Academic literature on the topic 'Libyan conflict'
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Journal articles on the topic "Libyan conflict"
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Abdulrauf R. El- Geroshi, Abdulrauf R. El Geroshi. "Map of the Libyan conflict in the post- Gaddafi period – Analytical study for the period between the National Congress elections until Fajr Libya Operation (2012- 2015): خارطة الصراع الليبي في فترة ما بعد القذافي – دراسة تحليلية لفترة ما بين انتخابات المؤتمر الوطني حتى عملية فجر ليبيا (2012- 2015)." مجلة العلوم الإقتصادية و الإدارية و القانونية 6, no. 12 (April 30, 2022): 64–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.26389/ajsrp.j150122.
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After the fall of the Gaddafi regime, the Libyans tried to restructure the state, although they were able to change the regime in months, rebuilding the state was not that easy. One of the most prominent challenges for officials in that period was to address the social division left by the internal war between the February revolutionaries and the Gaddafi regime. In this study, the Libyan conflict in the post- Gaddafi period is analyzed, by presenting an analytical map for the period between the elections of the Transitional National Congress, which is the first legislative council in Libya after the revolution, until Fajr Libya Operation, which is the beginning of the first civil war in the post- Gaddafi era. The study was built according to the qualitative approach, in an attempt to understand and analyze the events based on academic literature and reports. As a result, the study concluded that the Libyan society did not recover from the wounds of the civil war that is experienced, and the absence of transitional justice was one of the direct causes in the emergence of the Libyan conflict because it was not among the priorities of Libyan officials at that stage. In addition to the mentality that prevailed the revolutionaries after their overthrow of the Gaddafi regime, which translated into actions that contributed to an increase in social division.
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Attir, Mustafa Omar. "The Role of Armed Conflict in Developing a Subculture of Hate and its Consequences." Contemporary Arab Affairs 14, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 62–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2021.14.2.62.
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When Libyan youth took to the streets in a populist uprising in 2011, which became known as the 17 February 2011 revolution, many Libyans thought they were on the verge of removing one of the most vicious dictators of the twentieth century, Muammar Gaddafi, and building a new democratic state. Gaddafi responded forcefully, hoping to eliminate the movement in its infancy. But clashes between Gaddafi’s forces and those who took to streets soon turned into a civil war, during which Libyan society was split into two major groups: one supporting the uprising, the other the regime. In addition to armed conflict, these warring groups regarded each other with contempt, generated slander, and accused each other of betrayal, using words and phrases in a discourse of hate speech. This vocabulary of hate manifested in demonstrations and social media. Eight months later Gaddafi was dead, and the political system he built over four decades collapsed. But the war did not stop: yesterday’s allies became enemies, competing for political and economic gains. The number of contesting groups expanded as different clans, tribes, and cities joined the fray for personal gains. Strategies and techniques first used during the Libyan uprising were applied in the civil war, and are still manifest today. Every militia has a Facebook page, owns a television station, or has access to one. These media have been widely used to spread hate speech and to widen the rift between neighbors, creating refugees and internally displaced people. At least five cities became ghost towns during the uprising. When the concept of subculture first appeared in the sociological literature, it referred to members of a group that behaved according to a set of values and norms that deviated from those of mainstream society. Reviewing the language of militia members and their supporters that is articulated in social media or on television, it becomes obvious that such language has devolved into hate speech, creating social fragmentation among Libyans. This language has created a new set of values and norms in Libya that are different from preexisting mainstream Libyan culture. The new language has created a subculture of hate, which serves to sustain and accelerate continuing divisions within Libya, while further fragmenting the social fabric of the country.
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Mačák, Kubo, and Noam Zamir. "The Applicability of International Humanitarian Law to the Conflict in Libya." International Community Law Review 14, no. 4 (2012): 403–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341238.
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Abstract The purpose of this article is to examine the applicability of international humanitarian law to the 2011 conflict in Libya in its consecutive phases. We argue that the situation in Libya rose to the level of non-international armed conflict between the government forces and insurgents united by the National Transitional Council by the end of February 2011. The military intervention by a multi-state coalition acting under the Security Council mandate since March 2011 occasioned an international armed conflict between Libya and the intervening States. We consider and reject the arguments in favour of conflict convergence caused by the increased collaboration between the rebels and NATO forces. Similarly, we refute the propositions that the Gaddafi government’s gradual loss of power brought about conflict de-internationalisation. Finally, we conclude that both parallel conflicts in Libya terminated at the end of October 2011. The article aspires to shed light on the controversial issues relating to conflict qualification in general and to serve as a basis for the assessment of the scope of responsibility of the actors in the Libyan conflict in particular.
