Journal articles on the topic 'Libyan conflict'
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Abdulrauf R. El- Geroshi, Abdulrauf R. El Geroshi. "Map of the Libyan conflict in the post- Gaddafi period – Analytical study for the period between the National Congress elections until Fajr Libya Operation (2012- 2015): خارطة الصراع الليبي في فترة ما بعد القذافي – دراسة تحليلية لفترة ما بين انتخابات المؤتمر الوطني حتى عملية فجر ليبيا (2012- 2015)." مجلة العلوم الإقتصادية و الإدارية و القانونية 6, no. 12 (April 30, 2022): 64–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.26389/ajsrp.j150122.
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After the fall of the Gaddafi regime, the Libyans tried to restructure the state, although they were able to change the regime in months, rebuilding the state was not that easy. One of the most prominent challenges for officials in that period was to address the social division left by the internal war between the February revolutionaries and the Gaddafi regime. In this study, the Libyan conflict in the post- Gaddafi period is analyzed, by presenting an analytical map for the period between the elections of the Transitional National Congress, which is the first legislative council in Libya after the revolution, until Fajr Libya Operation, which is the beginning of the first civil war in the post- Gaddafi era. The study was built according to the qualitative approach, in an attempt to understand and analyze the events based on academic literature and reports. As a result, the study concluded that the Libyan society did not recover from the wounds of the civil war that is experienced, and the absence of transitional justice was one of the direct causes in the emergence of the Libyan conflict because it was not among the priorities of Libyan officials at that stage. In addition to the mentality that prevailed the revolutionaries after their overthrow of the Gaddafi regime, which translated into actions that contributed to an increase in social division.
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Attir, Mustafa Omar. "The Role of Armed Conflict in Developing a Subculture of Hate and its Consequences." Contemporary Arab Affairs 14, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 62–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2021.14.2.62.
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When Libyan youth took to the streets in a populist uprising in 2011, which became known as the 17 February 2011 revolution, many Libyans thought they were on the verge of removing one of the most vicious dictators of the twentieth century, Muammar Gaddafi, and building a new democratic state. Gaddafi responded forcefully, hoping to eliminate the movement in its infancy. But clashes between Gaddafi’s forces and those who took to streets soon turned into a civil war, during which Libyan society was split into two major groups: one supporting the uprising, the other the regime. In addition to armed conflict, these warring groups regarded each other with contempt, generated slander, and accused each other of betrayal, using words and phrases in a discourse of hate speech. This vocabulary of hate manifested in demonstrations and social media. Eight months later Gaddafi was dead, and the political system he built over four decades collapsed. But the war did not stop: yesterday’s allies became enemies, competing for political and economic gains. The number of contesting groups expanded as different clans, tribes, and cities joined the fray for personal gains. Strategies and techniques first used during the Libyan uprising were applied in the civil war, and are still manifest today. Every militia has a Facebook page, owns a television station, or has access to one. These media have been widely used to spread hate speech and to widen the rift between neighbors, creating refugees and internally displaced people. At least five cities became ghost towns during the uprising. When the concept of subculture first appeared in the sociological literature, it referred to members of a group that behaved according to a set of values and norms that deviated from those of mainstream society. Reviewing the language of militia members and their supporters that is articulated in social media or on television, it becomes obvious that such language has devolved into hate speech, creating social fragmentation among Libyans. This language has created a new set of values and norms in Libya that are different from preexisting mainstream Libyan culture. The new language has created a subculture of hate, which serves to sustain and accelerate continuing divisions within Libya, while further fragmenting the social fabric of the country.
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Mačák, Kubo, and Noam Zamir. "The Applicability of International Humanitarian Law to the Conflict in Libya." International Community Law Review 14, no. 4 (2012): 403–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341238.
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Abstract The purpose of this article is to examine the applicability of international humanitarian law to the 2011 conflict in Libya in its consecutive phases. We argue that the situation in Libya rose to the level of non-international armed conflict between the government forces and insurgents united by the National Transitional Council by the end of February 2011. The military intervention by a multi-state coalition acting under the Security Council mandate since March 2011 occasioned an international armed conflict between Libya and the intervening States. We consider and reject the arguments in favour of conflict convergence caused by the increased collaboration between the rebels and NATO forces. Similarly, we refute the propositions that the Gaddafi government’s gradual loss of power brought about conflict de-internationalisation. Finally, we conclude that both parallel conflicts in Libya terminated at the end of October 2011. The article aspires to shed light on the controversial issues relating to conflict qualification in general and to serve as a basis for the assessment of the scope of responsibility of the actors in the Libyan conflict in particular.
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Ali, Ashraf, and Chukwunonye Ezeah. "Framework for Management of Post-Conflict Waste in Libya." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 5 (February 28, 2017): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n5p32.
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An important aspect of the Libyan conflict since the 2011 Arab Spring is the generation and management of huge volumes of construction and demolition (C&D) type waste, arising from conflict-related damage to the built environment. Estimates put the amount of Post-Conflict Waste (PCW) at about 82 million tonnes, much of which comprises potentially useful materials that could be reused or further processed and used in construction and other sectors of the economy. This paper presents and discusses the challenges that affect the use, reuse and recycling of such materials. To validate findings from literature, a pilot questionnaire survey of 70 professionals working in the waste management sector was carried out to identify the barriers constraining sustainable management of solid waste stream in three major Libyan cities. Data analysis was carried out using SPSS version 20.0. Based on the identified barriers, a framework for sustainable management of post-conflict waste arising in Libya has been designed in line with the medium-term infrastructure development objectives of the Libyan government. The paper recommends an urgent revision of applicable legislation and the formulation of new ones to address identified gaps in sustainable waste management. It is envisaged that results from this study will help underpin post-conflict sustainable development goals in Libya.
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Abukhattala, Ibrahim. "INTRODUCING THE COMMUNICATIVE APPROACH IN LIBYA: RESISTANCE AND CONFLICT." (Faculty of Arts Journal) مجلة كلية الآداب - جامعة مصراتة, no. 04 (October 1, 2015): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.36602/faj.2015.n04.10.
