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Lemmens, Maarten, and Kalyanamalini Sahoo. "Rise and be surprised: Aspectual profiling and mirativity in Odia light verb constructions." Cognitive Linguistics 30, no. 1 (February 25, 2019): 123–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cog-2017-0053.
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AbstractIn this paper, we present our Construction Grammar account of light verb constructions in the Indo-Aryan language Odia (earlier known as Oriya). These light verb constructions are asymmetric complex verb predicates that combine a main verb (MV) with a light verb (LV). While the LVs are form-identical with a lexical verb, they are “light” because they have lost their lexical content as well as their argument structure. We argue that LV constructions present a coherent system: (i) they all modulate the interpretation of the event encoded by the main verb by adding a particular aspectual (phasal) profile on the event (i.e. profiling the ONSET, DURATION or COMPLETION of the event) and (ii) some of these light verbs further add a mirative interpretation. The present paper focuses on this subset of “aspectuo-mirative LVs” which can be characterised as non-parasitic expressions of mirativity; in particular, it presents new work on the light verb -uʈh ‘-rise’ that combines a profile on ONSET with mirativity. The constructional view that we present here offers an account of light verbs that is both descriptively and theoretically innovative. Its descriptive value resides in its systematic and fine-grained corpus-based analysis of the formal and semantic features of LVs beyond what is found in the existing literature. The theoretical contribution of our paper not only resides in offering a better understanding of the status of LVs in the grammar, but by situating the semantic value of some of these in the complex category of mirativity, it offers a more unified answer of quite disparate observations in the literature. Finally, we also address the question of whether this mirative value of the aspectuo-mirative LVs is semantic or pragmatic. As we will show, such a strict dichotomy cannot be maintained, which gives further support for a constructional approach.
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Huang, C. T. James, and Na Liu. "A new passive form in Mandarin." International Journal of Chinese Linguistics 1, no. 1 (September 5, 2014): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.1.1.01hua.
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This paper discusses the syntax, semantics and historical source of the new bèi XX construction in Mandarin from a cross-linguistic perspective. We argue that bèi XX is not a special construction that involves the passivization of intransitive verbs. What is passivized in it is not XX itself but a null light verb with the elementary semantics of a causative, putative or activity predicate that takes XX as its complement or adjunct. Such null light verb constructions are abundant in Old Chinese and English, though often not in passive form. Different from them, the bèi XX construction does not have a grammatical active form. We attribute this difference to the difference between synthetic and analytic languages, and account for it by a parameter in derivational timing. The appearance of the bèi XX construction marks Modern Chinese as being at the early stage of a new cycle of change. The analysis of the bèi XX construction as proposed capitalizes on the role of light verb syntax as being the real essence of grammar, and lends important support to the non-projectionist theories of syntax-lexicon mapping such as Distributed Morphology.
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Sanromán Vilas, Begoña. "From the heavy to the light verb." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 40, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 228–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.00005.san.
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Abstract The study aims to show that the selection of the Spanish light verb tomar ‘to take’ within a light verb construction (LVC), rather than being arbitrary, is based on its meaning. To support this claim the hypothesis of semantic compatibility is tested. According to this hypothesis, light verbs are paradigmatically related to their heavier counterparts and syntagmatically to the nouns within the same LVC by means of components of meaning called lexical features. After a fine-grained analysis of the polysemous verb tomar, the study provides a tentative list of lexical features that function as semantic links between the lexical units within the polysemous tomar, as well as elements of semantic agreement between the components within the same LVC.
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FAMILY, NEILOUFAR, and SHANLEY E. M. ALLEN. "The development of the causative construction in Persian child language." Journal of Child Language 42, no. 6 (March 3, 2015): 1337–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000915000057.
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AbstractThe acquisition of systematic patterns and exceptions in different languages can be readily examined using the causative construction. Persian allows four types of causative structures, including one productive multiword structure (i.e. the light verb construction). In this study, we examine the development of all four structures in Persian child speech between the ages of 1;11 and 6;7, in correspondence with their caregivers’ speech. We define developmental stages based on dendrograms derived from variability clustering (Gries & Stoll, 2009). These stages are further substantiated by qualitative data, including overgeneralization errors and alternating structures. We find that Persian-speaking children learn to exploit two (i.e. lexical and light verb construction causatives) of the four constructions. They go from relying on lexical causatives to forming progressively constrained templates for the more complex light verb construction. This first study of the development of Persian causatives supports a usage-based account of verb-by-verb learning in child language development.
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Molina-Plaza, Silvia, and Eduardo de Gregorio-Godeo. "Stretched verb collocations with give: their use and translation into Spanish using the BNC and CREA corpora." ReCALL 22, no. 2 (May 2010): 191–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0958344010000078.
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AbstractWithin the context of on-going research,1 this paper explores the pedagogical implications of contrastive analyses of multiword units in English and Spanish based on electronic corpora as a CALL resource. The main tenets of collocations from a contrastive perspective – and the points of contact and departure between both languages – are discussed prior to examining the commonest types of verb + noun combinations as a significant case of so-called ‘de-lexicalized’, ‘light’, ‘empty’, ‘thin’, ‘stretched’ or ‘support verbs’. A qualitatively and quantitatively-oriented case study is accordingly conducted, determining the weight of dar in support verb constructions within the Corpus de Referencia del Español Actual (CREA) and of the English equivalent stretched verb constructions with give within the British National Corpus (BNC). Based on the empirical data obtained in this way, this paper provides relevant insights for more accurate translations, helping to enhance the collocational competence of L2 students, who tend to avoid constructions including empty verbs like give in favour of full-verb forms. The detailed findings in this paper come to shed light on the potential of CALL resources for improving the collocational usage of foreign-language learners, as quantitative and qualitative comparisons of collocations based on electronic corpora serve to highlight the similarities and, more importantly, the lexical and typological differences between both languages, thereby substantiating the invaluable role that corpus analysis may play for language teaching in general and for collocational knowledge and proficiency in particular.
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KIM, JONG-BOK, and MARK A. DAVIES. "The into-causative construction in English: a construction-based perspective." English Language and Linguistics 20, no. 1 (October 20, 2015): 55–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674315000271.
