, on one hand, the contemporary sense of discomfort due the ineffectiveness of its constitutional norms, manifested on all kinds of social inequalities, and on the other hand, they still remain as an instrument in the fight against social injustices. This tension suggests a continuous needing for reflection about its fundamentals and methodology. From the theoretical elements taken from the Frankfurt School critical theory, we suggest a necessary extension of the formalistic and positivist conception of law in view of the dialectic between the legal theory of human rights and corresponding social praxis, of which conceptual develop new ways. From this point of view, we comprehend the social demand for affirmative actions on the education field in Brazil as a requirement for recognition of individual and collective identities of black people or african-descendants and, at the same time, for protecting their human dignity. For this, we will develop a critical analysis of the construction of relations between whites and blacks in Brazil, strongly influenced by discriminatory attitudes and practices, in public and private spheres, against the black population, which remains excluded from the effective enjoyment of fundamental rights, seeking to understand how racism affects inequality between whites and blacks in Brazil. It is noteworthy, in this case, the very memory of the slave period, the ideal of whitening of the Brazilian elite end of the nineteenth century, scientific racism, miscegenation and the myth of racial democracy. Through an introductory dialogue with the critical theory of Axel Honneth about the struggle for recognition, it is suggested that the process of formation of Brazilian society, within which these hierarchical racial relations manifest themselves, affected in a negative way the construction of individual identities and group of blacks, violating the dignity of these individuals, given the potential of social experiences of disrespect, such as exclusion, disenfranchisement and social devaluation, suffered by black people, reaching the subjects emotionally, in its forms of self-actualization. Under Honneths perspective, it is suggested that the policy of quotas for blacks in access to public higher education, by redistributing the social right to education, based on the appreciation of human differences, is able to produce new conditions of intersubjective recognition, leading, in some degree, to the transformation of social inequalities between whites and blacks in Brazilian society.

A presente dissertação tem como foco temático o direito humano à moradia, sendo o seu objeto de estudo os conflitos fundiários urbanos coletivos na cidade de Araguaína. O problema consiste em conhecer as implicações sociais e judiciais desses conflitos, tendo como suporte as ações possessórias em trâmite nas varas cíveis do sistema de justiça estadual tocantinense. Os objetivos específicos traduzem-se na revisão da literatura relacionada ao tema; na caracterização do cenário dessas disputas fundiárias no Brasil, no Tocantins e em Araguaína; bem como na análise das ações possessórias que refletem esses conflitos, sistematizando o tratamento dado pelo Poder Judiciário tocantinense e sua dimensão social. A metodologia aplicada pauta-se na revisão sistemática da literatura, com coleta de dados em bases de pesquisa, utilizando-se os descritores escolhidos em conjunto e individualmente. A pesquisa mostra que esses conflitos geram confrontos entre proprietários e não proprietários, tendo forte relação com os direitos fundamentais à propriedade e à posse, e também com a urbanização das cidades, provocando segregação socioespacial e exclusão social. Vários desses conflitos desaguam na Justiça Estadual, que não os trata de forma equitativa, não observa a complexidade dos interesses envolvidos e os retroalimenta, pois não soluciona a questão primeira, que é a falta de moradia, e não aplica as sanções àqueles que deixam de cumprir a função social da propriedade, gerando, assim, uma (re)produção da segregação urbana. Na conclusão, verifica-se que o Poder Judiciário é seletivo em suas decisões, ajuda a construir a figura do invasor, suspendendo-lhe garantias processuais, deferindo maciçamente liminares ou ordens definitivas em favor de proprietários, cuja posse é presumida, em prejuízo dos posseiros, cujo interesse é a moradia.