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Although communicative language teaching (CLT) is well recognized as the leading theoretical and the most effective model in English language teaching (ELT), it is still uncertain how culturally suitable it is regarding Non-Western cultures of teaching and learning, including Libyan-Arabic culture. Any teaching methodology is only effective to the extent that teachers and students are willing and able to accept and apply it with trust and optimism, and whether it is accepted or not is largely determined by a set of circumstances and beliefs that these teachers and students have been surrounded by and socialised into. Many Libyan teachers and students of English do not seem to have gone through any fundamental changes in their perception of efficient language instruction and in their daily teaching and learning practices. Based on my experience as a language educator in several Libyan universities, and on my professional thinking, I argue that CLT has not received widespread enthusiasm, has failed to make the expected impact on ELT and the traditional approach is still prevalent in many Libyan foreign language classrooms. There is a host of constraints on the adoption of CLT in the Libyan context which includes, among others, beliefs about the roles of teachers and students, teachers’ lack of language proficiency and sociolinguistic competence, examination pressure, and cultural teaching and learning styles. This article examines how these beliefs, pedagogy, and structures which have developed in the Libyan English language classroom culture limit pedagogical change advocated by foreign and Libyan education policy makers. The issues raised serve to acquaint the reader with some of the complexities of pedagogical change in Libya. The issues could also be of significance and relevance to other countries with a similar educational system and linguistic situation. The paper concludes with highlighting the need for taking attentively eclectic approach and making well-informed pedagogical options that stem from a deep understanding of the cultural and educational values that influence language learning and teaching styles.
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Trunov, Philipp O. "Germany and «Libyan problem» during 2010-s." Asia and Africa Today, no. 9 (2021): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750014942-8.
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Germany has been growing political and military activity in Northern Africa and Sahel region by the mid 2010s. FRG and its EU partners faced the great number of instability risks which are projected from zones of armed conflicts located in northern part of Africa. The key elements of the corridor of instability which has connected the fragile states in Sahel and Northern Africa were the «Libyan door» (the upper part) and «Malian gates» (the lower one). But in the 2010s FRG faced the absence of opportunities for itself to be directly involved in the resolution of «Libyan problem». That is why in 2012-2019 Germany had been trying only to fence «Libyan problem» in. This perimeter has four segments. German contribution to the creation of Western one (the strengthening of Tunisian and Algerian borders with Libya) and especially Eastern segment (the same with Egypt) was rather limited and consisted of arms export to these countries. The article explores the evolution of German participation to the resolution of Mali armed conflict (first of all FRG`s military contribution to EUTM Mali and MINUSMA missions). This one and also German participation in the reform of Niger`s security sector was the creation of Southern segment of the perimeter. By 2020 Germany has deepened cooperation on «Libyan problem» not only with regional players but also world powers. During Merkel`s visit to Moscow (January 11, 2020) the scheme of future Berlin conference on Libya was declared. This format was established on January 19, 2020. Germany became the coordinator of inter-Libyan dialogue (between the Government of national consensus in the West of the country and Libyan national army in the East) and supported it by the launch of the EU mission «IRINI». The article concludes about the perspectives of German policy towards Libya considering COVID-19 pandemics.
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SHIHUNDU, Felix. "LIBYA: ARMS PROLIFERATION AND ARMED GROUPS. THE LIBYAN CONFLICT REVISED." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 38 (January 2022): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.38.4.
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The study critically analyses the effects of the Libyan arms proliferation, with a focus on the Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) in the region. It traces the proliferation of arms occasioned by the Civil War in Libya and establishes an empirical link to some of the regional security challenges to the proliferation. Relevant theoretical perspectives, such as the Security Dilemma and the Security Complex Theory, are adopted to explain the resulting effects of the proliferation such as the increased deadly violence of the rebel forces in the region and the neighboring Middle East region. Innovative arms control has been presented as the opportunity for the region to address the security challenges which are quickly evolving into a proliferation of advanced sophisticated weapons, some of them in the rebel-controlled territories. The study concludes that the regional security challenges partly originate from the Libyan arms proliferation which have also worsened security challenges in different parts of the world. Keywords: Arms proliferation, Security Dilemma, Libya, Regional Security Complex, arms control, Disarmament, Demobilization and Re-integration.
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Frolov, Alexander. "Struggle for Libya: External Actors and Their Bets." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2021-55-2-19-36.
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Libya is the country affected most by the Arab Spring and actually disintegrated into separate enclaves, which was largely facilitated by the actions of external actors, primarily the United States and France. External forces continue to influence the situation in Libya in their own interests, largely consisting in access to the natural resources of this country and ensuring political influence through the support of forces loyal to them. In addition to the abovementioned countries, Italy, Germany, Russia, China, Turkey, Egypt and, to a certain extent, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are also involved in the Libyan events. The article examines in a historical context their views on the problem, the interests of external actors and the military-political and economic tools used to ensure them. The pandemic somewhat constrained their actions, but in the current situation Turkey was the most active, intervening in the course of the Libyan conflict, showing a high degree of interest in access to Libyan oil and gas, and strengthening its own, including geopolitical, positions. The United States is trying to act through UN institutions, while Russia is trying to find compromises between the two main forces of the Libyan conflict. At this stage, the positions of external players are so contradictory that achieving peace and stability looks difficult, and attempts to coordinate their actions within the framework of the Berlin Forum have not been crowned with success. For now, the efforts of the United States look preferable in terms of influencing the overall situation, although Germany retains the best chances to mediate. The article also examines the possible consequences of the unsettled situation in Libya and the impact of the Libyan events on the outside world.
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Makhmutova, Mariya I. "Political stance of Libyan tribes during the Civil War (2019–2020)." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 6, no. 2 (2022): 361–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2022-6-2-1.
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In this article, the author analyzes one of the most difficult problems in the Arab region, the civil war in Libya after the overthrow of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi in 2011. The author focuses on the fresh round of the escalation of the conflict (2019–20) between the eastern and western centers of power. The paper presents the importance of the political positions of Libyan tribes in the course of hostilities and their impact on the internal situation. The key issue of the study considered in the article directly concerns the political positions of the main clans within Libya. The author explains why some of the clans decided to participate in the military campaign on the side of the Libyan National Army, while the other defended the Government of National Accord; there were also those who adopted the position of non-interference in national affairs, since they sought to maintain autonomy. The main purpose of this work is to demonstrate the specifics of the Libyan problem, which is not only the desire of Tripolitania, Cyrenaica and Fezzan for their autonomous existence but also the internal contradictions between different tribes. It remains one of the most important factors hindering the unification of the country. After analyzing the publications in the modern Arabic-language press, the author offered her vision of the reasons for the ongoing armed confrontation in Libya and also presented and analyzed the full range of political positions and the role of the main Libyan tribes during the civil conflict, especially its latest round, which gives an idea of the complexity of the internal situation in Libya. The conclusion indicates the main reasons why Libya as a country cannot currently be a single and whole entity. The problem lies mainly in the complex ethnic and tribal situation as well as in the desire of individual tribes for an autonomous existence.