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The so-called into-causative construction, involving the pattern ‘V NP into V-ing’, raises intriguing questions in terms of lexical creativity as well as variation. This article, based on nearly 20,000 tokens from more than 1.3 billion words of text, from both British and American English, carries out a comprehensive corpus-based investigation of the construction. The article supports past research on certain types of variation in the use of the construction in British and American English, but sheds new light on how these may relate to diachronic shifts as well as to synchronic variation. The article also sketches a construction-based analysis to account for the grammatical properties of the into-causative construction. In particular, it shows that the construction, as an extension of the caused-motion construction, shares grammatical properties with its family constructions including the resultative and way constructions, but is distinctive from these in several respects. By allowing close interactions between the matrix verb and the grammatical constructions, the constructional view can also account for innovative uses of the construction.
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Jezek, Elisabetta. "Types et degrés de verbes supports en italien." Verbes supports 27, no. 2 (June 10, 2005): 185–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.27.2.04jez.
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This paper addresses the problem of isolating light verb constructions (LVC) and classifying them according to semantic-syntactic parameters. LVC are firstly classified as a subtype of collocation. This step is important since it places the study of these constructions within a theoretical framework and defines the tests that are valid for their identification. Subsequently, on the basis of the reduction test (nominalization of the LVC and deletion of the verb), a boundary is traced between causative and non causative LVC on the one side and between base and extended LVC on the other side. Ultimately, a grid of semantic/aspectual criteria is proposed in order to distinguish different types of extended LVC. The application of this grid to Italian data allows a semantic classification of LVC based on a semantic decompositional analysis. This classification shows how it is possible to isolate different degrees in the function played by the verb in a LVC, according to its contribution to the semantic interpretation of the construction.
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Alujević, Marijana, Tanja Brešan Ančić, and Dijana Vinčić. "Comparative analysis of a specific type of lexical collocation (light verb + noun) in Croatian, Italian and English language and its use in classroom teaching of lexis." Školski vjesnik 69, no. 2 (2020): 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.38003/sv.69.2.7.
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The aim of this paper is to provide an overview and the analysis of collocations, one of the most significant aspects of idiomatic use of language. A special emphasis has been put on a comparative review of the most common Light Verb Constructions consisting of light verbs (cro. lagani glagoli, ital. verbi supporto) and nouns in Croatian, English and Italian language. The aforementioned construction is chosen since it is extremely common in the early stages of language acquisition. Moreover, the aim of the conducted contrastive analysis has been to determine overlaps in order to use the examples of positive transfer in teaching lexis (English/Italian – L2), as well as to prevent negative interference such as false analogies. The research is based on the assumption that the number of completely concordant collocations taught in the early stages of foreign language acquisition is limited. Thus, prompt detection and putting emphasis on their relevance is essential. Following the discussion of the results of the contrastive analysis, the relevance of teaching collocations, i.e. presenting the most common collocations simultaneously with new vocabulary will be stressed. In accordance with the abovementioned, we believe that collocational approach is the most useful and effective in teaching languages.
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Polinsky, Maria, and Lilla Magyar. "Headedness and the Lexicon: The Case of Verb-to-Noun Ratios." Languages 5, no. 1 (February 13, 2020): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages5010009.
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This paper takes a well-known observation as its starting point, that is, languages vary with respect to headedness, with the standard head-initial and head-final types well attested. Is there a connection between headedness and the size of a lexical class? Although this question seems quite straightforward, there are formidable methodological and theoretical challenges in addressing it. Building on initial results by several researchers, we refine our methodology and consider the proportion of nouns to simplex verbs (as opposed to light verb constructions) in a varied sample of 33 languages to evaluate the connection between headedness and the size of a lexical class. We demonstrate a robust correlation between this proportion and headedness. While the proportion of nouns in a lexicon is relatively stable, head-final/object-verb (OV)-type languages (e.g., Japanese or Hungarian) have a relatively small number of simplex verbs, whereas head-initial/verb-initial languages (e.g., Irish or Zapotec) have a considerably larger percentage of such verbs. The difference between the head-final and head-initial type is statistically significant. We, then, consider a subset of languages characterized as subject-verb-object (SVO) and show that this group is not uniform. Those SVO languages that have strong head-initial characteristics (as shown by the order of constituents in a set of phrases and word order alternations) are characterized by a relatively large proportion of lexical verbs. SVO languages that have strong head-final traits (e.g., Mandarin Chinese) pattern with head-final languages, and a small subset of SVO languages are genuinely in the middle (e.g., English, Russian). We offer a tentative explanation for this headedness asymmetry, couched in terms of informativity and parsing principles, and discuss additional evidence in support of our account. All told, the fewer simplex verbs in head-final/OV-type languages is an adaptation in response to their particular pattern of headedness. The object-verb/verb-object (OV/VO) difference with respect to noun/verb ratios also reveals itself in SVO languages; some languages, Chinese and Latin among them, show a strongly OV ratio, whereas others, such as Romance or Bantu, are VO-like in their noun/verb ratios. The proportion of nouns to verbs thus emerges as a new linguistic characteristic that is correlated with headedness.
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Radimský, Jan. "Noms prédicatifs, noms de résultat et noms concrets dans les constructions à verbe support." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 34, no. 2 (December 8, 2011): 204–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.34.2.02rad.
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The paper aims to show that light verb constructions (LVC) are formed not only with predicative nouns, but also frequently with result nouns and some concrete nouns. We propose a quantitative verification of the hypothesis that in Czech, result nouns are at least as frequent in LVC as event nominalisations (“verbální substantiva”). The paper tries to explain reasons of this phenomenon and it shows the mechanism that allows concrete nouns to appear in LVC, not only in Czech, but also in French.
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Doherty, Cathal. "Residual verb second in Early Irish." Diachronica 17, no. 1 (December 31, 2000): 5–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.17.1.03doh.