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Ali, Ashraf, and Chukwunonye Ezeah. "Framework for Management of Post-Conflict Waste in Libya." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 5 (February 28, 2017): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n5p32.
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An important aspect of the Libyan conflict since the 2011 Arab Spring is the generation and management of huge volumes of construction and demolition (C&D) type waste, arising from conflict-related damage to the built environment. Estimates put the amount of Post-Conflict Waste (PCW) at about 82 million tonnes, much of which comprises potentially useful materials that could be reused or further processed and used in construction and other sectors of the economy. This paper presents and discusses the challenges that affect the use, reuse and recycling of such materials. To validate findings from literature, a pilot questionnaire survey of 70 professionals working in the waste management sector was carried out to identify the barriers constraining sustainable management of solid waste stream in three major Libyan cities. Data analysis was carried out using SPSS version 20.0. Based on the identified barriers, a framework for sustainable management of post-conflict waste arising in Libya has been designed in line with the medium-term infrastructure development objectives of the Libyan government. The paper recommends an urgent revision of applicable legislation and the formulation of new ones to address identified gaps in sustainable waste management. It is envisaged that results from this study will help underpin post-conflict sustainable development goals in Libya.
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Abukhattala, Ibrahim. "INTRODUCING THE COMMUNICATIVE APPROACH IN LIBYA: RESISTANCE AND CONFLICT." (Faculty of Arts Journal) مجلة كلية الآداب - جامعة مصراتة, no. 04 (October 1, 2015): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.36602/faj.2015.n04.10.
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Although communicative language teaching (CLT) is well recognized as the leading theoretical and the most effective model in English language teaching (ELT), it is still uncertain how culturally suitable it is regarding Non-Western cultures of teaching and learning, including Libyan-Arabic culture. Any teaching methodology is only effective to the extent that teachers and students are willing and able to accept and apply it with trust and optimism, and whether it is accepted or not is largely determined by a set of circumstances and beliefs that these teachers and students have been surrounded by and socialised into. Many Libyan teachers and students of English do not seem to have gone through any fundamental changes in their perception of efficient language instruction and in their daily teaching and learning practices. Based on my experience as a language educator in several Libyan universities, and on my professional thinking, I argue that CLT has not received widespread enthusiasm, has failed to make the expected impact on ELT and the traditional approach is still prevalent in many Libyan foreign language classrooms. There is a host of constraints on the adoption of CLT in the Libyan context which includes, among others, beliefs about the roles of teachers and students, teachers’ lack of language proficiency and sociolinguistic competence, examination pressure, and cultural teaching and learning styles. This article examines how these beliefs, pedagogy, and structures which have developed in the Libyan English language classroom culture limit pedagogical change advocated by foreign and Libyan education policy makers. The issues raised serve to acquaint the reader with some of the complexities of pedagogical change in Libya. The issues could also be of significance and relevance to other countries with a similar educational system and linguistic situation. The paper concludes with highlighting the need for taking attentively eclectic approach and making well-informed pedagogical options that stem from a deep understanding of the cultural and educational values that influence language learning and teaching styles.
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Trunov, Philipp O. "Germany and «Libyan problem» during 2010-s." Asia and Africa Today, no. 9 (2021): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750014942-8.
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Germany has been growing political and military activity in Northern Africa and Sahel region by the mid 2010s. FRG and its EU partners faced the great number of instability risks which are projected from zones of armed conflicts located in northern part of Africa. The key elements of the corridor of instability which has connected the fragile states in Sahel and Northern Africa were the «Libyan door» (the upper part) and «Malian gates» (the lower one). But in the 2010s FRG faced the absence of opportunities for itself to be directly involved in the resolution of «Libyan problem». That is why in 2012-2019 Germany had been trying only to fence «Libyan problem» in. This perimeter has four segments. German contribution to the creation of Western one (the strengthening of Tunisian and Algerian borders with Libya) and especially Eastern segment (the same with Egypt) was rather limited and consisted of arms export to these countries. The article explores the evolution of German participation to the resolution of Mali armed conflict (first of all FRG`s military contribution to EUTM Mali and MINUSMA missions). This one and also German participation in the reform of Niger`s security sector was the creation of Southern segment of the perimeter. By 2020 Germany has deepened cooperation on «Libyan problem» not only with regional players but also world powers. During Merkel`s visit to Moscow (January 11, 2020) the scheme of future Berlin conference on Libya was declared. This format was established on January 19, 2020. Germany became the coordinator of inter-Libyan dialogue (between the Government of national consensus in the West of the country and Libyan national army in the East) and supported it by the launch of the EU mission «IRINI». The article concludes about the perspectives of German policy towards Libya considering COVID-19 pandemics.
