Books on the topic 'Libyan conflict'

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1

Libya: Desert land in conflict. Brookfield, Conn: Millbrook Press, 1994.

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2

Ryke, Luc Beyer de. Chemins d'Orient: Les déchirures, Algérie-Liban-Israël-Palestine. Paris: F.-X. de Guibert, 2005.

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3

Suwayd, Maḥmūd. Israël au Liban: La fin de trente ans d'occupation. Paris: Minuit, 2000.

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4

Un été de feu au Liban: 2006 : les coulisses d'un conflit annoncé. Paris: Economica, 2010.

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5

Luc, Balbont, ed. L' an prochain a Tiberiade: Lettres d'une jeune Palestinienne du Liban. Paris: Albin Michel, 1996.

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6

Kassir, Samir. La guerre du Liban: De la dissension nationale au conflit régional, 1975-1982. Paris: Karthala, 1994.

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7

Tappero-Merlo, Germana. Medio Oriente e forze di pace: Cinquant'anni di guerre e interventi multinazionali in Israele, Libano e Golfo Persico. Milano: F. Angeli, 1997.

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8

Les conflits dans les zones de crise: Le Proche-Orient et le Liban : essai de polémologie, de géopolitique et de sociologie. [Cousset, Switzerland]: Delval, 1986.

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9

International peacekeeping in Lebanon: United Nations authority and multinational force. Boulder: Westview Press, 1987.

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10

Weighill, Rob, and Florence Gaub. The Cauldron. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190916220.001.0001.

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NATO’s Libya Operation was a first in several ways: the first time the alliance operated in an Arab and African country, the first time Arab partners participated in kinetic missions, the first time it executed a UN mandate designed to protect civilians and the first time the United States were not in the lead. This book is the first one to tell the operation’s story from all sides concerned: spanning the hallways of the United Nations in New York, NATO Headquarters in Brussels and, crucially, the two operational epicenters: the Libyan battlefield, and Joint Force Command Naples, which was in charge of the mission. Weighill and Gaub offer a comprehensive exploration of both the war's progression and the many challenges NATO faced, from its extremely rapid planning and limited understanding of Libya and its forces, to training shortfalls and the absence of post-conflict planning.
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11

Marcuzzi, Stefano. Eu NATO and the Libya Conflict. Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.

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12

The Sanctuarys Imperial Architectural Development Conflict With Christianity And Final Days. University of Pennsylvania Museum Publication, 2012.

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13

Pack, Jason. Libya and the Global Enduring Disorder. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197631317.001.0001.

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We no longer live in a world governed by coherent international coordination, a unified NATO bloc, or an American hegemon capable of solving collective action problems. The post-Cold War Order is history. Libya and the Global Enduring Disorder argues that Libya's ongoing conflict constitutes an ideal microcosm for examining the salient features of this new era of geopolitics, especially its self-reinforcing nature. Libya's post-Qadhafi turmoil is facilitated by the absence of coherent international cooperation, while the country's incremental implosion gives rise to cross-border contagion--corroding global institutions and further gumming the gears of diplomacy. Full of unexpected takes and gripping anecdotes, Jason Pack draws on over two decades of work focussing on Libya and Syria to highlight the Kafkaesque aspects of today's global affairs. He shows how even the momentous and tragic events of the Arab Spring uprisings and the assassination in Benghazi of his friend Ambassador Christopher Stevens failed to occasion a unified Western response. Actually, they further undercut global coordination and indirectly led to both Brexit and Trump's election. Pack draws back the traditional veil of secrecy surrounding Washington lobbyists to share his counterintuitive discovery that in key industries certain dominant multinationals behave as a cartel, seeking to block new entrants to their market niche. By eschewing positive-sum thinking, such incumbent psychology creates lose-lose, beggar-thy-neighbour, self-reinforcing conflicts. This dynamic mirrors the fear-based, zero-sum thinking that animates trade wars, nativist anti-migrant sentiment, and neo-populist leaders like Trump, Orban, Bolsonaro and Putin. Welcome to the Enduring Disorder.
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14

Private Sector amid Conflict: The Case of Libya. World Bank Publications, 2021.