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Khrapach, Yelyzaveta, and Serhii Bilan. "RETROSPECTIVE OF THE LIBYAN CONFLICT." Bulletin of Agrarian History, no. 39-42 (2022): 184–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31392/vah-2022.39-42.19.
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Jarad, Ali, Almokhtar Attwairi, Tarek Elaswed, and Elhadi Elmghirbi. "The role of the southern Libyan Saharan cities in building their relations with neighbouring countires." Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 102, no. 1 (2022): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd2201141j.
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The southern Libyan cities (Ghat, Murzuq, and Al-Kufra) played their political, economic, and social role in Libyan relations with neighbouring countries during various historical phases. These cities paved the way for building economic relations, especially the exchange of goods between North and South Africa through Mediterranean ports to Europe. The main goal of the research is to stress the role of the Saharan towns and cities in building relations between Libya and neighbouring countries and to tracking the political, economic and social impacts on Saharan cities, but also their effects between the northern African region and southern Libya towards African Sub-Saharan region. Additionally, it is important to explain the role of southern cities geographically in the influx of illegal migration of temporary transit and settlement areas and crossing north to Europe and studying the impact of instability and insecurity after 2011 in the tribal and ethnic conflict in southern Libyan region. The importance of the study is based on identifying the political, economic, and social conditions of southern Libyan region and its important historical cities.
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Korotaev, A., L. Isaev, and A. Shishkina. "Second Wave of the Libyan Civil War: Factors and Actors." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 3 (2021): 111–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-111-119.
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The first wave of the civil war in Libya, which ended after the assassination of Muammar Qaddafi in the fall of 2011, did not put an end to the civil conflict in the country. It is shown that in many respects the second wave of the civil war in Libya (the beginning of the active phase of which can be dated May 16, 2014) was a direct continuation of the first wave (February–October 2011). By 2014, it became clear that the Libyan crisis could not be resolved solely through a change in political regime. The revolutionary processes in the case of Libya proved to be fatal for the entire political system, marking the almost complete dismantling of state institutions. Thus, the overthrow of the dictator in Libya did not ultimately solve anything, and the military-political forces that fought in the first wave of civil conflict against Muammar Qaddafi launched an open full-scale armed struggle with each other in May 2014, marking the beginning of the second wave of civil war. This article analyzes the logic and course of the second wave of the civil war in Libya, as well as explores the genesis of key military and political forces in Libya after 2011. The authors conclude that at present time a stalemate has developed in the country. And the impossibility of a military victory for either side of the Libyan conflict allows us to hope for a new agreement between all its parties. Acknowledgements. This article is an output of a research project implemented as part of the Basic Research Program at the National Research University Higher School of Economics (HSE) in 2021 with support by the Russian Science Foundation (Project Number 19-18-00155).
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Rivera, Adelaida. "Responsibility To Protect: What For?" Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 20 (June 29, 2013): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.20.6.
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On March 17th 2011, the United Nations Security Council approved the Resolution 1973 which authorized the use of force in Libya in order to protect civilians from the attacks performed by the state armed forces. The military action by NATO in Libya has resulted in diverse and divided opinions. The recourse of Responsibility to protect appeared later as a measure intended to be implemented in the ongoing conflict in Syria, but after two failed resolutions, it became clear that some UN Security Council members are not willing to repeat the Libyan scenario. This text aims to examine some basic notions of the R2P concept, its application in Libya and the implications of the results after the Libyan case on its possible application in Syria. Should the discussed objectives behind the application of Responsibility to Protect in the Libyan case and its results be determinant on the decision whether this doctrine can be applied in Syria? Is it possible that the mistakes committed in Libya, the atrocities now experienced in Syria and the non-response by the international community could mark the end of the whole concept of Responsibility to Protect? These questions are intended to be discussed in this paper.
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Chuprygin, Andrei V., Larisa A. Chuprygina, and Valery A. Matrosov. "Key Actors in the Libyan Conflict." Russia in Global Affairs 17, no. 4 (2019): 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6374-2019-17-4-157-182.
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Sidorov, Alexander. "France in Search of a Foothold in Post-Gaddafi Libya." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018568-2.
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Historically, Libya was not part of the French sphere of interest and influence, the core of which was traditionally Francophone Africa. Since the fall of the Gaddafi regime in 2011, security issues in the countries of the Sahara - Sahel region have become particularly important for France. The article is preceded by a brief historical account of Franco-Libyan relations up to and after the fall of the Gaddafi regime, when the situation within and along the Libyan borders deteriorated and became a matter of growing concern in France and internationally. The relevance and novelty of this study lie the examination of the French attitude towards the Libyan crisis in close conjunction with the need for forceful counter-terrorism actions and security measures in the Sahelю The aim is to analyse the evolving situation in the region, identifying the motivation for and the nature of France's actions in and around Libya, as well as in the context of a future post-conflict settlement. In writing the article, the author relied on historical-genetic and historical-analytical methods, drawing on national and international monographs, articles published in academic periodicals, and official documents of international organisations. He concludes that France had limited resources and capacity to stabilise Libya. He argues that the involuntary reliance on Khalifa Haftar as a fulcrum for security in southern Libya, the border areas, and for reducing the projection of the terrorist threat into the Sahara-Sahel region was unwarranted. It is also demonstrated that France has critically underestimated the potential of other influential parties to the current Libyan crisis, which, in the circumstances, has reduced its ability to influence the intra-Libyan and regional balance of power.
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Salmankhanov, Velikhan, Vasiliy Kuznetsov, Alexander Sidorov, Philipp Trunov, and Pavel Shlykov. "THE "LIBYAN QUESTION": THE PERSPECTIVES OF RESOLUTION IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEAN AND INTERNATIONAL SECURITY." Vostokovedenie i Afrikanistika, no. 4 (2021): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rva/2021.04.02.