The present dissertation has its thematic focus on the human right to housing, and its object of study is the collective urban land conflicts in the city of Araguaína. The problem is to know the social and the judicial implications of these conflicts, having as support of research the possessory actions in progress in the civil courts of the state justice system of Tocantins. The specific objectives are translated into the literature review related to the theme; into the characterization of the scenario of these land disputes in Brazil, Tocantins and Araguaína; as well as into the analysis of the possessory actions that reflect these conflicts, systematizing the treatment given by the Judiciary Power of Tocantins and its social dimension. The methodology is based on the systematic literature review, with data collection in research bases, using the descriptors chosen together and individually. The research shows that these conflicts generate confrontation between owners and non-owners, having a strong relationship with the fundamental rights to property and possession, and also with the urbanization of cities, provoking social and spatial segregation and social exclusion. Several of these conflicts flow into the State Justice System, which does not treat them equitably, does not observe the complexity of the involved interests and feeds them back, since it does not solve the first issue, which is the lack of housing, and does not apply the sanctions to those who fail to accomplish the social function of property, thus generating a (re)production of the urban segregation. In conclusion, the study observed that the Judiciary is selective in its decisions, helps to construct the figure of the invader, suspending procedural guarantees, deferring a great number of injunctions or definitive orders in favor of the proprietors, whose possession is presumed, to the detriment of the squatters, whose interest is housing.

C’est en tant que principe du droit de l’Union européenne et de la Convention européenne des droits de l’Homme que la non-discrimination est souvent étudiée. Rattachée au droit français, la notion a fait l’objet d’analyses qui, pour la plupart, se sont limitées à un critère (sexe, race,etc.) ou à un domaine en particulier (fonction publique, marchés publics, etc.). On saisit l’intérêt d’une étude globale de la non-discrimination en droit public français ; et ce d’autant plus que si la notion émerge, sa mise en oeuvre rencontre des difficultés qui tiennent aux spécificités de ce droit par rapport au principe d’égalité. Adapté à la culture juridique anglosaxonne, ce principe attire la suspicion : il entraînerait avec lui des conséquences a priori peu compatibles avec l’universalisme français. Le principe d’égalité ne semble pourtant plus entièrement suffire pour répondre aux réalités sociales. Les juges recourent aux dérogations, au risque d’affaiblir la norme. Et la doctrine se livre à des acrobaties conceptuelles pour en minimiser l’importance. La non-discrimination offre de ce point de vue des perspectives utiles au droit français en alliant interdiction active des discriminations et promotion des différenciations. Au fond, la notion ne vise rien d’autre que la recherche de l’intérêt général, ou plus exactement de l’ « utilité commune » (article 1er de la Déclaration de 1789). Au-delà des préjugés, elle s’avère conforme à notre tradition juridique. Forte d’une dimension holistique et plus centrée sur la manière de vivre en commun que sur l’exacerbation de droits strictement catégoriels, la non-discrimination mériterait d’être élevée à la dignité constitutionnelle
Non-discrimination is often studied as a principle of both European Union law and European Convention on Human Rights. In French law, the notion has been the subject of analyses which have mostly been limited to a criteria (sex, race, etc.) or to a particular field (public service, public contracts, etc.). We can see the significance of a global study of non-discrimination in French public law ; all the more that if the notion is appearing, it is still difficult to implement it, due to the specificities of French law regarding the principle of equality. Adapted to the Anglo-Saxon legal culture, this principle attracts suspicion : it would trigger some consequences which would not be seen at first as befitting French universalism. However, the principle of equality does not seem to be sufficient in itself to address social realities. Judges use derogations, risking to weaken standards. And the doctrine has to adjust through conceptual feats to minimize its scope. Non-discrimination offers, from this point of view, useful perspectives for French law by combining active prohibition of discrimination and promotion of differentiation. Basically, the notion only aims to seek general interest, or more precisely the "common utility" (article 1 of the Declaration of 1789). In spite of appearances, non-discrimination is in agreement with our legal tradition. Because it has a holistic dimension and it is focusing more on how to live together than on making categorical rights worse, non-discrimination deserves to be raised to constitutional dignity