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15

Development Dimension SMEs in Libya's Reconstruction Preparing for a Post-Conflict Economy. Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development, 2016.

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16

Macak, Kubo. Internationalized Armed Conflicts in International Law. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198819868.001.0001.

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This book examines and analyses the concept, the process, and the consequences of conflict internationalization from the perspective of international law. In a world defined by the twin forces of globalization and fragmentation, very few armed conflicts remain isolated from foreign involvement and confined to the territory of one state. Instead, many begin as internal conflicts that gradually acquire international characteristics of varying degree and nature. This holds true for nearly all major conflicts that have shaped the post-Cold War era: ex-Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Ukraine, Syria, Yemen, and so on. Accordingly, this book searches for the tipping points that convert non-international armed conflicts into international armed conflicts. On that basis, it argues for a specific conceptualization of ‘internationalized armed conflict’ in international law, understood to comprise prima facie non-international armed conflicts, whose legal nature has transformed, thus triggering the applicability of the law of international armed conflict to them. The book then puts forward a comprehensive catalogue of modalities of the process of internationalization that includes outside intervention, state dissolution, and recognition of belligerency. Turning to the consequences of internationalization, the book highlights that the intra-state origin of internationalized conflicts provides for an uneasy match with many of the precepts of the law of international armed conflict, which has historically evolved as a regulatory framework for inter-state wars. Of those, the regulation of combatancy and the law of belligerent occupation are where the principal legal questions lie and which are examined in depth in this book.
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17

Marcuzzi, Stefano. EU, NATO and the Libya Conflict: Anatomy of a Failure? Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.

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18

Marcuzzi, Stefano. EU, NATO and the Libya Conflict: Anatomy of a Failure? Routledge, 2022.

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19

Marcuzzi, Stefano. EU, NATO and the Libya Conflict: Anatomy of a Failure? Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.

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20

EU, NATO and the Libya Conflict: Anatomy of a Failure? Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.

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21

Chiluwa, Innocent, ed. Discourse, Media, and Conflict. Cambridge University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781009064057.

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Bringing together contributions from a team of international scholars, this pioneering book applies theories and approaches from linguistics, such as discourse analysis and pragmatics, to analyse the media and online political discourses of both conflict and peace processes. By analysing case studies as globally diverse as Germany, the USA, Nigeria, Iraq, Korea and Libya, and across a range of genres such as TV news channels, online reporting and traditional newspapers, the chapters collectively show how news discourse can be powerful in mobilizing public support for war or violence, or for conflict resolution, through the linguistic representation of certain groups. It explores the consequences of this 'framing' effect, and shows how peace journalism can be achieved through a non-violent approach to reporting conflict. It will therefore serve as an essential resource for students, scholars and experts in media and communication studies, conflict and peace studies, international relations, linguistics and political science.
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22

May, Chartouni-Dubarry, and Kodmani-Darwish Bassma, eds. Le Liban, ou, Les dérives du processus de paix. Paris: Institut français des relations internationales, 1996.

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23

Alessandro, Migliazza, and Bacci Susanna, eds. Le Forze multinazionali nel Libano e nel Sinai. Milano: Giuffrè, 1988.

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24

Plakokefalos, Ilias. Reparation for Environmental Damage in Jus Post Bellum. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198784630.003.0012.

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This chapter explores the problems that environmental damage in armed conflict pose to the determination of shared responsibility, and especially the determination of reparations, in the context of the jus post bellum. When two actors are engaged in armed conflict, there arise no serious issues as to sharing responsibility for violations. But the fact that modern armed conflicts often involve more than two actors (e.g. Libya 2011) complicates the matters arising out of environmental harm, as there may be two or more actors contributing to the same harmful event. This is a typical situation of shared responsibility. Shared responsibility provides that the problem of reparations for environmental harm is to be examined in situations where there is a multiplicity of actors that contribute to a single harmful outcome. This definition covers the breach of obligations under jus ad bellum and jus in bello, as well as under international environmental law.
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25

Lahlali, El Mustapha. Arabic Political Discourse in Transition. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748682744.001.0001.