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The overview presents the materials of scientific-methodical workshop of CSIR of global and regional problems INION RAS which was dedicated to the evolution of the «Libyan problem» in 2011-2021. The key myths and uncertainties that arose around the military operation of a group of NATO member countries against the leadership of the Jamahiriya headed by M. Gaddafi (2011) were identified. After it the features of the struggle between the Government of National Accord (F. Sarraj) and the Libyan national army (Ch. Chaftar) in the second of 2010-s were discussed. Then the participants show about the key events of the active phase of resolution since 2020, January. Special attention was paid to the activity of external actors. In the case of Turkey, the dynamics of its presence in Libya was presented first all the question of the usage the military tools in 2019-2020 and the circumstances of this military activity. France faced with the growing terroristic activity in Northern and Western Africa after the NATO military operation in Libya (2011) with active French participation. The participants also showed the evolution of Germany`s line to Libya: from non-involvement (2011) to the enclosure of Libyan zone of instability and then to playing one of the key roles in the armed conflict regulation since the Berlin conference was launched (2020). The overview concludes about the intermediate results, «narrow places» and the perspectives of the «Libyan question» resolution.
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Obaid, Assist prof Dr Muna Hussein. "The Libyan - Egyptian relation 1969-2005." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 223, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 307–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v223i1.329.
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The research in the Egyptian - Libyan relation dates back to ancient history. The change of leaders and the political system had affected these relations ,so they had changed from being so close to unly passing through tension and even conflict There is long borders between the two countries more than a thousand kilo-which made some kind of social relations ship between the people of the two countries . the relation between the two states had grew stronger ,after their in dependence especially when Libya tried to follow the steps of Egypt during Nasir era, but their relations deteriorated after Egypt's peace treaty with Israel , but it had flourished buck in the nineties. In spite of the improvement in the relation. between the two part after 2003.on the economic level , it had passed through tensions because of the mutual acquisitions of the two authorities,the Egyptian and the Libyan because of Libyan decision to abandon weapons of mass distraction, and the Libyan close relations with the muslim brother hood in Egypt,the main opposition forcei-Egypt at that time.
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Selján, Péter. "Military Intervention and Changing Balance of Power in Libya." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public 19, no. 3 (2020): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2020.3.5.
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Libya has sunk into chaos since Muammar Gaddafi was deposed by a Western-led military intervention in 2011. Since then, the Libyan crisis has escalated into an internationalised armed conflict, and a major power struggle between Turkey, Qatar, Italy, and Russia, Egypt, France, and the United Arab Emirates. In the last few years, General Khalifa Haftar has become Libya’s most prominent military commander, who is now ruling the eastern part of the country, as the head of the Libyan National Army. His military offensive, launched in April 2019, to capture the capital Tripoli forced Turkey to help the UN-backed Government of National Accord to avoid defeat. But Haftar too received additional military support, especially from Abu Dhabi and Moscow. This escalated the conflict even further, spurring Ankara for another, this time more consequential intervention, which was able to change the local balance of power, so diplomatic efforts and the peace process could get another chance.
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Trunov, F. "Relations between Germany and the Countries of North Africa." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 8 (2021): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-61-71.
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The article examines the process of the growing German political and military activity in North Africa during the second half of the 2010s. The first key reason of this process was the new awareness of the regional role in the ensuring of Germany’s and the EU security. During and after the “Arab Spring”, the interstate “corridor of instability” arose. It went from Mali further to Niger and Libya which has been facing permanent instability after the intervention of the group of Western countries (2011, without German participation). The full-fledged functioning of the “corridor of instability” could cause the worse version of the refugee crisis and growing terrorist activity than it was in the EU in 2015–2016. The second reason was the necessity to ensure Berlin`s strong political-military positions in North Africa for the realization of Germany`s ambitions as a future world power. The research examines the features and “narrow places” of interstate cooperation in the security sphere between Germany and Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria. Germany became a senior partner for Tunisia in 2015–2017, and positioned these relations as exemplary. Since 2015–2016, Germany and Egypt have been supporting the realization of each other’s leadership ambitions. The key elements of this tactic have been the cooperation in Syrian and Libyan armed conflicts regulation and launch of the EU–LAS negotiation format (2019). The article also shows the dynamics of partnership between Germany and Algeria, paying special attention to bilateral cooperation in the sphere of the Mali, Libyan and Western Sahara conflicts regulation. The transition of Germany’s bilateral relations with Egypt and Algeria to the level of advanced cooperation in the second half of 2010s caused a powerful growth of the FRG`s arms export to these countries. At the beginning of 2020, Germany launched the multilateral Berlin conference for resolution of the Libyan conflict. Germany’s late but rather successful involvement in the Libyan conflict management should ensure its efforts to become the external participant of the North African regional security system. The paper concludes about the perspectives of the FRG`s political-military line in the region considering the factor of COVID 19 pandemic.
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Badi, Emadeddin. "Of Conflict and Collapse: Rethinking State Formation in Post-Gaddafi Libya." Middle East Law and Governance 13, no. 1 (March 4, 2021): 22–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-13010001.
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Abstract This paper explores the relationships between the Libyan state and society, and the ways in which these dynamics affected the subsequent civil wars in 2011 and onwards. Beyond the commonly-studied impact of oil and state rentierism, this paper demonstrates that the enduring centralization of the state, Gaddafi’s dystopian governance system, the socio-economic and political cultures pre-2011, and the interplay between local systems of legitimacy and central authority have played an underappreciated role in the contemporary Libyan landscape. The continuities and discontinuities of order that defined and characterized the Libyan state before and after 2011 are thus dissected. An exploration of the appositeness of Eurocentric theories of statehood to the Libyan landscape unveils the pillars of legitimacy that defined Libyan statehood pre-Gaddafi. This sheds light both on how the Gaddafi regime sought to control society by often manipulating these pillars and on the ways in which Libyan society either directly and indirectly resisted his rule or rested in complacency. This covert resistance, which turned overt, widespread, and violent in 2011, paved the way for a discursive mutation of “tribalism.” This notion morphed from one of a group behavioral binding mechanism tied to blood lineage into one underpinned by notions of solidarity that override kinship. This analysis in turn elucidates the precarity of the Libyan state and explains the subsequent turmoil in the country post-2011, characterized notably by the emergence of armed non-state actors. A key discontinuity identified is in the realm of foreign influencers that have exploited long-standing domestic grievances and weaponized Libya’s traditional pillars of legitimacy, thus tearing at its society’s social fabric.
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Bodalal, Zuhir, and Salah Mansor. "Gunshot injuries in Benghazi–Libya in 2011: The Libyan conflict and beyond." Surgeon 11, no. 5 (October 2013): 258–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.surge.2013.05.004.