O cuidado em saúde dirigido à população em situação de rua requer ações intersetoriais, que considerem as características desse grupo e respondam às suas necessidades. As diretrizes propostas pelas Políticas Públicas de Saúde e Saúde Mental oferecem subsídios para o cuidado e destacam a importância das ações serem desenvolvidas no contexto de vida das pessoas, de modo a favorecer o exercício da cidadania e dos direitos. Este estudo teve como objetivos conhecer as ações dirigidas às pessoas em situação de rua que apresentam transtorno mental, desenvolvidas pelas equipes do Consultório na Rua (CR) da Unidade Básica de Saúde (UBS) Sé e do Centro de Atenção Psicossocial (CAPS) Adulto II Sé; identificar obstáculos e pontos de força encontrados no cotidiano de trabalho e conhecer a opinião dos usuários sobre o cuidado recebido. A pesquisa, de caráter qualitativo, empregou os seguintes procedimentos metodológicos: revisão integrativa da literatura; pesquisa documental; entrevistas semi-estruturadas com profissionais e usuários; observação participante e elaboração do caderno de campo. Os dados foram coletados entre fevereiro e abril de 2016. Os resultados evidenciaram que a maioria das ações oferecidas pelos serviços considera as características da população e busca responder às suas necessidades. A construção e manutenção do vínculo entre profissionais e usuários foram compreendidas como eixos do trabalho, que contribuem para o estabelecimento de relações humanizadas e influenciam positivamente a realização de ações. A construção do trabalho intersetorial apresentou-se como um desafio, por depender da organização e do alinhamento de cada serviço com as normativas e da relação estabelecida entre eles. Dois aspectos se destacaram nos resultados: a sobrecarga e o risco de adoecimento dos profissionais e a influência da atual forma de gestão dos serviços na produção do cuidado. Concluiu-se que as ações produzidas pelo CAPS Adulto II Sé e pelas equipes de CR da UBS Sé se encontram alinhadas às diretrizes das Políticas, porém é necessário cuidado às equipes e envolvimento da gestão nos processos de trabalho, para que a responsabilidade da produção de ações de qualidade não recaia unicamente sobre os profissionais
Health care for homeless npopulation requires intersectoral actions that considers this group characteristics and attends his needs. Public Health and Mental Health Policies offer a guideline to actions and indicates the importance of these actions to be developed according to people life context, in a way to promote citizenship and access to rights. The goals of this research were to get known the actions developed by Psychosocial Care Center to Adults II Sé and Consultation Office in the Streets teams and offered to homeless population that presents mental disorders; to identify obstacles and points of force presents in the daily work; and know the patients opinion about the received care. This qualitative research used methodological procedures such as integrative literature review; documental research; semi-structured interview developed with professionals and patients; participant observation and field notebook construction. The data was collected between february and april/2016. The results showed that most part of actions offered by professional teams take into consideration this population needs and try to answer to these needs. The construction and maintenance of a bound between professionals and patients were comprehended as the center point of work, which contribute to establish humanized relations and positively influence actions. The construction of intersectoral work was comprehended as a challenge, due to services organization, alignment between services and guidelines and relation among different services. In the results, two aspects were highlighted: burden and risk of illness of professionals and the influence of current services structure on delivered care. As a conclusion, actions offered by professional teams are in accordance to Policies guidelines, although it is necessary to offer better care to professionals and higher involvement of administration on work processes, in order to avoid the risk of responsibility for quality actions fall over professionals only

This research work deals with the system for the prevention and repression of domestic violence against women in Brazil, considered one of the most serious human rights violations. The principles of equality, public policies and affirmative actions for the promotion of isonomic laws for the different genders are also discussed. In the present study, domestic violence, apart from being a crime, is also treated as one of the most insidious forms of discrimination, intolerance and disrespect for human dignity. In addition, the study makes the distinction between domestic and non-domestic violence, in order to prevent them from receiving the same treatment. Further, the main causes and consequences of this kind of crime, as well as the profile of the victims and aggressors, are analyzed based on statistical data on domestic violence against women in Brazil and in other countries. Women rights are presented as part of the human rights, according to the most important treaties published by the United Nations and by the Organization of American States. The study includes the analysis of the models for the prevention of domestic violence used in European and Latin American countries. Also included are the penal legislation and the public policies developed in Brazil after the 1988 Constitution to implement the principle of equality (see art. 5º, I). In this sense, the limitations of the Law nº 9.099/95 and the sanctions included in the Brazilian Penal Code to repress this kind of offense are discussed. Finally, the study presents proposals in order to promote equality between men and women in both social and family relations, with a view to prevent and punish the domestic violence in Brazil, through legislative changes and effective public actions.