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SHIHUNDU, Felix. "LIBYA: ARMS PROLIFERATION AND ARMED GROUPS. THE LIBYAN CONFLICT REVISED." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 38 (January 2022): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.38.4.
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The study critically analyses the effects of the Libyan arms proliferation, with a focus on the Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) in the region. It traces the proliferation of arms occasioned by the Civil War in Libya and establishes an empirical link to some of the regional security challenges to the proliferation. Relevant theoretical perspectives, such as the Security Dilemma and the Security Complex Theory, are adopted to explain the resulting effects of the proliferation such as the increased deadly violence of the rebel forces in the region and the neighboring Middle East region. Innovative arms control has been presented as the opportunity for the region to address the security challenges which are quickly evolving into a proliferation of advanced sophisticated weapons, some of them in the rebel-controlled territories. The study concludes that the regional security challenges partly originate from the Libyan arms proliferation which have also worsened security challenges in different parts of the world. Keywords: Arms proliferation, Security Dilemma, Libya, Regional Security Complex, arms control, Disarmament, Demobilization and Re-integration.
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Frolov, Alexander. "Struggle for Libya: External Actors and Their Bets." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2021-55-2-19-36.
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Libya is the country affected most by the Arab Spring and actually disintegrated into separate enclaves, which was largely facilitated by the actions of external actors, primarily the United States and France. External forces continue to influence the situation in Libya in their own interests, largely consisting in access to the natural resources of this country and ensuring political influence through the support of forces loyal to them. In addition to the abovementioned countries, Italy, Germany, Russia, China, Turkey, Egypt and, to a certain extent, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are also involved in the Libyan events. The article examines in a historical context their views on the problem, the interests of external actors and the military-political and economic tools used to ensure them. The pandemic somewhat constrained their actions, but in the current situation Turkey was the most active, intervening in the course of the Libyan conflict, showing a high degree of interest in access to Libyan oil and gas, and strengthening its own, including geopolitical, positions. The United States is trying to act through UN institutions, while Russia is trying to find compromises between the two main forces of the Libyan conflict. At this stage, the positions of external players are so contradictory that achieving peace and stability looks difficult, and attempts to coordinate their actions within the framework of the Berlin Forum have not been crowned with success. For now, the efforts of the United States look preferable in terms of influencing the overall situation, although Germany retains the best chances to mediate. The article also examines the possible consequences of the unsettled situation in Libya and the impact of the Libyan events on the outside world.
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Makhmutova, Mariya I. "Political stance of Libyan tribes during the Civil War (2019–2020)." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 6, no. 2 (2022): 361–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2022-6-2-1.
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In this article, the author analyzes one of the most difficult problems in the Arab region, the civil war in Libya after the overthrow of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi in 2011. The author focuses on the fresh round of the escalation of the conflict (2019–20) between the eastern and western centers of power. The paper presents the importance of the political positions of Libyan tribes in the course of hostilities and their impact on the internal situation. The key issue of the study considered in the article directly concerns the political positions of the main clans within Libya. The author explains why some of the clans decided to participate in the military campaign on the side of the Libyan National Army, while the other defended the Government of National Accord; there were also those who adopted the position of non-interference in national affairs, since they sought to maintain autonomy. The main purpose of this work is to demonstrate the specifics of the Libyan problem, which is not only the desire of Tripolitania, Cyrenaica and Fezzan for their autonomous existence but also the internal contradictions between different tribes. It remains one of the most important factors hindering the unification of the country. After analyzing the publications in the modern Arabic-language press, the author offered her vision of the reasons for the ongoing armed confrontation in Libya and also presented and analyzed the full range of political positions and the role of the main Libyan tribes during the civil conflict, especially its latest round, which gives an idea of the complexity of the internal situation in Libya. The conclusion indicates the main reasons why Libya as a country cannot currently be a single and whole entity. The problem lies mainly in the complex ethnic and tribal situation as well as in the desire of individual tribes for an autonomous existence.
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Khrapach, Yelyzaveta, and Serhii Bilan. "RETROSPECTIVE OF THE LIBYAN CONFLICT." Bulletin of Agrarian History, no. 39-42 (2022): 184–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31392/vah-2022.39-42.19.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Libyan conflict"
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Elmagri, M. I. "The causal factors of interpersonal conflict in the Libyan cement industry." Thesis, University of Salford, 2014. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/31158/.