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Naser Ahmed Khlifa, Abubakr. "THE ROLE OF EXTERNAL PARTIES IN INFLUENCING THE CONFLICT IN LIBYA." International Journal of Advanced Research 8, no. 12 (December 31, 2020): 1050–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/12250.
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Some countries and international organizations took advantage of the events that occurred in many Arab countries, or the so-called Arab Spring, to bring down the dictatorial regime, including what happened in the Libyan state, where the Libyan regime suppressed the popular uprising demanding change, and the transition to a democratic system establishes social justice and protects freedom and human rights. This gave the justification for these countries to intervene as a third party in the crisis, which complicated the crisis and made the events take a violent turn that ultimately led to the collapse of the state and the fall of Muammar Gaddafis regime, with the help of foreign countries for the uprising through international decisions that led to the military intervention. This resulted in a civil war raging between the Libyan parties with external funding, and the inability of the internationally recognized government to play its role within the borders of the Libyan state. We seek here to find out the role that these parties played in the Libyan state and its impact on the course of events and the existing conflict.
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Koenig, Nicole. "Libya and Syria: Inserting the European Neighbourhood Policy in the European Unions Crisis Response Cycle." European Foreign Affairs Review 22, Issue 1 (January 1, 2017): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2017002.
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Fostering peace and stability has been a key aim of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), but its effective impact on conflicts has been marginal. This article analyses the ENP’s security dimension through the conceptual prism of coherence. As a policy cutting across functional domains and governance levels the ENP faces horizontal and vertical coherence challenges. The empirical analysis focuses on two cases lying at the intersection of the ENP and comprehensive European Union (EU) crisis management: the EU’s responses to the Syrian and Libyan conflicts between 2011 and 2016. The analysis shows that the EU has gradually redirected ENP funds to short-term security- and migration-related goals. However, the EU has failed to ensure vertical coherence in the field of high politics. The externalities of the Libyan and Syrian conflicts might foster national preference convergence and thereby increase vertical coherence. While this should strengthen the ENP’s security dimension, the risk is that the policy’s distinct character as a tool for structural conflict prevention is diluted within an ever broadening comprehensive approach that focuses on conflict symptoms rather than root causes.
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Zinin, Y. "The main actors of interior political conflict in Libya." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 86–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-1-86-97.
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One of the Arab Spring consequences that shocked Middle East region was an ouster of some autocratic rulers with Libyan leader M. Qaddafi among them. Libya suffered the crash of its state institutes; vacuum of rule has actually emerged. Against this background the country witnessed a starting of destruction processes. They caused systematic crises and conflicts inside new authorities which strongly aggravated since summer of 2014.The article is about to examine turbulent events which resulted in poising of dual power in 2014.The two opposing poles of power emerged in Libya: one -in Tripoli, another – in Tobruk (the East of the country), each with its own parliament, government and military forces.The author analyses the ongoing conflict between these two blocks which had already caused numerous casualties among both military and civil personal. The picture of balance of power is patchy and volant that makes the further course of confrontation between opponents extremely unpredictable.It is hard to expect a hopeful forecast for fastest cession of the conflict and normalizing of common situation in Libya.The author also examines some efforts of the United Nations to play a role of mediator to reconcile opposing sides and to restore the rule of integrated state.
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TURCZYŃSKI, Paweł. "LIBYAN CIVIL WAR AND INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTION IN 2011 - ATTITUDES OF THE PEOPLE OF LIBYA AND THE WEST." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 163, no. 1 (January 2, 2012): 152–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.3247.
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The outbreak of the civil war in Libya was part of the ‘Arab Spring’: a series of instances of Arab societies against non-democratic authorities of their countries. From the per-spective of the West, it is another conflict after the Cold War era, one in which there are no two conventional armies fighting against each other, but its start is ‘asymmetric’. The Gaddafi regime's bloody crackdown on insurgents made the international community stand in the defence of the civilian population. At the same time, with the experience of wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, there was reluctance to deploy western troops in Libya. It was clearly shown in the public opinion polls: Gaddafi was being condemned and Libyan civilians were being supported, but it was refused to expose the West to military losses. Libyan rebels also demanded more armament rather than reinforcing their forces with foreign army units. Therefore, the intervention of Western countries in Libya took the form acceptable to the public: air attacks on the forces loyal to Gaddafi.
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Kamel, Amir Magdy. "Libya and the Prisoner’s Dilemma." Contemporary Arab Affairs 15, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 25–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2022.15.2.25.
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This paper explores the prisoner’s dilemma in the context of interactions between Libya’s Tripoli- and Tobruk-led actors in the period between Gaddafi’s 2011 ousting and the 2015 Libyan Political Agreement. In so doing, it reveals the extent to which Libyan decisions aligned with the game’s principal outcome-maximizing strategy to ascertain authority and a non-outcome-maximizing strategy’s conflict resolution-through-cooperation goal. In contrast to the game’s assumptions, however, the findings convey how negotiations between the two players were driven by contextual factors, predominantly: Libya’s historical makeup, internal–external links, and hydrocarbon control. This informs my contention that the complexities of the Libya case study demonstrate the limits of the prisoner’s dilemma in illuminating the dynamics of a given political phenomenon. As a result, this account presents a novel Libya-specific blueprint of the prisoner’s dilemma that highlights the limitations of this framework and concludes with a reflection on what this means for understanding this type of game.
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Grigoriadis, Theocharis N., and Walied Kassem. "The Regional Origins of the Libyan Conflict." Middle East Policy 28, no. 2 (June 2021): 119–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12560.
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Pedde, Nicola. "The Libyan Conflict and Its Controversial Roots." European View 16, no. 1 (June 2017): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12290-017-0447-5.
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Bodalal, Zuhir, Riyad Bendardaf, Mohammed Ambarek, and Nico Nagelkerke. "Impact of the 2011 Libyan conflict on road traffic injuries in Benghazi, Libya." Libyan Journal of Medicine 10, no. 1 (January 2015): 26930. http://dx.doi.org/10.3402/ljm.v10.26930.
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Flanagan, Danielle. "Caught in the Crossfire: Challenges to Migrant Protection in the Yemeni and Libyan Conflicts." Journal on Migration and Human Security 8, no. 4 (December 2020): 318–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2331502420978151.