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Esta dissertação tem como tema central o sistema brasileiro de prevenção e repressão à violência doméstica contra a mulher no Brasil, considerada uma das mais graves violações aos direitos humanos. Aborda também o primado da igualdade, as ações afirmativas e políticas públicas de promoção da isonomia entre os gêneros. O estudo parte do pressuposto de que, mais do que crime, a violência doméstica é uma das mais insidiosas formas de discriminação, intolerância e negação da dignidade humana. Apresenta a distinção entre violência contra a mulher e doméstica, em razão de serem constantemente tratadas como sinônimas. Com base em dados estatísticos sobre a ocorrência da violência doméstica no Brasil e em outros países, são analisadas as principais causas e conseqüências dessa forma de criminalidade, sem negligenciar o perfil da vítima e do agressor. Os direitos das mulheres são apresentados como especialização dos direitos humanos, fato demonstrado pela apresentação dos principais tratados editados pelas Nações Unidas e Organizações dos Estados Americanos. Analisa os modelos de combate à violência doméstica adotados por países europeus e latino-americanos. Discorre sobre a legislação penal e as políticas públicas desenvolvidas no país, após a Constituição de 1988, visando à implantação da igualdade (CF, art. 5º, I). Nesse sentido, sustenta a insuficiência do procedimento da Lei n. 9.099/95 e das sanções previstas no Código Penal brasileiro para reprimir a prática do delito. Por fim, apresenta proposições destinadas à promoção da igualdade entre homens e mulheres nas relações sociais e familiares, bem como a prevenir e punir a violência doméstica no Brasil, por meio de mudanças legislativas e ações governamentais efetivas.

Les rapports entre les droits de l’Homme et le système économique sont ambivalents. Ces droits sont parfois accusés d’avoir permis l’émergence du capitalisme contemporain, alors qu’ils constituent pour d’autres le moyen d’en corriger les excès. Ces divergences se sont traduites par une opposition entre droits civils et politiques et droits économiques et sociaux qui occulte en partie les phénomènes de convergence et de conflit entre ces deux systèmes. Ces derniers ont nourri les débats lors de l’élaboration de la Convention européenne des droits de l’Homme, mais le défaut de consensus a conduit l’adoption d’un texte pensé comme n’ayant ni un objet ni une finalité économique. Pourtant, la pratique récente de ratification et des réserves par les Etats suggère qu’il a acquis dans ce domaine une certaine normativité. L’étude de la jurisprudence permet alors d’examiner l’ampleur et le sens de l’interpénétration entre droits garantis et économie. Celle-ci est intégrée par le juge dans le giron conventionnel, à la fois comme fait et comme objet de déploiement des droits. Poreux, ces derniers se substituent en partie aux droits et libertés économiques. La jurisprudence témoigne néanmoins d’une contradiction persistante entre économie et Convention qui induit une adaptation des garanties européennes. La procéduralisation permet de préserver parfois l’intégrité des droits garantis, parfois la spécificité du système économique. Omniprésents, les intérêts économiques restent perçus comme inférieurs aux valeurs « a-économiques » de l’ordre conventionnel. Si celui-ci légitime l’ordre économique existant, le juge entend éviter de consacrer un ordre public économique européen
Human Rights and the economic system entertain an ambivalent relationship. These rights have sometimes been accused of bringing about capitalism, while they represent for others useful means of correcting its excesses. These differences have led to the famous distinction between political and civil rights and economic and social rights which partly conceals the full extent of both conflicts and concurrence between the two systems. While they have generated debate among the drafters of the Convention, the lack of political consensus gave birth to a legal instrument conceived as being deprived of any economic purpose. However, recent strategies of States in terms of ratification and reservation suggest that it has acquired some degree of economic normativity. The study of the case-law of the ECtHR shows the extent and the way the interactions between rights and economics unfold. Economics are incorporated as facts but also as the object of European rights, which then partially substitute for absent economic freedom and rights. Some persisting contradiction between the Convention and economics nonetheless leads the judge to adapt conventional rights and obligations. This adaptation is again ambivalent, as it is can pursue the preservation of the mecanism’s integrity as well as the preservation of the specificities of the economic system. Though pervasive, economic matters remain perceived as inferior to supposedly non-economic . traditional conventional values. While the Court undeniably legitimizes the existing economic order, it intends to prevent the Convention from turning into the legal foundation of a European economic order