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This book explores the dialectical relationship between discourse and social change during and post the conflict. In particular, the book examines how Arabic public and political discourse shapes and is shaped by the wider social, cultural and political environment. Analysing the dialogue of various actors, Islamic parties and stakeholders – as well as marginalised voices – Arabic Political Discourse in Transition identifies the key linguistic strategies and features used to frame, represent and position oneself at times of conflict. It provides a detailed analysis of the use of language in political discourse, demonstrating therefore key shifts and strategies in the use of language during conflicts. Key Features • Provides a detailed micro- and macro-analysis of Arabic political discourse. • Presents an innovative framework for the analysis of Arabic discourse in the context of conflict. • Provides a comprehensive review of key literature pertaining to discourse, framing and representation. • Offers a detailed examination of the strategic shifts in discourse throughout the course of the uprisings in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia • Analyses how some Arab officials and the Arab public use discourse to position themselves in relation to each other. • Examines the power of image in conveying discourses at times of conflict Highlights key framing and representation strategies in discourses of key actors.
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26

Sloggett, Dave. RAF's Air War in Libya: New Conflicts in the Era of Austerity. Pen & Sword Books Limited, 2022.

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27

Sloggett, Dave. RAF's Air War in Libya: New Conflicts in the Era of Austerity. Pen & Sword Books Limited, 2013.

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28

Sloggett, Dave. RAF's Air War in Libya: New Conflicts in the Era of Austerity. Pen & Sword Books Limited, 2013.

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29

Sloggett, Dave. RAF's Air War in Libya: New Conflicts in the Era of Austerity. Pen & Sword Books Limited, 2013.

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30

RAF's Air War in Libya: New Conflicts in the Era of Austerity. Pen & Sword Books Limited, 2013.

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31

Leslie, Vinjamuri. Part I Context, Challenges, and Constraints, 2 The ICC and the Politics of Peace and Justice. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198705161.003.0002.

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The indictment of sitting heads of state and rebel leaders during active armed conflict has radically altered the debate surrounding international justice. Despite the view now widely held that peace and justice are complementary rather than competing values, conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, Sudan, Libya, and Syria have brought home the reality that there are still significant barriers to achieving both peace and justice simultaneously, and that the prospects for enforcing justice are weak when perpetrators of atrocities remain powerful at home. Leading advocacy organizations and the ICC stress the role of international justice in delivering results, especially peace, the rule of law, and stability. This chapter discusses the shift in international justice advocacy from a principle or duty-based logic to one that is results-based. It argues that one way to promote justice may be to postpone it (e.g. through sequencing).
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32

Bassiouni, M. Cherif. Libya - From Repression to Revolution: A Record of Armed Conflict and International Law Violations, 2011-2013. BRILL, 2013.

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33

Bassiouni, M. Cherif. Libya : from Repression to Revolution: A Record of Armed Conflict and International Law Violations, 2011-2013. BRILL, 2013.

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34

Responsibility to Protect and Prevent Anthem Studies in Peace Conflict and Development. Anthem Press, 2013.

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35

Gisella, Facchinetti, ed. Illogica di un conflitto: La logica fuzzy applicata alla crisi tra Israele e Libano. Roma: Eurilink, 2007.

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36

Livre blanc du conflit armée libanaise-forces libanaises, 31 janvier 1990: Liban, rapport exclusif sur les droits de l'homme. Paris: Union des jeunes européens, 1990.

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37

Rodenhäuser, Tilman. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198821946.003.0001.