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In spite of the prevailing security dynamics in Yemen and Libya, both states continue to serve as areas of transit along some of the world’s largest mixed migration routes, leaving migrants caught in the crossfire of the two conflicts. This article examines the legal framework governing the protection of migrants in armed conflict under international humanitarian and human rights law. It also identifies two adverse incentives produced by the conflict situations that impede the exercise of these legal protections: (1) profits derived from migrant smuggling and trafficking, and (2) the use of migrants to support armed groups. In the absence of stable conditions in Yemen and Libya, individuals have little reason to respect international legal protections and discontinue migrant abuse connected with the lucrative businesses of smuggling and trafficking. The intractable nature of the two conflicts has also led to the strategic use of migrants as armed support, and more specifically as combatants, weapons transports, and human shields. Given these realities, the article outlines several recommendations to address the issue of migrant abuse in conflict. It recommends that states, particularly those neighboring Yemen and Libya, strengthen regular migration pathways to help reduce the number of migrants transiting through active conflict zones. It further advises that the international community increase the cost of noncompliance to international humanitarian law through the use of accountability mechanisms and through strategic measures, including grants of reciprocal respect to armed groups that observe protections accorded to migrants in conflict situations.
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Portela, Clara, and Jean-Louis Romanet Perroux. "UN Security Council Sanctions and Mediation in Libya." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 28, no. 2 (July 4, 2022): 228–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02802005.
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Abstract The UN frequently employs sanctions on the same conflicts where it attempts mediation. While both efforts carry a UN stamp, they follow different political logics that are not always coherent with each other: sanctions are enacted by the UN Security Council, while mediation is led by a special representative/envoy of the UN Secretary-General, often on the basis of a Security Council mandate. This article explores two UN interventions in Libya that combined mediation with mandatory sanctions: the conflict leading to the overthrow of the Muammar Qaddafi regime (2011) and the civil war that ensued when the country was split between the first elected parliament and its successor (2014–2015). The Libyan case illustrates that the coherence of mediation and sanctions ultimately depends on the UN Security Council unity of purpose.
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Ritter, Noémi. "Mali: A New Challenge for Peacekeeping." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 13, no. 1 (March 31, 2014): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2014.1.9.
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In the past few years many conflicts have intensified in Africa, one of which have caused a new peacekeeping mission to be deployed to Mali, and already existing operations to be strengthened. Mali was the first victim of the chaos caused by the Arab Spring and the international intervention in Libya. The heavily armed Tuareg returned to Mali after the Libyan intervention, and their separatist aspirations caused an interior conflict that escalated when terrorist groups got involved. A democratically functioning country collapsed from one day to another. The crisis in Mali is a difficult challenge for the international community because it has to organize a multidimensional peacekeeping mission, while having to fight against terrorism. Moreover, the global economic crisis forced these nations to reduce their military spending without compromising effectiveness. The present paper deals with the complexity of the conflict in Mali and examines whether the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), the peacekeeping mission in Mali, is able to comply with the expected requirements.
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El Ghamari, Magdalena, and Monika Gabriela Bartoszewicz. "(Un)Sustainable Development of Minors in Libyan Refugee Camps in the Context of Conflict-Induced Migration." Sustainability 12, no. 11 (June 3, 2020): 4537. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12114537.
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This paper looks at the challenges to the sustainable development of migrant and refugee children in Libyan refugee camps and migrant detention centres. Libya, next to Syria, is still the most destabilised Arab country with a myriad of conflicting parties, warlords, militias, terrorist organisations as well as smugglers and traffickers that continuously compete in a complex network of multidimensional power struggles. Our single case study based on ethnographic fieldwork adopts the human security approach, which provides security analysis with an inherently “sustainable” dimension. In the paper we provide an overview of the empirical study carried out in seven Libyan refugee camps (Tripoli, Tajoura, Sirte, Misrata, Benghazi, Derna and Tobruk) between 2013 and 2019. Our findings show that for refugee children even everyday activities pose a danger to health and life, and the many threats to their security encompass a broad spectrum from health to safety, from education to falling prey to bundlers from terrorist organisations and paramilitary militias. These issues, undoubtedly pertinent on the individual level of analysis, are further exacerbated by the underlying, conflict-induced factors and preclude a safe and secure environment.
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Al- Radhi, Hanan, Ambigapathy Pandian, and Tengku Sepora Tengku Mehdi. "Libyan Arab Spring… the Fall of the Dictatorship or the Fall into the Abyss, A CDA Study from CNN's Ideological Perspective." International Journal of Linguistics 8, no. 3 (June 12, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v8i3.9592.
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The current study examines the Arab spring uprising consequences in Libya as reflected by CNN within its online news report. The primary goal is to unearth CNN's embedded ideological view concerning the internal conflict in Libya investigating and showing the discoursal positive ''Self'' and negative ''Other'' representations. CNN'S macro and micro structures were analyzed. At the macro level, the semantic macrostructure of CNN's article was summarized to establish its global meaning. At the micro level, the syntactic, lexical and rhetorical structures of CNN's online news article were analyzed to establish its local meaning. Within the ideological analysis, the CNN's online news article was discussed to establish CNN's ideological positive ''Self'' (in-group) and negative ''Other'' (out-group) presentations. In general, the study is an attempt to explain how a single reality-Libyan internal conflict- is viewed and dealt with by CNN. This can be achieved within the framework of critical discourse analysis (CDA). To conduct this qualitative study, the researchers adopted van Dijk's theory of Macrostructures (1980), van Dijk's theory of ideological square (1998) and Wodak's approach of Discourse- historical (2001, 2009). Furthermore, Fairclough's model for media discourse analysis was utilized to organize the analytical process. The study approved that CNN succeeded to reflect its ideological view. It expressed its support to the Libyan government (and its army) presented as the positive "Self" (in-group) and antagonism against Ansar al-Sharia militia (the Islamists) presented as the negative "Other" (out-group).
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DE WAAL, ALEX. "African roles in the Libyan conflict of 2011." International Affairs 89, no. 2 (March 2013): 365–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.12022.
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Koenig, Nicole. "Between conflict management and role conflict: the EU in the Libyan crisis." European Security 23, no. 3 (January 22, 2014): 250–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2013.875532.
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Repeshko, E. A. "NATO's approach to the Libyan crisis in the events of the «Arab spring»." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(34) (February 28, 2014): 172–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-172-176.