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SUMMARY This paper seeks to establish that Early Irish is a ‘residual Verb Second (V2)’ language: i.e. one in which the V2 pattern is no longer general, but in which residues of an earlier V2 stage remain. The central argument is that the exceptional word order known as ‘Bergin’s construction’ (Bergin 1938), attested only in archaic registers, reduces straightforwardly to the V2 pattern. Based on this observation, it is argued that V2 was general in Irish, at a stage which predates the Old Irish record. In support of this, other possible V2 residues are identified in Early Irish, e.g. the interrogative system, and ‘noun-initial’ sentences brought to light by Mac Cana 1973. This proposal, if correct, has broad consequences for the diachronic syntax of Irish, primarily that Verb-initial order did not develop directly from Indo-European Verb-final order, but was mediated by another (V2) stage. RÉSUMÉ Cet article cherche à établir le fait que l’Ancien irlandais est une langue à verbe second (V2) restant, c’est-à-dire une langue dans laquelle le schéma V2 n’est plus général, mais où il subsiste des traces d’un V2 plus ancien. L’argument central est que l’ordre de mots exceptionnel, connu sous le nom de ‘Bergin’s construction’ (Bergin 1938) et seulement attesté dans les registres archaïques, réduit sans détour au schéma V2. Partant de cette observation, il est dit que V2 était un trait général de la langue irlandaise à un moment qui précède le Vieil irlandais. Pour soutenir cela, d’autres traces possibles de V2 ont été identifiées en Ancien irlandais, par exemple, le système interrogatif, les phrases avec ‘nom-initial’. Celles-ci ont été mises en lumière par Mac Cana 1973. Si cette proposition est correcte, elle aurait de larges conséquences pour la syntaxe diachronique de l’irlandais, tout d’abord celle de montrer que l’ordre en V-initial n’a pas été directement formé de l’ordre V-final indo-européen, mais qu’une autre étape en V2 s’est interposée entre les deux. ZUSSAMENFASSUNG Dieses Papier versucht, herzustellen, daß Alt-Mittelirische eine Sprache ‘residual Verb Second (V2)’ sind: d.h., ein in dem die Wortsellung V2 nicht mehr produktiv ist, aber, in welchen Überresten eines frühere Wortstellung V2 bleiben. Das zentrale Argument ist, daß der unregelmässiger Satztypus, das als ‘Berginskonstruktion’ bekannt ist (Bergin 1938) und bezeugt nur in den archaischen Registern, ist eines Beispeil für V2. Gegründet auf dieser Beobachtung, wird es argumentiert, daß Irische an einem Stadium V2 allgemein war, bevor die ältesten Irischen speichern. Zur Unterstützung dieses werden andere mögliche Überreste V2 auf Alt-Mittelirischen, z.B. das fragende System und der Satztypus mit vorangestellten Nominalphrasen, die zum Licht von Mac Cana 1973 geholt werden gekennzeichnet. Dieser Antrag, wenn korrekt, hat ausgedehnte Konsequenzen für die historische Syntax von Irische, hauptsächlich, daß die Verbanfangswortstellung nicht direkt von die indogermanische Verbausgangswortstellung entwickelte, aber wurde durch ein anderes Stadium (V2) vermittelt.
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Garcia de la Maza, Casilda. "The conventionalisation of contextual effects in middle structures." International Journal of English Studies 13, no. 1 (April 18, 2013): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/ijes/2013/1/127081.
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<p>The presence of adverbial modification, affectedness, or the aspectual characteristics of the verb phrase have usually been invoked as principles governing the possibility for a verb to appear in the middle mode, as defended by Roberts (1987), Fagan (1992), Doron and Rappaport-Hovav (1991) and Levin (1993), inter al. This paper presents the results of a data collection project aimed at unravelling the issue of the conditions on middle formation. The data show how existing accounts are deficient in a number of ways and leave a wide range of data unaccounted for. Instead, the data reveal that pragmatic relevance has a major role to play in the matter and provide empirical support to defend the essentially “pragmatic value” (Green 2004) of the construction. Some of the formal properties of middles which had been formerly put down to syntactic constraints are then reanalysed in the light of this characterisation, including the apparent requirement for adverbial modification, which can now be approached from a fresh perspective.</p>
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Bloch-Trojnar, Maria. "Simple Event nominals with Argument Structure? – Evidence from Irish deverbal nominalizations1." Zeitschrift für Wortbildung / Journal of Word Formation 4, no. 2 (January 1, 2020): 143–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/zwjw.2020.02.08.
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Abstract Deverbal nominals in Irish support Grimshaw’s (1990) tripartite division into complex event (CE-), simple event (SE-) and result nominals (R-nominals). Irish nominals are ambiguous only between the SE- and R-status. There are no CE-nominals containing the AspP layer in their structure. SE-nominals (also found in Light Verb Constructions) are number-neutral and incapable of pluralizing and are represented as [nP[vP[Root]]]. R-nominals are devoid of the vP layer and behave like ordinary nouns. The Irish data point to v as the layer introducing event implications and the vP or PPs as the functional heads introducing the internal argument (Alexiadou and Schäfer 2011). Event denoting nominals in Irish can license the internal argument but aspectual modification and external argument licensing are not possible (cf. synthetic compounds in Greek (Alexiadou 2017)), which means that, counter to Borer (2013), the licensing of Argument Structure need not follow from the presence of the AspP layer.
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Suzuki, Hideyuki, Hiroki Shiohara, Anja Schnepf, Hidetaka Houtani, Lucas H. S. Carmo, Shinichiro Hirabayashi, Ken Haneda, et al. "Wave and Wind Responses of a Very-Light FOWT with Guy-Wired-Supported Tower: Numerical and Experimental Studies." Journal of Marine Science and Engineering 8, no. 11 (October 26, 2020): 841. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jmse8110841.
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A floating offshore wind turbine (FOWT) concept with a guy-wire-supported tower was investigated to obtain motion results in waves considering its elastic model characteristics. The FOWT concept studied aims to reduce the construction costs by using a light-weight structure tensioned with guy wires and a downwind type. Wave tank experiments of an elastically similar segmented backbone model in the 1:60 scale were carried out to clarify the dynamic elastic response features of the structure. The experimental results were compared with numerical simulations obtained from NK-UTWind and WAMIT codes. The bending moment measured at the tower and pontoons had two peak values for different wave periods carried out. The short-wave period peak was due to sagging/hogging when the wavelength matched the floater length. The second peak was due to the large tower top acceleration, which caused a large bending moment at the tower base and pontoon to support the inertia force. The wind force was not significant to modify the FOWT response. The sensibility analysis in pontoons and tower rigidities confirmed the importance of the guy wires to support the inertia due to the waves and wind incidence. The new concept of a very-light FOWT with a guy-wire-supported tower may be an option for future FOWT developments.
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Tsai, Wei-Tien Dylan, Jong-Ho Kim, Hui-Myong Kang, and Yuan-Hong Quan. "Transitivization, Applicative Construction and Light Verb Analysis." Journal of Chinese Language, Literature and Translation 48 (January 31, 2021): 465–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35822/jcllt.2021.01.48.465.
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정민수 and CHOYOUNGSOON. "Use of the Light Verb give Construction." English21 30, no. 4 (December 2017): 165–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.35771/engdoi.2017.30.4.008.
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Slade, Benjamin. "The diachrony of light and auxiliary verbs in Indo-Aryan." Diachronica 30, no. 4 (December 31, 2013): 531–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.30.4.04sla.