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The general introduction sets the scene for the legal issues addressed in this book by presenting their relevance in most recent conflicts and other situations of violence, including in Syria, Iraq, Libya, Ukraine, the Central African Republic, and Kenya. It also introduces the legal framework the book sets out to examine, notably international humanitarian law, human rights law, and international criminal law. The introductory chapter further presents the book’s methodology, introduces its structure, and explains key terms and concepts. These include, in particular, the terms ‘non-state armed group’, ‘international legal personality’, and ‘degree of organization’, which are especially relevant throughout the book.
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38

Lostal, Marina. International Cultural Heritage Law in Armed Conflict: Case-Studies of Syria, Libya, Mali, the Invasion of Iraq, and the Buddhas of Bamiyan. Cambridge University Press, 2018.

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39

Lostal, Marina. International Cultural Heritage Law in Armed Conflict: Case-Studies of Syria, Libya, Mali, the Invasion of Iraq, and the Buddhas of Bamiyan. Cambridge University Press, 2017.

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40

Lostal, Marina. International Cultural Heritage Law in Armed Conflict: Case-Studies of Syria, Libya, Mali, the Invasion of Iraq, and the Buddhas of Bamiyan. Cambridge University Press, 2017.

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41

Lostal, Marina. International Cultural Heritage Law in Armed Conflict: Case-Studies of Syria, Libya, Mali, the Invasion of Iraq, and the Buddhas of Bamiyan. Cambridge University Press, 2017.

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42

Haun, Phil, Colin Jackson, and Tim Schultz, eds. Air Power in the Age of Primacy. Cambridge University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108985024.

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Since the end of the Cold War the United States and other major powers have wielded their air forces against much weaker state and non-state actors. In this age of primacy, air wars have been contests between unequals and characterized by asymmetries of power, interest, and technology. This volume examines ten contemporary wars where air power played a major and at times decisive role. Its chapters explore the evolving use of unmanned aircraft against global terrorist organizations as well as more conventional air conflicts in Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq, Lebanon, Libya, Yemen, Syria, and against ISIS. Air superiority could be assumed in this unique and brief period where the international system was largely absent great power competition. However, the reliable and unchallenged employment of a spectrum of manned and unmanned technologies permitted in the age of primacy may not prove effective in future conflicts.
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43

Erika, De Wet. Military Assistance on Request and the Use of Force. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198784401.001.0001.

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The book examines if and to what extent the proliferation of direct military assistance on the request of a recognized government is changing the rules regulating the use of force. Since the end of the Cold War, several (sub)regional organizations in Africa have codified military assistance on request in their respective treaty frameworks. In addition, in countries such as Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, Somalia, South Sudan, Syria, and Yemen, internationally recognized governments embroiled in protracted armed conflicts have requested direct military assistance from individual states or groups of states. These requests are often accepted by the other states and at times the United Nations Security Council, even when the requesting governments have very limited effective control over their territories, lack democratic legitimacy and are engaged in wide-spread and systematic violations of international human rights and humanitarian law.This book departs from a definition of requested military assistance that refers to the exercise of forcible measures by third-state armed forces or those controlled by an international organization in the territory of the requesting state. It then examines the authority to issue a request for (or consent to) direct military assistance, as well as the type of situations in which such assistance may be requested—notably whether it can be requested during an armed conflict. De Wet finishes by examining the important and controversial question of whether and to what extent the proliferation of forcible assistance on request is changing the legal framework applying to the use of force in international law.
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44

Perthes, Volker, and Hanns W. Maull. The Middle Eastern Regional Order. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198828945.003.0008.

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The Middle East has long been dominated by conflict interactions, both among Arab states and with the non-Arab regional powers Israel and Iran. Yet despite much violence and wars the old order in the Middle East—established at the end of World War I—was remarkably stable until 2011, when it disintegrated as a result of the “Arab spring.” The principal cause for this has been the weakness of the Arab states. Outside powers have been invited into the region to compensate for those weaknesses, but they have also exploited them. The disastrous US intervention in Iraq 2003 for a while dampened the willingness of outside powers to intervene, but since the intervention in Libya 2011 there has been a return to interventionism. None of these has been able, however, to overcome the principal dilemma of the region: the weakness of the Arab states.
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45

Reynolds, Joyce, and Donald White. Extramural Sanctuary of Demeter and Persephone at Cyrene, Libya, Final Reports, Volume VIII Vol. VIII: The Sanctuary's Imperial Architectural Development, Conflict with Christianity, and Final Days. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012.