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The modern system of international relations more often faces the conflicts of different tension which appear in different regions of the world. Conflicts of the beginning of XXI century are determined by different political, economic, national and confessional reasons. The system of international relations faced the crisis. This system had existed for many centuries and was adopted in the Westphalia Peace. The ending of the Cold War made the world see the new conditions whose distinctive feature was an increasing quantitative index of clashes. A number of political changes at the beginning of the current decade have resulted in changes of political regimes in these countries. On the whole, the process of peaceful political transformation was characteristic of the events of the so-called «Arabic spring». However, similar changes in Libya proved to have a different character causing military changes and NATO's military intervention. If the process of social uprising turned into protest-street disturbances in Egypt and Tunis, in Libya there was an armed overthrow of the authorities by the opposition supported by foreign states. The author touches upon the events of the Arabic spring which resulted in overthrowing Gaddafi's regime. NATO' policy was criticized in the course of military actions in Libya. The author considers NATO's views, particularly, that of the USA, France and Great Britain in terms of the Libyan crisis and its solutions. The study of the conflict mechanism, its nature will allow to estimate taken by the world measures influencing the modern system of international relations.
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Guattas, Samir, and Lazhar Benaissa. "The role of Algerian diplomacy in the Libyan crisis: Objectives and obstacles." Technium Social Sciences Journal 34 (August 8, 2022): 512–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v34i1.7058.
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This article aims to analyse the position of Algerian diplomacy with regard to the Libyan crisis and the attempts to resolve this fratricidal conflict, which has become an economic and security burden for Algeria. Where, the Libyan crisis, due to the proximity of this country to Algeria, has become a source of threats and protean (security) risks, a fortiori terrorism. It should be noted that Algeria's diplomatic approach is based on a "political solution" to the Libyan crisis, which consists of banning any form of foreign intervention, especially military. This approach has come up against the complexity of the Libyan reality and its regional and international ramifications. In this article, we address the following elements - the evolution of the Algerian diplomatic position towards the Libyan crisis since 2011; - the nature of the Algerian diplomatic preoccupation towards the Libyan crisis. We will also try to analyse the deeper issue of the balance between the moral (or principled) dimension versus strategic interests of Algerian diplomacy in the Libyan crisis. Finally, we will try to provide a prospective vision of the possible future paths of Algerian mediation in the Libyan crisis.
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Molnár, Anna, Patrícia Éva Molnár, Balázs Mártonffy, Lili Takács, and Mariann Vecsey. "The Internationalisation of the Conflict in Libya." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public 20, no. 3 (May 26, 2022): 97–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2021.3.7.
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Libya has been characterised by instability since the Arab Spring. In 2011, Western powers decided to intervene. In spite of stated goals, this violent dispute has been ongoing ever since. In this paper, we seek to answer the following research question: why do certain internationalised violent disputes, specifically new civil wars, remain violent even when the actors involved seek a cessation of hostilities? We utilise a single-outcome case study6 research design and we compare and contrast the involvement of great powers, European leading powers and regional powers. We highlight the use of soft and/or hard foreign policy tools. We distinguish between policy goals and policy tools. We find that the essential interests and policy goals of the analysed powers will unlikely change, but change in the use of their foreign policy tools will likely be a shift towards harder tools, which will exacerbate further the Libyan stabilisation process. Even a coincidence of the stated policy goals of external actors, namely a cessation of hostilities is insufficient to end a new civil war. As long as the policy tools themselves remain un-coordinated between the actors, they counteract one another, and the conflict continues to remain violent.
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M, Jenni Irene Corry, Karina Septiani, and Maulana Diki. "Faktor - Faktor Penyebab Kudeta Terhadap Kekuasaan Moammar Khadafi di Libya." PERSPEKTIF 9, no. 2 (May 9, 2020): 338–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/perspektif.v9i2.3654.
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In the concept of the internal conflict, Michael Brown explained there are political factors, economic, social, cultural and structural contribute to conflict within a country. The fourth order assist researchers in analyzing the causes of the coup against Moammar Gaddafi in Libya. During the 42-year reign of Moammar Gaddaf, the Libyan people have political issues such as curbs on political activity, political institutional discrimination, exclusive state ideology, significant internal political groups and the role of the political elite that interfere with the freedom of the people. Then economic issues such as economic discrimination, unemployment, and corruption in the Gaddafi’s family that give rise to high social inequalities. Coupled with the structural and socio-cultural factors such as discrimination against minorities, gender, and state institutions are not effective as inhibitors of the country's development. Gaddafi uses his own thoughts in undergoing government, by creating the Green Book rules as guidelines for political, economic, and social. Began when the Arab Spring swept Tunisian and Egyptian people who successfully staged a coup against their leader, there arises a sense of longing for the same freedom. Then triggered by the arrest of human rights campaigner who conducted the country's security forces in February 2011 and the blocking of internet sites in the emergence of large demonstrations - demanding the release of their scale and the overthrow of Moammar Gaddafi in the Libyan leadership.
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Kyureghyan, Shushan. "Conflicts Of Interest over the Libyan Crisis and Its Impact on the National Security of Armenia." Analytical Bulletin 14 (November 1, 2022): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.56673/18294502-22.14-104.
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The Arab Spring, a chain of anti-government protests and uprisings, had major implications throughout the Middle East region and it particularly affected oil-rich countries, including Libya. Libya is the largest holder of proven oil reserves in Africa (48 billion barrels). Before 2011, Libya’s oil production averaged about 1.64 million barrels per day, about 96% of the government’s revenue, which accounted for 60-65% of the country’s GDP. During the reign of Muammar Gaddafi, Libya’s oil industry was run by the state-owned National Oil Corporation (NOC), which was responsible for implementing Exploration and Production Sharing Agreements (EPSA) with international oil companies (IOCs). Among these international oil companies were ENI (Italy), Total (France), Repsol (Spain), OMV (Austria) and Equinor (Norway). Colonel Muammar Qaddafi was not considered to be a reliable partner for the above-mentioned international oil companies. He used to demand tough contract terms, frequently raised fees and taxes and made other restrictions. This policy was in stark contrast with the interests of foreign actors, especially a number of Mediterranean European states, which led to their active participation in Libyan politics with the desire to gain a greater share of oil production and increase their influence in Africa. The main struggle over Libya is for control over oil resources which are highly necessary for a number of external actors in order to ensure the dynamic development of their economies and strengthen their geopolitical position but which are also needed by regional actors to ensure their own security. From the point of view of global governance, each actor in this conflict is trying to implement its global agenda by having political control and a military presence in Libya. The main aim of this study is to analyze the conflict of interests between local, regional and international actors over the Libyan issue, which, undoubtedly, affects the policy of these forces towards our region, and to understand how these developments in a country “far from” Armenia can influence the Republic of Armenia’s national security and foreign policies.