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The master s degree dissertation demonstrates the person with deficiency path in the search of the recognition of his rights, focusing the protection foreseen in several international diplomas destined to the reconstruction of the human values, in the the Federal Constitution of 1988 and in several infraconstitutional laws. It defines the person with deficiency in our juridical system, enlarging the list of the Ordinances ns. 3.298/1999 and 5.296/2004, based in the international legal system and in the jurisprudence. The development of the concepts of human dignity, equality and non discrimination are the foundations for the creation of affirmative actions, seeking to the social inclusion of the persons with deficiency, and they are object of a fast approach. In Brazil, the equalization of access opportunities to the job market for persons with deficiency is looked for through the adoption of a system of quotas or legal reserve. The Brazilian system of quotas forces to the persons with deficiency recruiting in the formal market of work, through contract between employee and employer, or through the use of reserved vacancy in public contest. The compulsory nature of person with deficiency recruiting, the increase of the fiscalization by the Labor Department and by the Labor Public Prosecution Service and the recruitings without any planning are cause of legal and social questions. To guarantee the economical function of the companies and to motivate the Brazilian system of quotas, this work proposes the adoption of fiscal and social security measures, the creation of subsidies and the alteration of the Law n. 8.742/93, in order to increase the forecast of a temporary suspension of the payment of the benefit of the special attendance when of the beginning of a labor activity of any species, until the person with deficiency returns to the inactivity. The person with deficiency social inclusion is accompanied of a series of important subjects, treated by the work, that should be faced by the State and by the whole society
A dissertação de mestrado demonstra a trajetória da pessoa com deficiência na busca do reconhecimento de seus direitos, enfocando a proteção prevista em diversos diplomas internacionais voltados à reconstrução dos valores humanos, na Constituição Federal de 1988 e em diversas leis infraconstitucionais. Define quem é a pessoa com deficiência em nosso ordenamento jurídico, ampliando o rol constante nos Decretos ns. 3.298/1999 e 5.296/2004, com fundamento no ordenamento internacional e na jurisprudência. O desenvolvimento dos conceitos de dignidade humana, igualdade e não discriminação são os fundamentos para a criação de ações afirmativas, visando à inclusão social das pessoas com deficiência, e são objeto de uma rápida abordagem. No Brasil, busca-se a equiparação de oportunidades de acesso ao mercado de trabalho da pessoa com deficiência, através da adoção de um sistema de cotas ou reserva legal. O sistema de cotas brasileiro obriga à contratação de pessoas com deficiência no mercado formal de trabalho, por meio de contrato entre empregado e empregador, ou através da utilização de vaga reservada em concurso público. A obrigatoriedade de contratação de pessoas com deficiência, o aumento da fiscalização do Ministério do Trabalho e do Ministério Público do Trabalho e as contratações sem qualquer planejamento são causa de questionamentos legais e sociais. Para garantir a função econômica da empresa e incentivar o sistema de cotas brasileiro, propõe este trabalho a adoção de medidas fiscais e previdenciárias, a criação de subsídios e a alteração na Lei n. 8.742/93, no sentido de acrescentar a previsão de uma suspensão provisória do pagamento do benefício da assistência especial, quando do início da atividade laboral de qualquer espécie, até que a pessoa com deficiência volte à inatividade. A inclusão social das pessoas com deficiência é acompanhada de uma série de questões relevantes, tratadas no trabalho, que devem ser enfrentadas pelo Estado e por toda a sociedade