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This study examines the historical development of light verbs in Indo-Aryan. I investigate the origins of the modern Indo-Aryan compound verb construction, and compare this construction with other light verb constructions in Indo-Aryan. Examination of the antecedents of the Indo-Aryan compound verb construction alongside other Indo-Aryan light verb constructions, combined with analysis of lexical and morphosyntactic differences between the compound verb systems of two Indo-Aryan languages (Hindi and Nepali), demonstrate that light verbs are not a stable or unchanging part of grammar, but rather undergo a variety of changes, including reanalysis as tense/aspect auxiliaries.
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Martínez Caro, Elena, and Jorge Arús-Hita. "Give as a light verb." Functions of Language 27, no. 3 (July 6, 2020): 280–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.16036.mar.
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Abstract Light Verb Constructions (LVCs) have received widespread attention. Research on these constructions, however, has for the most part focused exclusively on their syntactic and lexical-semantic properties. Additionally, studies devoted to specific LVCs tend to neglect the phrasal-semantic and pragmatic variation brought about by the combination of a light verb with different nominal complements. This paper tries to fill those gaps by means of a quantitative and qualitative corpus-based study of Light give Constructions (LgiveCs). The quantitative analysis investigates frequencies of LgiveCs in British English and compares them across spoken and written (fiction) discourse, which reveals a high frequency of this construction in speech, especially in combinations of give with a ring, a kiss and an answer. When these combinations are excluded, LgiveCs are significantly more frequent in writing. In a complementary qualitative approach, we highlight the structural and discursive features of the construction and attempt to explore the factors that motivate the frequent use of the LgiveC in British English.
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최영식. "Verbal Noun in Korean Light Verb Construction Redux." Journal of Studies in Language 32, no. 1 (May 2016): 115–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18627/jslg.32.1.201605.115.
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Pivaut, Laurent. "Quelques Aspects Semantiques D'une Construction a Verbe Support Faire." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 18, no. 1 (January 1, 1994): 49–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.18.1.04piv.
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The notion of support verb enables us to construct a coherent lexicon of predicative nouns. It also enables us to describe their syntax and to provide a strong basis for their semantic description. This article gives a description of the construction of the support verb faire where the predicative noun relates to sport and musical activities. We also point out the privileged semantic and syntactic relation between the support verb subject and the predicative noun. The major property is the possibility for the determiner to commute with other determiners, whether or not accompanied by a modifier. This description enables us to divide the whole of these predicative nouns into five units. Each unit is homogeneous as far as its semantics and syntax are concerned.
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Hoekstra, Jarich. "Beyond Do-Support and Tun-Periphrasis: The Case of Finite Verb Doubling in Karrharde North Frisian." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 28, no. 4 (November 11, 2016): 317–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542716000155.
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All West Germanic languages possess periphrastic verb constructions in which a finite dummy auxiliary ‘do’ combines with an infinitival thematic verb (compare do-support in English and tun-periphrasis in German). In Frisian, periphrastic verb constructions are not very common. It is all the more surprising, therefore, to find a general periphrastic verb construction in Karrharde North Frisian that seems to go beyond the typology of these constructions in West Germanic to some extent: The construction is rather unconstrained, it features a mysterious dummy auxiliary wer- and, most strikingly, both the dummy auxiliary and the thematic verb are finite. In this article, the basic data on finite verb doubling in Karrharde North Frisian is presented, and the origin of the dummy auxiliary wer- is tracked down. A synchronic analysis of the construction is proposed that relates it to the periphrastic verb constructions in other West Germanic languages. It is shown that finite verb doubling is in most respects a garden variety periphrastic verb construction, and that its special properties can be traced back to the fact that the dummy auxiliary developed from the complementizer wer ‘if, whether’ (possibly under language contact with Danish).
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Langer, Stefan. "A linguistic test battery for support verb constructions." Verbes supports 27, no. 2 (June 10, 2005): 171–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.27.2.03lan.
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Semi-compositional verb–noun constructions have been investigated under various labels in the different linguistic traditions. In this article we start from the quite well defined notion of support verb construction to present a battery of linguistic tests to distinguish truly semi-compositional constructions from semantically compositional verb–noun combinations on the one hand and from idiomatic constructions on the other. The tests are not genuinely designed by the author but collected from various linguistic investigations on such constructions. As the concept of support verb construction spans across a wide variety of languages, most tests can be applied to several languages. In the article, examples are given for French, English and German. It will be shown that most of the tests that cover the grammaticality of syntactic or semantic transformations of verb–noun constructions only present an approximation of underlying semantic properties and that to almost each alleged property exceptions can be found. However, taken as a whole, the test battery seems to be suitable to delineate support verb constructions from superficially similar linguistic expressions.
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Hrenek, Éva. "Semantic motivations of the organization of ranges of synonyms involving light verbs." Studia Linguistica Hungarica 33, no. 1 (December 31, 2021): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.54888/slh.2021.33.38.53.
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The meanings of light verb constructions are primarily determined by the meanings of the nouns in them (Dobos 2009). However, the light verbs cannot be regarded as “empty”, meaningless elements with only grammatical functions, either (cf. Cetnarowska 2014): they contribute to the meaning of the construction by adding their specific nuances of meaning.
In the present case study, based on data from the Hungarian National Corpus 2 (MNSZ2), I examine light verb constructions following the scheme feledésbe + verb, meaning ‘be forgotten’ (e.g., feledésbe merül ~ feledésbe homályosodik ~ feledésbe enyészik ‘sink/dim/vanish into oblivion’). First, I briefly review the constructions that make up the range of synonyms and outline the way these light verb constructions (as analytic expressions) and the synonymous verb elfelejtődik ‘get forgotten’ (as a synthetic expression) are related. Then, via the analysis of a single expression, feledésbe merül ‘fall into oblivion’, I strive to find out what semantic factors can affect whether a light verb construction becomes conventionalized and assumes a central position within a given range of synonyms.
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Angelis, Angela de. "Nominalizations With the Italian Support Verb Avere." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 13, no. 2 (January 1, 1989): 223–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.13.2.02ang.
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Certain deverbal nouns can be analyzed as predicates. We present here a classification of those deverbal nouns which are in relation with the support verb avere: i.e. the sequence avere V-n (e.g. avere la speranza) corresponds to a simple verb (sperare). This work is part of a larger research effort concerning the construction of a Lexicon-Grammar of italian.