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Daw, Mohamed A., Abdallah El-Bouzedi, and Aghnaya A. Dau. "Libyan armed conflict 2011: Mortality, injury and population displacement." African Journal of Emergency Medicine 5, no. 3 (September 2015): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.afjem.2015.02.002.
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Zinin, Y. "Libya: Prospects for Solution." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2018): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2018-0-2-79-87.
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The article describes the situation which Libya has been facing in the period since October 2011, when Libyan leader M. Qaddafi was killed and his regime was toppled. The author analyses the ongoing conflict between the two opposing parties – one in Tripoli (in the west of the country) and the other in Tobruk (in the east of the country) – each of which has its own parliament, government and military forces. The balance of power is patchy and changing which makes further confrontation very unpredictable. The author also studies the UN mediation efforts to reconcile the opposing parties and to restore the unity of the country. It refers to parliamentary and presidential elections in Libya which are expected to take place in 2018. However, in the foreseeable future the normalization of the present situation in Libya is unlikely.
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Perisic, Petra. "The Status of the “Responsibility to Protect (Rtop)“ Doctrine in Light of the Conflicts in Libya and Syria." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 5, no. 1 (May 19, 2017): 495. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v5i1.p495-495.
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In 2001 the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty introduced a new doctrine of the “Responsibility to Protect (RtoP)”, which signified an obligation of each state to protect its population from mass atrocities occurring in that state, as well as an obligation on the part of international community to offer such protection if the state in question fails to fulfill its duty. The doctrine of RtoP was subsequently endorsed by states in the 2005 World Summit Outcome Document, though it was formulated more restrictively in comparison to the 2001 Report. In 2011 a conflict broke out in Libya between its ruler Muammar Gaddafi and the protesters against his rule. Government forces were brutal in their attempt to quell the protests and it was not long before different international bodies started to report mass violations of human rights. Surprisingly, the UN Security Council was not deadlocked by veto and passed the Resolution 1973, which invoked the RtoP principle and authorized the use of force. Supporters of RtoP hailed such an application of the principle and believed that the case of Libya was just a beginning of a successful bringing RtoP to life. Such predictions turned out to be premature. Not long after the Libyan conflict, the one in Syria began. Although Syrian people was faced with the same humanitarian disaster as Libyan did, the Security Council could not agree on passing of the resolution which would authorize the use of force to halt human rights violations. Two crises are being analyzed, as well as reasons behind such a disparate reaction of the Security Council in very similar circumstances.
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Moreno García, Juan Carlos. "Elusive “Libyans”: Identities, Lifestyles and Mobile Populations in NE Africa (late 4th–early 2nd millennium BCE)." Journal of Egyptian History 11, no. 1-2 (October 8, 2018): 147–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340046.
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Abstract The term “Libyan” encompasses, in fact, a variety of peoples and lifestyles living not only in the regions west of the Nile Valley, but also inside Egypt itself, particularly in Middle Egypt and the Western Delta. This situation is reminiscent of the use of other “ethnic” labels, such as “Nubian,” heavily connoted with notions such as ethnic homogeneity, separation of populations across borders, and opposed lifestyles. In fact, economic complementarity and collaboration explain why Nubians and Libyans crossed the borders of Egypt and settled in the land of the pharaohs, to the point that their presence was especially relevant in some periods and regions during the late 3rd and early 2nd millennium BCE. Pastoralism was just but one of their economic pillars, as trading activities, gathering, supply of desert goods (including resins, minerals, and vegetal oils) and hunting also played an important role, at least for some groups or specialized segments of a particular social group. While Egyptian sources emphasize conflict and marked identities, particularly when considering “rights of use” over a given area, collaboration was also crucial and beneficial for both parts. Finally, the increasing evidence about trade routes used by Libyans points to alternative networks of circulation of goods that help explain episodes of warfare between Egypt and Libyan populations for their control.
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Alekseenkova, Elena. "Italy in the Eastern Mediterranean: between economics and geopolitics." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 17, no. 5 (October 1, 2020): 68–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520206875.
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The article analyzes Italian politics in the Eastern Mediterranean in the context of current geopolitical rivalries and conflicts. Italian relations with Turkey, that is leading an increasingly active policy in the region, are analyzed in the context of the Libyan settlement and the escalation of the conflict of Turkey with Greece and Cyprus. The conclusion is made that geopolitical escalation in the region and the need to adhere to the principles of European solidarity may negatively affect Italy’s ability to realize its economic interests in the Eastern Mediterranean and North Africa.
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Apuuli, Kasaija Phillip. "The African Union’s Mediation Mandate and the Libyan Conflict (2011)." African Security 10, no. 3-4 (August 2017): 192–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19392206.2017.1360095.
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Daw, Mohamed A. "Libyan healthcare system during the armed conflict: Challenges and restoration." African Journal of Emergency Medicine 7, no. 2 (June 2017): 47–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.afjem.2017.04.010.
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Kurdi, S. E., and H. Eshteba. "Head and neck gunshot early management in Libyan local conflict." International Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery 42, no. 10 (October 2013): 1227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijom.2013.07.195.
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Calcara, Antonio, Andrea Gilli, Mauro Gilli, Raffaele Marchetti, and Ivan Zaccagnini. "Why Drones Have Not Revolutionized War: The Enduring Hider-Finder Competition in Air Warfare." International Security 46, no. 4 (2022): 130–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00431.
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Abstract According to the accepted wisdom in security studies, unmanned aerial vehicles, also known as drones, have revolutionizing effects on war and world politics. Drones allegedly tilt the military balance in favor of the offense, reduce existing asymmetries in military power between major and minor actors, and eliminate close combat from modern battlefields. A new theory about the hider-finder competition between air penetration and air defense shows that drones are vulnerable to air defenses and electronic warfare systems, and that they require support from other force structure assets to be effective. This competition imposes high costs on those who fail to master the set of tactics, techniques, procedures, technologies, and capabilities necessary to limit exposure to enemy fire and to detect enemy targets. Three conflicts that featured extensive employment of drones—the Western Libya military campaign of the second Libyan civil war (2019–2020), the Syrian civil war (2011–2021), and the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh (2020)—probe the mechanisms of the theory. Drones do not by themselves produce the revolutionary effects that many have attributed to them.