Le droit d’agir devant la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme est assurément unique dansl’ordre juridique international. Erigé en « pierre angulaire » du système européen de sauvegarde,bénéficie-t-il pour autant d’une protection à la hauteur de cette qualification? L’engorgementmanifeste de la Cour de Strasbourg place cette interrogation dans une actualité perpétuelle.L’étude de ce droit processuel supranational illustre l’existence simultanée de deux courantsprétoriens aux effets diamétralement opposés sur l’exercice du droit d’agir : l’un souple, provictima, qui ouvre largement le prétoire de la Cour et l’autre restreignant a contrario son accès. Sil’approche souple satisfait naturellement l’intérêt individuel des requérants, elle permet égalementà la Cour de bâtir un ordre public européen de protection des droits de l’Homme. Parallèlement,l’interprétation stricte des conditions d’accès repose sur la responsabilisation des acteurs dumécanisme européen et sous-tend un filtrage rigoureux des affaires individuelles. Le droit d’agirreprésente, par conséquent, une composante d’un système de protection de nature« constitutionnelle » évoluant aux rythmes des liens tissés entre les deux courants prétoriensévoqués. C’est en effet par un mouvement pendulaire entre l’ouverture et la fermeture du prétoirede la Cour de Strasbourg que la garantie durable du droit d’agir peut être assurée
The right of action in front of the European Court of Human Rights is certainly unparalleled in theinternational legal order. In the light of the constant congestion at the Strasbourg Court, one canonly ask if this right is genuinely guaranteed as the corner stone that is intended to be in theEuropean system of protection. The analysis of this supranational procedural right reflects theexistence of two distinct case law dynamics that influence the right of action: the pro victimaeffect, widening the access to the Court, and the opposite restraining effect. The first effect, moreflexible, not only favors the individual interest of the plaintiff, but also allows the Court todevelop the European public order of human rights protection. In parallel, the restraining effect onthe grounds of access to the Court entails a rigorous filtering of the individual cases, in order toachieve an increased accountability on human rights protection both of States and individuals.Therefore, the right of action represents the component of what can be nowadays qualified of a« constitutional » system of Human rights protection. Moreover, the alternate dynamics, closingand opening access to the Court, describe a pendula movement that is essential for a sustainableright of action

Defence date: 27 November 2010
Examining Board: Pierre-Marie Dupuy (former EUI, Institut de hautes études internationales et du développement, Genève); Francesco Francioni (Supervisor, EUI); Tom Hadden (School of Law, Queen's University Belfast); Giovanni Sartor (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis analyses the general restrictions to the exercise of human rights in three parts; dealing respectively with the limits of individual rights and the aim and specificity of general restrictions, states of emergency, and abuses of rights. It analyses the distinctive position of human rights norms in the general architecture of the international system and reconstructs the concept of individual rights along those lines. It, then, compares the different means by which states can limit their obligations under international law. It highlights the need to regard these suspiciously and not to allow them, whenever it can be prevented. The main claim is that, in view of the distinctiveness of human rights treaties, only restrictions aimed at ensuring a better protection and more stringent respect of these rights should be admissible. It argues that only the general protective clauses allowing limitations in states of emergency and prohibiting abuses of rights fulfil this purpose. In this regard, it singles out the latter general clause as the main guarantee on which rest the different conventions, as well as the only justifiable limit to recognised rights. Besides, it defends that even these dispositions should be strictly construed, in order to respect both their protective nature and the wording of the international treaties in which they are inserted. For this, they need to satisfy a number of conditions related to the exceptional measures’ trigger and the content and extent of the restrictions. Different types of guarantees must also be provided. Finally, it further studies the corollary question of the horizontal application of human rights provisions in interpersonal relations.