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Sundquist, John D. "A Diachronic Analysis of Light Verb Constructions in Old Swedish." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 30, no. 3 (August 13, 2018): 260–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542717000137.
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This study provides an empirical analysis of light verb constructions in Old Swedish. These constructions contain a semantically light verb, such as giva ‘give’ or göra ‘make’, that may be paired with an abstract nominal object, as in giva radh ‘give advice’ or giva hiälp ‘give help’. Using a corpus of nine Old Swedish texts written in the 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries, I track the frequency of light verb constructions and analyze the range of transitive light verb + object pairings. I consider the effects of time, genre, and the type of modification to the nominal object in the quantitative analysis. The results contribute to ongoing discussions in crosslinguistic, diachronic research on the reasons for the increase in frequency of light verb constructions as well as the possibility that this construction exhibits characteristics of grammaticalization or lexicalization.
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Duffield, Cecily Jill. "Conceptual effects on agreement: A corpus study of mismatch in English copular constructions." LSA Annual Meeting Extended Abstracts 3 (April 8, 2012): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/exabs.v0i0.575.
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Research on the production of subject-verb agreement has focused on the features of the subject rather than the larger construction in which subject-verb agreement is produced or how the conceptual relationship between subjects and predicates may interact in affecting subject-verb agreement patterns. This corpus study describes subject-verb number agreement mismatch in English copular constructions which take the frame of (SEMANTICALLY LIGHT) N + [REL] + COP + (SPECIFIC) PRED NOM, where the copula reflects the grammatical number of the predicate. Results suggest that speakers make use of conceptual information from the entire construction, and not just the subject, when formulating agreement morphology.
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Nolan, Brian. "Complex predicates and light verb constructions in Modern Irish." Revista Española de Lingüística Aplicada/Spanish Journal of Applied Linguistics 27, no. 1 (August 8, 2014): 140–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/resla.27.1.06nol.
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This paper characterises complex predicates and light verb constructions in Modern Irish. Light verbs are attested in many of the world’s languages (Alsina, Bresnan & Sells, 2001; Butt, 1995, 2003). Cross linguistically, there appears to be a common class of verbs involved in these constructions and generally there is agreement that light verbs contribute to the formation of complex predicates. Light verbs seem have a non-light or ‘heavy’ verb counterpart. In this paper we discuss the light verb constructions (LVC) as found in modern Irish and how they form complex predicates. We claim that the light verb (LV) encodes the event process initiation (or cause) and the matrix verb indicates the bounded component or result. In light verb constructions, the matrix verb appears in Modern Irish syntax as a verbal-noun form. The function of light verbs in these constructions is to modulate the event and sub-event semantics. We distinguish between auxiliary verbs constructions (AVC) and those constructions involving complex predicated and light verbs (Aikhenvald & Dixon, 2006; Anderson, 2006). We provide evidence based on an analysis of Irish data that shows how aspect and argument structure considerations are resolved for the complex predicate within the light verb construction via the linking system between semantics and syntax. We motivate a functional account, based on Role and Reference Grammar (Nolan, 2012; Nolan & Diedrichsen, 2013; Van Valin, 2005; Van Valin & LaPolla, 1997), that appeals to the analysis of complex predicates within a consideration of the layered structure of the clause.
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Lee, Juwon. "Multiple Interpretations and Constraints of Causative Serial Verb Constructions in Korean." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 38 (September 25, 2012): 288. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v38i0.3336.
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<p>In this paper I discuss the light verb ha ‘do’ in Korean, which I show forms a range of uses in various constructions (see the basic properties of light verbs in Butt and Geuder (2001), Butt (2004) and Korean light verbs in Choi and Wechsler (2001), Lee (2011), inter alia). In particular, I aim to elucidate what is involved in the multiple interpretations of the causative serial verb construction</p>
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Ong, Christina Sook Beng, and Hajar Abdul Rahim. "Nativised structural patterns of make light verb construction in Malaysian English." Concentric. Studies in Linguistics 47, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/consl.00024.rah.
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Abstract This study investigated nativised structural patterns of light verb constructions (LVCs) in Malaysian English using a corpus-based, descriptive approach to analyse grammatical innovations. To facilitate the analysis, a 100-million-word general corpus comprising threads from Lowyat.Net, a popular Internet forum in Malaysia, was created, and the British National Corpus (BNC) was used as the reference corpus. Using the Sketch Engine corpus tool, the three most frequently occurring make LVCs in the Malaysian English corpus were identified. The data was analysed to reveal the differences between the structures of make LVC in Malaysian English and its prototypical structure. The findings show that besides the non-isomorphic deverbal noun form, make LVCs in Malaysian English prefer taking the basic constituents of an LVC. Nativised LVCs are essentially those with zero articles and isomorphic deverbal nouns taking definite articles, determiners, and descriptive adjectives in their modifier slots. The zero article LVC is the most common nativised structure pattern due to the influence of substrate languages in Malaysian English.
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BERLAGE, EVA. "At the interface of grammaticalisation and lexicalisation: the case of take prisoner." English Language and Linguistics 16, no. 1 (February 17, 2012): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s136067431100027x.
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Brinton & Traugott (2005) and Brinton (2008) have suggested that light verb constructions of the type take a look (at) are instances of grammaticalisation. This article shows that this is because the emphasis has been on the verb take. Exploring the light verb construction take prisoner, we see that one and the same construction involves both lexicalisation and grammaticalisation processes. For grammaticalisation, the focus will be on the semantic bleaching of take and the productivity of the pattern take + NP. For the lexicalisation of the construction, we will focus on the increasing fixedness of the collocation take prisoner, evident from the decreasing acceptability of the pattern make prisoner, and on the decategorialisation of the original NP prisoner, which is manifested in the loss of plural -s inflection in prisoner. The article further investigates the decategorialisation of prisoner, revealing that the word order of prisoner(s) relative to its complement NP (e.g. take the men prisoner(s) vs take prisoner(s) the men) has a considerable effect on the speed of plural s-deletion.
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Rautionaho, Paula, Sandra C. Deshors, and Lea Meriläinen. "Revisiting the ENL-ESL-EFL continuum: A multifactorial approach to grammatical aspect in spoken Englishes." ICAME Journal 42, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 41–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icame-2018-0004.