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Organisations are becoming more complex and diverse in responding to globalisation and to internal and external changes, and this complexity makes them more vulnerable to different types of organisational conflict. One study stated that Libyan Cement Companies have suffered and are still suffering from the phenomenon of conflict either between individuals, groups, departments, or organisations and needed to be studied in depth. Therefore, this study aims to develop a framework for the causal factors of interpersonal conflict (IPC) in the Libyan Cement Industry (LCI), in order to improve the interpersonal conflict management in this industry, by providing recommendations to the LCI administration for their reduction. The scope of the research lies in the field of social sciences; the reality (results) of the study is constructed differently by participants as they hold different beliefs, behaviours and attitudes. Consequently, interpretivism is the most appropriate research philosophy. The logic of this research is theory building rather than theory testing; therefore the study falls under inductive logic and adopts a qualitative approach. The main research strategy is multiple embedded case studies of the two organisations of the Libyan Cement Industry. The findings were obtained from 48 semi-structured interviews that were conducted with the managers and the employees in different manufactories of the LCI, and then triangulation with other sources such as documentation and direct observation to enhance the validity and reliability of the research results. The data is analysed by using thematic analysis via coding the data, categorising the codes into themes and summarising the findings at various stages. The results of the study show that IPC is at a high level in the LCI and the causal factors of this kind of conflict were found to be due to: individual differences factors; behavioural factors; organisational factors; financial factors; and external environmental factors. Through comparing the results of the field study with what is found in the literature of the factors causing IPC, some factors that cause IPC in the Libyan environment have not yet been mentioned in previous studies; such as: contradictions between the organisation’s policy and the state’s laws; mismanagement; and tribal fanaticism. These unique factors that appeared in the Libyan environment are represented as the main contributions to knowledge for the study. In addition, the findings of this research strengthen the existing literature on IPC and its causal factors and reduce the gap in knowledge applying to Libyan studies, and will help the Libyan Cement Industry to manage IPC in an appropriate way. The findings would also be helpful for many managers, and could be used in many empirical studies on IPC and its management.
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Kaabur, Mohammed Mohammed. "Antecedents and consequences of role conflict and role ambiguity in Libyan industrial firms." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388389.
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Abeed, Manal. "News representation in times of conflict : a corpus-based critical stylistic analysis of the Libyan Revolution." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2017. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/34536/.
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Despite the diversity of research on the Libyan Revolution across a spectrum of academic fields, very little work has focused on the representation of this event in media discourse. More specifically, no studies have approached this topic from a critical linguistic perspective using a large corpus, focusing on the qualitative analysis of the corpus findings. The overall aim of this thesis is therefore to investigate linguistically how the Libyan Revolution of 2011 is constructed within a corpus of British broadsheet newspapers. The focus of this study was to explore linguistic evidence to substantiate the claim that British newspapers are biased in their coverage in favour of anti-Gaddafi forces. The investigation of textual bias was guided and assisted by tools and methods from corpus linguistics. In particular, the keyword linguistic tool in WordSmith (Scott, 2004) was utilised as an entry point to the data to provide potential foci for further analysis. The findings of the corpus analysis revealed that keywords referring to the participants involved in the conflict during the Libyan Revolution and action-related words are the dominant lexical items in the coverage of this event in British newspapers. These corpus findings are further studied in context using the concord function in WordSmith, and then interpreted using the tools offered by Critical Stylistics (Jeffries, 2010). The occurrence of different nominal choices referring to the key participants in the Libyan conflict in the keyword list also led me to focus on investigating how those participants have been named and referred to linguistically. The analysis reveals linguistic evidence and discursive strategies showing a biased representation of the Libyan Revolution in the British newspapers in favour of anti-Gaddafi forces. This study has shown that the UK broadsheet newspapers represented a negative stereotypical image of Gaddafi’s side, while simultaneously presenting a neutral and at times even a positive portrayal of the opposition side. Specifically, the choices of linguistic structures result in the legitimation of Gaddafi’s opponents and, conversely, the delegitimisation and suppression of Gaddafi and his government. Finally, it was also observed that the language of British newspapers was highly ideological in representing this event despite British news outlets endorsing the values of democracy, freedom and universal rights. It is important to also recognize that the wider social context influences the processes of production and interpretation of news discourse and helps to explain the reasons behind giving Gaddafi and his government the worst negative image. Considering the socio-political contexts and the close examination of the relation between Libya and Britain reveals that Gaddafi’s negative representation could be seen as a reflection of the excesses of his dictatorship over his own people during his years in power as well as a reflection of his accumulated stock of past wrongdoings and tense relations between him and Britain. Therefore, this representation could be taken as a fact, given Gaddafi’s historical background. However, the analysis reveals that there was unequal treatment of the two sides in the conflict. There was a complete lack of any mitigation on the description of Gaddafi’s side, whereas the rebel side are treated in an apologetic manner. The British newspapers are biased in covering up the violent actions that were committed by the opposition and their violation of human rights. It was obvious that British newspapers act as a dominant source of hegemony by deciding what and how to report. The analysis reveals that the British newspapers tried to support their government in their leading role in the military intervention in Libya. This confirms that news reporting is not free from the subjective interpretation of events, rather it constructs them in a way that reflects their ideological and political viewpoints. Overall, the positive representation of the opposition could be seen as a problematic, as the political consequence of overthrowing Gaddafi results in plaguing Libya in chaos and violence with internal wars run by rebels who were described as good during the revolution.