Inequality of power between the global North and the global South are negative aspects of globalisation, leading to increasing inequalities, disregard of human rights and impeding human development. Voluntary work is considered to play an important role in the local and global enforcement of human rights. This dissertation focuses on the importance of voluntary civic engagement in the social justice sector. An empirical study was carried out on the basis of qualitative research among German volunteers of the human rights NGO International Justic Mission (IJM) Deutschland in order to identify motivating factors that contribute to civic engagement. Social justice, the concept of IJM and faith were identified as most important motives. The opportunity of flexible, self-determined involvement and the provision of good support foster volunteer engagement. The study helps human rights NGOs to gain a deeper understanding of how volunteering for human rights can be encouraged.
Development Studies
M.A. (Development Studies)

This dissertation has three goals. The first goal is to outline how twentieth century advocates qualify education as a human right. The second goal is to offer an integrative account which argues that, to defend a right to education both the provision of educational resources and the freedom to do something with those resources must be taken into account. This requires more than the rhetoric of a UN document like the Convention on the Rights of the Child. It also requires more than the good intentions of duty-bound adults acting in the best interests of the child. To do this, it is necessary to consider how the institutional structure dedicated to education - in particular the structure dedicated to basic primary education to which the UN claims all children are entitled - integrates with the freedom each child has to do something with that basic primary education once he or she has obtained it. Finally, by identifying education as a human right within this integrative structure, this dissertation will demonstrate that, if policy documents related to education shift from a focus on the traditional relationship between an experienced adult and a dependent child to one based on the relationship between an individual and a capability set, the claim that education is a human right becomes a meaningful claim which can provide a justification for the social commitments required to recognize this claim.

LL.D.
The starting point of this research is the observation that the protection of human rights and the prevention of human rights atrocities can only take place through a universal system of different means of accountability which create enough deterrence for the future state or individual offender. This research consists of four parts: Part A explores and outlines the different existing ways and means of traditional human rights protection under the international and regional human rights regimes. It focuses on the aspect of victim protection from human rights violations through protective means available under the different human rights regimes. Part A concludes that the existing means and ways of protecting human rights are by far not sufficient to ensure the compliance of states with the existing provisions on human rights protection and that the protection of human rights remains an unfinished chapter of international law. Parts B and C analyze the evolving approach to hold states and individuals directly accountable for gross human rights violations, via the means of criminal and/or civil responsibility. Part B explores the possibilities of human rights protection by the means of criminal prosecution. It outlines the development of the concept of criminal responsibility from the days of Nuremberg to the present International Criminal Court in The Hague. The main focus is on domestic criminal procedures as a supplement and possibly alternative to international prosecution. This part concludes with the observation that the present mechanisms and means available under the existing international and domestic jurisdictions fail to establish individual criminal accountability at the necessary global scale and therefore fail to deter the commission of future genocide. Part C explains the necessity to establish an international system of civil liability for human rights atrocities as a supplement and (even) alternative to the existing mechanisms of accountability. The present possibilities for the individual victim to obtain financial redress for his suffering under international law are outlined and discussed. The further option of asserting civil legal action for human rights violations under domestic jurisdictions is scrutinized and evaluated with a special focus on the USA as the state which has so far the strongest adjudication of human rights claims. This part concludes with the finding that the individual victim of human rights violations still lacks the necessary forum with the respective judicial means to hold the perpetrator financially liable for his human rights violations. Part D introduces a draft Statute on a (future) Convention on Individual Civil Liability for Human Rights Atrocities as a supplement for the existing ways of human rights protection. Each provision of the draft statute is evaluated in the context of already existing legal instruments, jurisprudence and, if available, examples of customary usage. The draft’s overall aim is the establishment of a working system of civil liability for the individual and corporate human rights perpetrator for a selection of egregious human rights atrocities qualifying as so-called international or transnational human rights torts. This research concludes with the finding that only a combination of the existing ways and means of human rights protection, the consequent application of the existing provisions and finally their further development can safeguard the protection of human rights at a global scale.