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AbstractThis study focuses on the progressive vs. non-progressive alternation to revisit the debate on the ENL-ESL-EFL continuum (i.e. whether native (ENL) and nonnative (ESL/EFL) Englishes are dichotomous types of English or form a gradient continuum). While progressive marking is traditionally studied independently of its unmarked counterpart, we examine (i) how the grammatical contexts of both constructions systematically affect speakers’ constructional choices in ENL (American, British), ESL (Indian, Nigerian and Singaporean) and EFL (Finnish, French and Polish learner Englishes) and (ii) what light speakers’ varying constructional choices bring to the continuum debate. Methodologically, we use a clustering technique to group together individual varieties of English (i.e. to identify similarities and differences between those varieties) based on linguistic contextual features such as AKTIONSART, ANIMACY, SEMANTIC DOMAIN (of aspect-bearing lexical verb), TENSE, MODALITY and VOICE to assess the validity of the ENL-ESL-EFL classification for our data. Then, we conduct a logistic regression analysis (based on lemmas observed in both progressive and non-progressive constructions) to explore how grammatical contexts influence speakers’ constructional choices differently across English types. While, overall, our cluster analysis supports the ENL-ESL-EFL classification as a useful theoretical framework to explore cross-variety variation, the regression shows that, when we start digging into the specific linguistic contexts of (non-)progressive constructions, this classification does not systematically transpire in the data in a uniform manner. Ultimately, by including more than one statistical technique into their exploration of the continuum, scholars could avoid potential methodological biases.
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Azazil, Lina. "Frequency effects in the L2 acquisition of the catenative verb construction – evidence from experimental and corpus data." Cognitive Linguistics 31, no. 3 (August 27, 2020): 417–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cog-2018-0139.
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AbstractThis paper investigates frequency effects in the L2 acquisition of the catenative verb construction by German learners of English from a usage-based perspective by presenting findings from two experimental studies and a complementary corpus study. It was examined if and to what extent the frequency of the verb in the catenative verb construction affects the choice of the target-like complement type and if the catenative verb construction with a to-infinitive complement, which is highly frequent in English, is more accurately acquired and entrenched than the less frequent variant with an -ing complement. In all three studies, the more frequent construction with a to-infinitive yielded higher numbers of target-like complement choices. Furthermore, it was shown that the verb’s faithfulness to the construction made a significant prediction of a target-like complement preference. It is argued that a higher faithfulness promotes a target-like entrenchment of the construction and motivates a taxonomic generalisation across related exemplars. Furthermore, the results provide support for the idea that the mental representation of language is comprised of item-specific as well as more abstract schema knowledge, where frequency determines the specificity with which the construction is entrenched.
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Ambridge, Ben, Claire H. Noble, and Elena V. M. Lieven. "The semantics of the transitive causative construction: Evidence from a forced-choice pointing study with adults and children." Cognitive Linguistics 25, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 293–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cog-2014-0012.
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AbstractAdults and children aged 3;0–3;6 were presented with ungrammatical NVN uses of intransitive-only verbs (e.g., *Bob laughed Wendy) and asked – by means of a forced-choice pointing task – to select either a causal construction-meaning interpretation (e.g., ‘Bob made Wendy laugh’) or a non-causal sentence-repair interpretation (e.g., ‘Bob laughed at Wendy’). Both age groups chose casual construction-meaning interpretations on at least 82% of trials, regardless of (a) verb frequency and (b) the construction used for grammatical control/filler trials (transitive – e.g., Bob moved Wendy – or intransitive – e.g., Wendy moved). These findings constitute support for cognitive linguistic approaches under which verb argument structure constructions have meanings in and of themselves and – further – suggest that construction meaning is sufficiently powerful as to overrule verb meaning when the two conflict.
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Lødrup, Helge. "Pseudocoordination with posture verbs in Mainland Scandinavian: A grammaticalized progressive construction?" Nordic Journal of Linguistics 42, no. 01 (May 2019): 87–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586519000027.
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AbstractPseudocoordination with posture verbs in Mainland Scandinavian (e.g. the Norwegian Han sitter og arbeider ‘he sits and works’) is traditionally considered a grammaticalized progressive construction. The posture verb is said to have a bleached meaning, and to have the grammatical status of an auxiliary or a light verb. In recent years, some researchers have expressed doubt about this view. In this article, I argue that the traditional arguments for grammaticalization do not hold. However, I also give new evidence for early grammaticalization. Posture verbs can to some extent be used as light verbs in sentences such as Kebab må sittes og nytes ‘kebab must sit.pass and enjoy.pass’, which have never been discussed in connection with grammaticalization. Finally, I argue that pseudocoordination with posture verbs should not be seen as progressive, but rather as a locational (or situative) construction.
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Liu, Chen-Sheng Luther. "The quantity adjective duō in Chinese and the event quantity construction." International Journal of Chinese Linguistics 9, no. 2 (December 6, 2022): 197–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.21005.liu.
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Abstract In the duō event quantity construction, duō ‘much’ is a quantity adjective. What duō ‘much’ modifies is the root of the verb and the root has to move to the light verb position to be categorically defined. The quantity adjective duō ‘much’ functions to introduce a measure function which measures the event denoted by the verb along the dimension valued by the assignment function A, and the domain to which the measure function applies must be monotonic. So, the ‘modification’ relation between the quantity adjective duō ‘much’ and its modifyee essentially differs from that between a typical gradable adjective like tián ‘sweat’ and its modifyee. This explains how the quantity adjective duō ‘much’ differs from the typical adjective in syntax and semantics.
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Swinburne, Nicola. "‘Do’-support in the northern Italian Camuno." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 7, no. 1 (May 5, 2022): 5211. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v7i1.5211.
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The Camuno dialect uses an auxiliary fa ‘do’ in an interrogative construction that strongly resembles English do-support. Stages of its grammaticalization remain within the different valley dialects. When optional, fa-support (FS) coexists with verb-subject clitic inversion (SCI), e.g fa-la mangià (does she eat) / màngia-la (eats-she)‘l peh da hena? (the fish for supper?) There are semantic restrictions on the type of supported verb: manner > result > state. Questions are pragmatically marked with speaker answer expectations, and are opinion-seeking. A wh-item (normally ‘insitu’) has specific reference. Impersonal questions are agrammatical with optional FS but not obligatory FS. A biclausal model with a lexically rich fa ‘do’ is suggested for optional FS.
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Tron, Andrii, Oksana Derevianko, Marianna Zhumbei, and Liubov Shpilchak. "Light Verb Constructions as Means of Expressing Semelfactive/Multiplicative Meanings in J.K. Rowling’s Discourse (on the basis of novels ‘Harry Potter and the Sorcerer’s Stone’ and ‘Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets’)." Revista Amazonia Investiga 11, no. 50 (March 10, 2022): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.34069/ai/2022.50.02.5.