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Abusrewel, Fatma. "An investigation of the experiences of newly graduated English Language Teachers (ELT) in their first years in Libyan schools : a case study in post-conflict Tripoli." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2014. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/24333/.
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This thesis analyzes the experiences, perceptions and views of a group of newly graduated teachers in post-conflict Tripoli, Libya. The focus of the study was on the first year teachers of English as a foreign language EFL and the aim was to gain an insight into those teachers‘ experiences and the contextual factors that shaped them. The present study adopts communities of practice (CoP) as the conceptual framework for exploring the newly graduated teachers‘ experience and perceptions in post-conflict Libya. In particular, the study attempts to identify the elements within CoP: mutual engagement, joint enterprise and shared repertoire to allow me to interpret the data. The data for the study come from three main sources: (a) semi-structured interviews with eleven teachers, (b) two expert teachers, (c) three headteachers, (d) the manager of the Education Development Centre and (e) focus group interviews with three inspection office managers and (f) documentary analysis. The results suggested that the newly graduated teachers‘ experiences in the context of the study are influenced by several factors that interact together to make these experiences unique and a contextually situated phenomenon. These factors are: (a) the conflict, which has diminished the opportunities for integration, learning, and establishing relationships so that any CoP was precluded from existence, b) the social restriction, (c) personal characteristics, (d) the discrepancies between their teacher preparation programmes and the requirements of teaching. Within each of these broad categories, there are also sub-categories such as age barrier, the impact of the conflict which further demonstrates the complexity of this situation and how this shapes the development of teachers. The thesis finishes by recommending that further research is needed conducted to explore the experiences of newly graduated teachers in other parts of the country to obtain a clear picture of this category of teachers. A reform of teacher education programme in this context will contribute to the development of these teachers. Formal training sponsored by the government would be the means through which these teachers can be trained and developed in the absence of any professional communities due to the reasons mentioned earlier.
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Marshall, Eireann Alexandra Catherine. "Images of ancient Libyans." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367980.
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Basic, Alija. "Libya: a contemporary conflict in a failing state." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/45160.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThe Arab Spring spread throughout the Middle East and North Africa, and what started in hope quickly devolved into struggles for formal and informal power. Violence in Libya was intensified by institutions’ inabilities to maintain governance, contain violence, and quell the rise of armed groups. Power in Libya is in constant contention by opportunistic tribal and regional militias, Islamist groups, and government and military power brokers. Libya is on the verge of becoming a failed state; allowing Libya to fail will have local, regional, and international repercussions. The challenge is to understand why the loosely formed alliances between government and tribal, regional, and Islamist militias are falling apart. The introduction of the Islamic State in Libya increases the urgency for these disparate groups to resolve their differences. This thesis concludes that Gaddafi nurtured a sentiment of distrust between the people, Islamists, and government institutions. This trust deficit in post-revolutionary Libya has stymied cooperation and progress. Any meaningful solutions will have to address the core issue of social trust, the emergence of the Islamic State, and economic weakness before reconciliation or reforms can occur.
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Kersten, Mark. "Justice in conflict : the ICC in Libya and Northern Uganda." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3147/.