The topic I have chosen for my thesis is Guardianship and Legal capacity from the points of view of both clients and professional public. This thesis is divided into a theoretical and a research part. The theoretical part of the thesis presents information on legal capacity, guardianship and also on the person of the guardian. A relatively large space is devoted to guardianship, thus the theoretical part includes information on, among other, appointing and selecting a guardian as well as on the guardian´s rights and obligations and surveillance of the guardian. The thesis also mentions other selected institutes of the Civil Code that can be of assistance to persons with mental disabilities, without limiting their legal capacity. Another topic of importance dealt with in the theoretical part is human rights, both in the sense of general sources of human rights and the sources of rights of persons with intellectual disabilities. Furthermore, the theoretical part of the thesis gives a brief overview of characteristics of persons with mental disabilities and the etiology of mental disability. The research part states findings of the research that was conducted by the strategy of qualitative research. The method of data collection was interrogations and semi-structured interviews. The research group included people with mental disabilities limited in their legal capacities as well as representatives of professional public who are in some way involved in the guardianship institute and who deal with this issue in their work on a daily basis. The main aim of the thesis was to find out how clients with intellectual disabilities and representatives of the professional public perceive guardianship and related issues. In addition, conducted research investigated whether clients know what role the guardian plays in their lives and whether they know their rights and obligations. Last but not least, the views of the professional public on the role of guardian in the client's life and also the experience of the professional public with the application of selected rights and obligations of clients were looked into. Results of the survey have given base to understanding how clients and the professional public perceive guardianship, what their views of rights and obligations of clients and guardians are, how demanding they find to be a guardian and last but not least, what role a guardian should play in their ward´s life.

Prior to 1994, citizenship was one of the pillars upon which the erstwhile government's policy of separate development rested. The concepts of citizenship and nationality were manipulated by the apartheid government to justify the denationalisation of black people and the creation of different classes of citizenship. Race, colour and language were the distinguishing features used to classify people into the different classes of citizenship. With the advent of the new constitutional order in 1994, common citizenship and the rights associated with it were restored to all South Africans. This discussion shows how in the post-1994 constitutional order citizenship has become an element of nation-building, while on the other hand it continues to perpetuate discrimination against non-citizens. The study aims to further the debate regarding the ill treatment of non-citizens with a view of influencing legislative and policy reform to replace the existing laws which are biased against no-citizens.
Law
LL.M.

To gather together is a natural human activity shared by all people. The majority of these activities take place without the involvement of the government, and is of no interest to the law. In South Africa, the right to assemble peacefully, to demonstrate, to picket or to present petitions, is protected in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. When people gather, be it peaceful or violent, participants run the risk of being arrested for committing offences. The way the government of the day reacts to gatherings influence the policing, prosecution and adjudication of offences arising from the right to gather. Current legislation and common-law offences utilised to curb disorder in South Africa are measured against international and regional case law and guidelines. Most of these case law and guidelines linked to international and regional instruments are similar in many respects, and can be deemed as universally acceptable. It is proposed that the government revisits the mixture of current offences utilised by the prosecution during dissent, public violence or protest action, and that specific public order offences are created, providing for specific unlawful conduct with corroborating sentences. Police powers must furthermore be clearly defined to strengthen the hand of the police to secure law and order, serve as guarantee for the rights and freedoms of everyone, and to create legal certainty. The government must organise applicable public order offences in a single public order act. Legislation applicable to public order must be accessible and easily understandable since protest may be the only avenue for a member of the public to bring his or her plight under the attention of the government. Existing guidelines from applicable international and regional instruments which guide and monitor executive conduct must be included since these guidelines qualify as public order offences.
Criminal and Procedural Law
LL. D. (Criminal and Procedural Law)