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The article discusses the problem of light verb constructions in contemporary English on the basis of novels ‘Harry Potter and the Sorcerer’s Stone’ and ‘Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets’ by J.K. Rowling. We (the authors) state that most of light verb constructions denote either semelfactive or multiplicative meanings within the framework of Smith’s (1997) theory of aspect in which five situation types, namely states, activities, achievements, accomplishments, and semelfactives are distinguished. The aspectual meaning of a light verb construction is concentrated in its nominal component which can be proved by the existence of for, with-phrases like for a better look, where the verbal component is omitted. The singular of the deverbal noun indicates a semelfactive meaning, whereas the plural form expresses a multiplicative one. The verbal component in such constructions may be represented by ‘light’ verbs such as take, have, make, do, give or ‘heavy’ verbs like cast, draw, shoot etc. The qualitative characteristics of light verb constructions can be intensified by prepositive and postpositive modifiers such as quick, short, sharp etc. On the basis of novels ‘Harry Potter and the Sorcerer’s Stone’ and ‘Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets’ by J.K. Rowling 97 and 115 light verb constructions have been singled out and analyzed respectively. The results of the research contribute to the study of verbal plurality in English.
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Sharif, Babak, and Mohammad Amouzadeh. "A Cognitive Approach to Light Verb Constructions: Backstage Issues." International Journal of Linguistics 7, no. 3 (June 24, 2015): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v7i3.7672.
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<p>Persian Light Verb Constructions (LVCs) have been studied by many scholars. Yet, little attention has been paid to the process of LVC formation. This paper aims to situate the components of Persian light verb constructions in contexts that can be justifiably invoked as a motivation for LVC formation. We will investigate the issue by arguing that Persian LVCs can be analyzed in terms of incorporation process. This process, explained from a cognitive viewpoint, involves LVCs originating from complete clauses, then passing through a <em>compositional path</em> (Langacker 1987, 2008) where a nonverbal and a verbal element are selected out of a kernel clause and end up in a complex predicate (CPr). The investigation will be primarily focused on the LVCs constructed with<em> </em>LV<em> kardan </em>‘do, make’, as the most frequently used light verb in Persian. The paper will also explore how different paths could be associated with certain particular ‘light’ meanings of<em> kardan. </em>The resulting LVCs may further yield <em>constructional schemas</em> upon which other LVCs formed with a given LV can be formed.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Light verb construction, Complex predicate, Incorporation, Persian</p>
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Yang, Barry Chung-Yu. "Decomposing polysemy." International Journal of Chinese Linguistics 3, no. 1 (June 7, 2016): 132–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.3.1.05yan.
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The ka-construction in Taiwan Southern Min is well-known for its polysemy. This study argues that with evidence from extra-argumentality, ka-NP position, thematic relationship, passivization, over-generalization, and dialectal difference, ka should at least be categorized into three different types, i.e., light verb, applicative, and preposition, instead of a uniform one. The first type involves the disposal patient/theme and the goal/source constructions where ka is a light verb taking a reduced VP complement. The second one applies to the benefactive/adversative construction where ka is a high applicative head mediating the relation between the ka-NP and a VoiceP. The third one accounts for the non-gapped dative construction where ka is a preposition heading a PP that modifies a VP. By so doing, the polysemy is simply an interplay between different types of ka and their corresponding syntactic structures.
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Galdi, Giovanbattista. "On the use of facio as support verb in late and Merovingian Latin." Journal of Latin Linguistics 17, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 231–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/joll-2018-0011.
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Abstract Support verb constructions are documented throughout the history of Latin as well as other (typologically also irrelated) languages. As shown in several studies, such constructions are characterized by the presence of a support verb exhibiting a more or less reduced semantic force, and a predicative (abstract or verbal) noun that often constitutes its direct object. The present contribution deals, specifically, with the use of facio as support verb (as in bellum facere, iter facere, insidias facere, etc.), focussing on the post-classical and late period. In particular, three questions shall be investigated: (i) whether, and if yes, how facio increases its popularity in later centuries both in non-Christian and Christian sources; (ii) how is the spread of use of facio-support verb constructions in the Mulomedicina Chironis and in the Itinerarium Egeriae to be accounted for; (iii) what type of semantic evolution does the verb undergo in later Latin and whether, in this respect, continuity or rupture should be assumed with regard to the archaic and classical periods. This last point will enable us to suggest a more convincing explanation for an often-quoted passage of Cicero (Phil. 3,22), in which the construction contumeliam facere occurs.
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Rácz, Anita. "«Aportar contribución», «experimentar cambios» – Las construcciones con verbo soporte en el español y en el alemán." Acta Hispanica 18 (January 1, 2013): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2013.18.139-148.
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This essay gives an overview about the so called 'light verb constructions' (LVCs) of the Spanish and German languages. LVCs are formed by the combination of a noun as the semantic, and a verb as the syntactic head of the construction. Since the descprition of their Spanish equivalents has gained attention only recently, we consider it important to adapt and apply the findings of the thorough German experiments on Spanish LVCs.
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Barrier, Sébastien. "A metagrammar for French predicative nouns developed and tested through tree adjoining grammar formalism." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 30, no. 2 (December 31, 2007): 317–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.30.2.09bar.
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In the study we describe in our thesis, we analyze « verb (+preposition) + noun » or « noun + verb » French combinations, known as support verb patterns (also known as light verb patterns in English). The grammar we describe is intended to comply not only with tree adjoining grammar formalism, but also with a more abstract language called metagrammar. In order to build an accurate and realistic syntactic lexicon, we use a corpus from the French daily Le Monde (developed at Paris 7 University), so as to represent only the most productive predicative nouns. The corpus allows us as well to check the regularities of support verb patterns in contemporary French. Applying our low-level grammar to a series of test sentences enables us to make sure that sentences whose descriptions used to be impossible or unsatisfactory may be adequately parsed.
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유정숙. "A Study of the Deverbal Noun of the Light Verb Construction in English." Discourse and Cognition 22, no. 1 (April 2015): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15718/discog.2015.22.1.57.
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Lam, Charles. "The V-one-V Construction and Modification of the Verbal Domain in Cantonese." Studies in Chinese Linguistics 41, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/scl-2020-0006.