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The thesis examines the effects of interventions by the International Criminal Court (ICC) on peace, justice and conflict processes in northern Uganda and Libya. The 'peace versus justice' debate, wherein it is argued that the ICC has either positive or negative effects on 'peace’, has spawned in response to the Court's interventions into active and ongoing conflicts. The thesis is a response to and engagement with this debate. Despite often seeming persuasive, claims within the 'peace versus justice' debate have failed to set out a coherent research agenda on how to study the effects of the ICC's interventions on 'peace'. Drawing on theoretical and analytical insights from the fields of conflict and peace studies, conflict resolution and negotiation theory, the thesis develops a novel and nuanced analytical framework to study the Court's effects on peace, justice and conflict processes. This framework is applied to two specific cases: the ICC's interventions in Libya and in northern Uganda. The core of the thesis examines the empirical effects of the ICC on each case. Approximately 80 interviews were conducted with key figures in Libya, Uganda and at the ICC. In its comparative analysis, the thesis examines why the ICC has the effects that it does, delineating the relationship between the interests of states that refer situations to the ICC and the ICC's self-interests and arguing the negotiation of these interests determines who / which side of a conflict the ICC targets and thus its effects on peace, justice and conflict processes. While the effects of the ICC's interventions are ultimately mixed, the thesis aims to contribute to a more refined way to study the effects of the ICC and to further our understanding of why the ICC has the effects that it does.
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Khalil, Zeinab. "L'Internet politique au Liban : vers un nouvel espace de conflit ?" Grenoble, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010GRENL011.
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Cette thèse porte sur l'usage politique de l'Internet au Liban. Il s'agit d'un nouveau phénomène qui vient s'ajouter aux autres moyens de communication dans ce pays où les différents acteurs politiques ont historiquement la mainmise sur le secteur médiatique. L'Internet est l'une des TIC auquel les acteurs politiques et les citoyens ont recours récemment pour faire passer leurs messages et s'exprimer au delà des médias classiques. L'introduction de l'Internet dans le champ politique au Liban date d'un peu plus d'une décennie; la première mise en ligne de sites dédiés à un parti remonte à l'année 1997. A noter qu'au Liban, pays qui est caractérisé par une longue histoire des conflits entre ses acteurs politiques, les médias sont toujours considérés comme des « armes de guerre ». Comme les médias, surtout les médias audiovisuels, sont possédés par les partis et les hommes politiques, ils ont joué le rôle de porte-parole en faveur des communautés et des partis. Dans cette recherche, nous cherchons à appréhender les usages que font les partis de l'Internet et la manière dont ils usent de cet outil: La communication politique partisane sur l'Internet aboutit-elle à de nouvelles pratiques ou bien reproduit-elle les modes classiques déjà établis sur les autres supports partisans ? Le site d'Internet est-il considéré comme un moyen d'information en faveur du parti ou bien un moyen de manipulation ou de propagande contre l'adversaire ? Quel rôle peut jouer le site dans le conflit entre les partis, s'ajoute-il aux autres médias classiques considérés comme des « armes de guerre »? Cependant cette recherche ne tend pas seulement à se focaliser sur les stratégies et les pratiques des acteurs politiques dont il est question sur Internet mais il s'agit aussi d'aborder les usages que font les citoyens qui prennent part aux discussions électroniques. L'Internet offre aux utilisateurs la possibilité de créer des espaces de discussion, de prendre la parole et de s'exprimer. Plusieurs supports sont à la disposition des internautes pour engager des discussions en ligne (blog, liste de discussion, courrier électronique, forum et, plus récemment, sites des réseaux sociaux comme Facebook, Myspace et Twitter. Au Liban, les internautes participent aussi aux discussions politiques en ligne et leur participation discursive se décline de multiples façons. Parmi celles-ci c'est Facebook qui connaît une progression au Liban car, parmi ses fonctionnalités, il permet aux utilisateurs de créer des groupes de discussion. L'une des questions de cette thèse est de vérifier si l'Internet, via les groupes de discussion, constitue un espace de rapprochement entre les internautes ou, en revanche, un espace de conflit. Le recours à l'Internet ne peut pas être perçu hors contexte socio-politique. Dans un pays comme le Liban, dont le système politique et médiatique est caractérisé par le confessionnalisme, l'usage de l'Internet n'échappe plus aux clivages confessionnels. L'Internet est largement utilisé dans les conflits comme une « arme de guerre ». Les acteurs exploitent l'espace électronique pour attaquer l'adversaire et mener leur propagande politique. La médiatisation de la communication politique sur les sites constitue un prolongement du fonctionnement de la domination confessionnelle et partisane sur le champ médiatique. Les sites du parti, comme les autres médias traditionnels libanais, n'échappent plus à la polarisation confessionnelle. Ils forment une nouvelle tribune pour donner de la visibilité aux conflits entre les partis (montée du discours confessionnel, radicalisation des opinions, etc…). Quant aux citoyens, ils ont aussi tendance à transformer les groupes de discussion en un espace conflictuel. L'Internet est un espace ouvert, mais il est un reflet de la tension politique hors ligne, autrement dit les participants, qui prennent part aux discussions politiques, transmettent les mêmes divisions au réseau Internet. En ce sens, il apparaît que l'échange, dans ces groupes, est ouvert au conflit beaucoup plus qu'au consensus. La charge conflictuelle est ancrée dans les discussions entre les participants qui usent de toutes les armes énonciatives pour défendre leurs doctrines et combattre celles qui en diffèrent. Les internautes ne font que transmettre, au réseau électronique, les querelles de la vie politique du Liban.