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46

Azzam, Fateh, and Coralie Hindawi. The Arab Region. Edited by Alex J. Bellamy and Tim Dunne. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198753841.013.24.

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This chapter looks at Arab perspectives on the responsibility to protect, both at a conventional, state-focused level, and at the level of civil society. The study shows that the Arab region’s views on R2P are varied, nuanced, and subject to change, varying not only between governments and citizens, but also among citizens themselves. The positions expose a widespread tension between a strong attachment to sovereignty, and a willingness to provide support to populations facing danger, in particular fellow Arabs and Muslims. At the same time, the region is united over the perception of an international double standard, which, from an Arab perspective, is symbolized at its worst by the Security Council’s inaction on Palestine. Arab reactions to other conflicts, such as Libya or Syria, however, indicate that although explicit references to the concept are rare, a lively debate on the very idea of R2P is going on in the region.
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47

Centre d'action et d'information pour le Liban (Paris, France) and Fondation nationale des sciences politiques. Centre d'études et de recherches internationales., eds. Le Liban à l'heure des négociations de paix au Proche-Orient: Acts de coeloque organisé par le CAIL en association avec le Centre d'études et de recherches internationales (CERI) à Paris les 15 et 16 décembre 1995. [Paris?]: Centre d'action et d'information pour le Liban, 1996.

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48

Department of Defense. Libya: A Contemporary Conflict in a Failing State - from Italian Colonial Rule to Gaddafi's Coup, Emergence of Islamic State, ISIL, ISIS, Jamahiriya, Islamist Forces, Regional Militia, Arab Spring. Independently Published, 2017.

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49

Department of Defense. Stealth, Precision, and the Making of American Foreign Policy - Review of Interests and Conflicts, Korean War, Vietnam, Mayaguez, Iranian Hostages, Lebanon, Grenada, Libya, Iraq, Bosnia, Kosovo. Independently Published, 2019.

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50

Gelvin, James. The Arab Uprisings. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190222741.001.0001.

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Beginning in December 2010 popular revolt swept through the Middle East, shocking the world and ushering in a period of unprecedented unrest. Protestors took to the streets to demand greater freedom, democracy, human rights, social justice, and regime change. What caused these uprisings? What is their significance? And what are their likely consequences? In an engaging question-and-answer format, this updated edition of The Arab Uprisings: What Everyone Needs to Know® explores all aspects of the revolutionary protests that have rocked the Middle East. Historian James Gelvin begins with an overview, asking questions such as: What sparked the Arab uprisings? Where did the demands for democracy and human rights come from? How appropriate is the phrase “Arab Spring”?--before turning to specific countries around the region. Shifting the emphasis from the initial upheaval itself to the spinning out of the revolutionary process, Gelvin looks at such topics as the role of youth, laor, and religious groups in Tunisia and Egypt and discusses why the military turned against rulers in both countries. Exploring the uprisings in Libya and Yemen, Gelvin explains why these two states are considered “weak,” why that status is important for understanding the upheavals there, and why outside powers intervened in Libya but not in Yemen. This second edition looks more closely at the situation of individual countries affected by the uprisings. Gelvin compares two cases that defied expectations: Algeria, which experts assumed would experience a major upheaval after Egypt’s, and Syria, which experts failed to foresee. He then looks at the monarchies of Morocco, Jordan, and the Gulf, exploring the commonalities and differences of protest movements in each. Reconsidering the possible historical significance of the uprisings Gelvin explores what this means for the United States and Iran. Has al-Qaeda been strengthened or weakened? What effects have the uprisings had on the Israel-Palestine conflict? What conclusions might we draw from the uprisings so far? What Everyone Needs to Know® is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press.
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