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Abstract This study deals with a syntactic analysis of the V-one-V construction that has implications on the structure of verbal modification in Cantonese. The V-one-V construction is unique in several ways, making it distinct from the cognate object construction in English or the verb-doubling construction in Cantonese. Several syntactic and semantic properties are discussed that support a syntactic analysis of V-one-V as an instance of syntactic verb copying (Corver and Nunes 2007) rather than a morphological treatment often prescribed to reduplication. The V-one-V construction consists of two copies of a verb with a number or quantifier jat1 ‘one’, loeng5 ‘two’, or gei2 ‘few’ between the copies. The construction denotes the delimitation of events, displaying interpretations of tentative, brief occurrences of events. This pattern indicates that V-one-V denotes delimitation in the senses of both counting and measuring and the choice depends on the nature of the VP, according to the data. This study also contributes to the discussion on postverbal modification as an alternative to V-one-V, which is more productive in its meaning and lexical choice.
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Josefsson, Gunlög. "Peas and pancakes: On apparent disagreement and (null) light verbs in Swedish." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 32, no. 1 (June 2009): 35–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586509002030.
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Two variants of what looks like disagreement between a subject and a predicative adjective are explored: (i)(ii) Having shown how Construction NOM and Construction PROP differ, I demonstrate that the subject of Construction PROP is clausal. I argue that the topmost XP of the subject phrase of both constructions contains a null neuter element. This accounts for the neuter predicative agreement; hence the idea of default agreement or semantic agreement can be dismissed. I also argue that the subject in (ii) contains a vP, the head of which is a null light verb. Other instances of null light verbs in Swedish are identified too. Finally, I propose an analysis that accounts for the close relation between Construction PROP and the corresponding construction with a med-phrase ‘with-phrase’.
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Lau, Helena Yan Ping, and Sophia Yat Mei Lee. "On Resultative Verb Compounds in Cantonese and Mandarin." Lingua sinica 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/linguasinica-2021-0002.
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Abstract This paper conducts a comparative study on the resultative verb compounds (RVCs) in Cantonese and Mandarin with an aim to reveal and explain the rules governing the use of RVCs in Cantonese. Mandarin RVCs are classified into six types in terms of the number, the sequence, and the event role of the argument(s). While Mandarin RVCs are found to be rather productive in expressing resultatives, there are syntactic constraints imposed on the use of RVC construction in Cantonese. Given that Mandarin RVCs are often restricted in Cantonese, three substitutive constructions that are used to form resultatives have been introduced, namely V-dou3 constructions, V-dou3 in verb-copying construction, and causative construction formed with gaau2-dou3 ‘cause’. Factors that determine the corresponding structures used in Cantonese have been discussed. Claiming that the expressions of Cantonese resultatives should be highly associated with the event roles the involved NP arguments play, we demonstrate that such a classification of RVCs has contributed to the conclusion proposed in this paper. We also propose a set of linking rules which are designated for resultatives in Cantonese. It is hoped that this study sheds light on the syntax studies of Chinese.
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Lowrey, Brian. "Participial Perception Verb Complements in Old English." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 49, no. 3 (December 1, 2014): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stap-2015-0002.
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Abstract In this paper, I shall examine the complements of perception verbs in Old English involving a noun phrase and a present participle. What kind of perception is described by these structures? Do they evoke the perception of an event, or that of an entity? It will be shown here that there are good reasons to believe that an NP + present participle sequence could function as the equivalent of the traditional “AcI” construction when used with perception verbs. I shall also attempt to determine to what extent the syntax of this construction matches the semantics: is the internal argument of the perception verb the NP alone, or some kind of combination of the NP and the participle? This question is particularly interesting in the light of Declerck’s (1982) remarks on participle perception verb complements in modern English. Finally, I shall take a look at morphological parametres: sometimes the participle inflects to agree with the NP, whereas on other occasions it does not. What might the implications of this kind of variation be?
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Duffley, Patrick. "The Cognitive Structure of Full-Verb Inversion and Existential Structures in English." Cognitive Semantics 4, no. 2 (August 2, 2018): 184–229. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23526416-00402002.
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The goal of this study is to build on the Cognitive Grammar analysis of full-verb inversion (FVI) and existential structures proposed by Chen (2003, 2011 and 2013). Close attention will be given to two characteristics of these constructions not discussed by this author – lack of subject-verb agreement and the type of pronominal forms that occur in them – and their consequences for FVI’s cognitive structure will be worked out. Further parallels between FVI and the existential there-construction will be brought to light concerning the type of verbal predicate allowed, negation, transitivity, agreement patterns, presentational function, pronominal forms and heaviness of postverbal NPs. The cognitive structure of FVI with lack of S-V concord is argued to be: (1) ground-setter, (2) verb heralding presence/appearance of a generic third-person figure in the ground, (3) nominal identifying the generic figure. Chen’s Invertability Hypothesis is shown to generate false predictions with fronted adjectives and adverbials, and the claim that the preverbal element is in focus is shown to be problematic in the light of its usual status as given information. FVI is argued to be a construction in Goldberg’s (2006) sense of the term, although it does not constitute a meaning-form pairing which is completely independent of the lexical items that instantiate it.
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Hoekstra, Eric. "On the Origin and Development of an Embedded v-Initial Construction in Frisian." Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 77, no. 1-2 (June 9, 2017): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340071.
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Frisian features an embedded v-First construction, which is semantically equivalent to an infinitival clause. The construction comes in two varieties. The coordinated variety involves a clause functioning as a second clause of a coordination in the scope of a modal verb. It used to feature an infinitival verb until it started to appear in the 18th century with (unambiguously) imperative verbs. The subordinated variety involves a clause functioning as a verbal argument. It developed out of the coordinated variety in the 18th century. The grammatical properties of both varieties of this construction in present-day Frisian are presented and understood as a result of their origin and subsequent development out of a coordinate construction in Old Frisian. To the extent that the analysis is successful, it provides support for the notion ‘construction’ and for examining the origin and evolution of constructions, as is customary in construction grammar (Goldberg 2006, Givon 2009).
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Li, Haojie, and Tongde Zhang. "On the Derivation of the Non-Canonical Object Construction in Mandarin Chinese." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 12, no. 9 (September 1, 2022): 1880–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1209.22.
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This paper makes a study of the derivation of the non-canonical object construction in Mandarin Chinese. In light of the transitivity of verbs, two cases in the NOC are discussed: a) the non-canonical object construction with transitive verbs and b) the non-canonical object construction with unergative verbs. Based on the theory of phase and phase extension, a mixture of direct object properties and PP object properties in the non-canonical object construction can be explained in that the non-canonical object is licensed by both the preposition and the verb.