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Traboulsi, Fawwaz. "Identités et solidarités croisées dans les conflits du Liban contemporain." Paris 8, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA080847.
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Le but de cette these est d'etudier les effets de deux formes d'identification et de solidarite - les confessions et les classes - dans les conflits du liban contemporain. Apres une premiere partie methodologique qui traite des confessions, clienteles et classes, la partie historique trace la genese du confessionnalisme contemporain, les etapes formatives de l'entite libanaise et la montee au pouvoir de l'oligarchie commerciale-financiere. Un chapitre est consacre a la pensee de michel chiha (1891-1954), ideologue du laissez-faire et du confessionnalisme, un autre examine la problematique de l'etat, soumis aux interpellations co ntradictoires des confessions et des classes, et un troisieme analyse la crise sociale et le mouvement revendicatif a la veille de la guerre. Dans la troisieme partie, la guerre civile (1975-1989) est periodisee en fonction des projets de societe des protagonistes. L'etude du phenomene mafieux dans la pratique des milices libanaises est complementee par une analyse des mecanismes et rituels de la violence. Les conclusions qui insistent sur la nature explosive des frustrations de classes, quand elles se combinent avec les politiques confessionnelles, posent des questions et des defis concernant la paix, la reconstruction, la democratie et la laicite dans le liban de l'apres-guerreThe aim of this thesis is to study the effects of two forms of identification and solidarity, the sects and the classes, in the conflicts of contemporary lebanon. Succeeding to a section on methodology dealing with the concepts of sect, clientelism and class, is one which traces the emergence of the sectarian phenomenon, the formative phases of the lebanese entity and the ascent to power of the commercial-financial oligarchy. A chapter is devoted to the thought of michel chiha (1891-1954), leading ideologue of free trade and secterianism, another deals with the problematic of the state submitted to the "double bind" of sect and class, a third analyses the social crisis and the social movements on the eve of the war. The third and last section on the civil war analyses the projects of society of the protagonists, the "mafian" features of militian power and concludes with a survey of the mecanisms and rituals of violence. The conclusion, which highlights the explosive factor of class frustations imbedded in sectarian politics, poses a number of questions and challenges facing the process of peace, reconstruction, democracy and secularism in post-war lebanon
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Muqallad, Muḥammad ʿAlī. "Poesie et conflits ideologiques au liban entre 1967 et 1984." Paris 4, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA040299.
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Cette recherche a traite d'un sujet actuel. Elle a essaye d'elaborer un point de vue concernant le rapport entre la poesie et la politique au liban, mais elle a surtout evoque beaucoup de questions. Notre etude sur la poesie au liban nous a encourage a appronfondir nos propos qui concernent la rhetorique et la musique de la poesie. Quoique determinante fut-t-elle l'ideologie ne peut pas, a elle seule determiner l'evolution des structures lexicales, semantiques, et semiotiques, et bien qu'elle soit "notre vision meme structure ideologique cree une diversite de styles.
Books on the topic "Libyan conflict"
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Libya: Desert land in conflict. Brookfield, Conn: Millbrook Press, 1994.
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Ryke, Luc Beyer de. Chemins d'Orient: Les déchirures, Algérie-Liban-Israël-Palestine. Paris: F.-X. de Guibert, 2005.
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Suwayd, Maḥmūd. Israël au Liban: La fin de trente ans d'occupation. Paris: Minuit, 2000.
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Un été de feu au Liban: 2006 : les coulisses d'un conflit annoncé. Paris: Economica, 2010.
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Luc, Balbont, ed. L' an prochain a Tiberiade: Lettres d'une jeune Palestinienne du Liban. Paris: Albin Michel, 1996.
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Kassir, Samir. La guerre du Liban: De la dissension nationale au conflit régional, 1975-1982. Paris: Karthala, 1994.
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Tappero-Merlo, Germana. Medio Oriente e forze di pace: Cinquant'anni di guerre e interventi multinazionali in Israele, Libano e Golfo Persico. Milano: F. Angeli, 1997.
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Les conflits dans les zones de crise: Le Proche-Orient et le Liban : essai de polémologie, de géopolitique et de sociologie. [Cousset, Switzerland]: Delval, 1986.
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International peacekeeping in Lebanon: United Nations authority and multinational force. Boulder: Westview Press, 1987.
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Weighill, Rob, and Florence Gaub. The Cauldron. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190916220.001.0001.
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NATO’s Libya Operation was a first in several ways: the first time the alliance operated in an Arab and African country, the first time Arab partners participated in kinetic missions, the first time it executed a UN mandate designed to protect civilians and the first time the United States were not in the lead. This book is the first one to tell the operation’s story from all sides concerned: spanning the hallways of the United Nations in New York, NATO Headquarters in Brussels and, crucially, the two operational epicenters: the Libyan battlefield, and Joint Force Command Naples, which was in charge of the mission. Weighill and Gaub offer a comprehensive exploration of both the war's progression and the many challenges NATO faced, from its extremely rapid planning and limited understanding of Libya and its forces, to training shortfalls and the absence of post-conflict planning.
Book chapters on the topic "Libyan conflict"
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Marcuzzi, Stefano. "The EU and NATO on the eve of the Libyan war." In The EU, NATO and the Libya Conflict, 15–32. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003091271-3.
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Marcuzzi, Stefano. "Libya and the EU." In Conflict Resolution and Global Justice, 103–27. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003026747-8.
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Attia, Adel, Ismail Siala, and Fathi Azribi. "General Oncology Care in Libya." In Cancer in the Arab World, 133–48. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7945-2_9.
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AbstractLibya is a large country, ranking at fourth in terms of area both in the Arab world and the African continent (https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/which-are-the-10-largest-countries-of-africa-by-size.html). It is part of the World Health Organization–Eastern Mediterranean Regional Office (WHO–EMRO) region. Oil production is the main source of income which has transformed the country massively over the past 50 years and the healthcare system is one of the sectors that have improved significantly. The Health Act No (106), issued in 1973, guarantees free health services to all Libyans, with inevitable challenges regarding the delivery of adequate and sustainable services. The health system in Libya is a mix between the public sector and the private sector. The private sector is basically depending on funding through insurance companies and self-pay. It is not yet adequately developed but is striving and rapidly growing in the last two decades.The oncology services are accessible and available for all Libyans, most of the diagnostic and therapeutic facilities are of good standards and the modern treatments like immunotherapy and targeted therapies are also available. However, there were periods when the health care system—in general—was struggling to meet the increasing demand on health services and has seen considerable challenges, especially over the past few years due to the conflict, political, and economic instability of the country. This chapter covers the oncology care in Libya, describing the current state, challenges, and future directions.
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Ndlovu, Everett. "The Diasporic Community’s Intervention in the Libya Uprising." In Media, Diaspora and Conflict, 37–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56642-9_3.
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Marcuzzi, Stefano. "The years of missed opportunities." In The EU, NATO and the Libya Conflict, 87–120. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003091271-7.
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Marcuzzi, Stefano. "Conclusions and heading forward." In The EU, NATO and the Libya Conflict, 193–206. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003091271-11.
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Marcuzzi, Stefano. "From state-building to containment." In The EU, NATO and the Libya Conflict, 142–60. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003091271-9.
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Marcuzzi, Stefano. "Bloody spring." In The EU, NATO and the Libya Conflict, 33–55. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003091271-4.
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Marcuzzi, Stefano. "From a proxy to an internationalized war." In The EU, NATO and the Libya Conflict, 161–92. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003091271-10.
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Marcuzzi, Stefano. "Introduction." In The EU, NATO and the Libya Conflict, 1–12. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003091271-1.
Full textReports on the topic "Libyan conflict"
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Morsy, Ahmed. Towards a renewed local social and political covenant in Libya, Syria and Yemen. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/ofgn2229.
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This SIPRI Insights Paper examines the domestic and external factors at play in Libya, Syria and Yemen and their impact on negotiating post-war peaceful settlements and shaping prospective social contracts.The paper’s argument is two-fold. Firstly, policymaking must move beyond a static approach to understanding these conflicts. Despite apparent stalemates, the three countries should be approached as ever-evolving simmering conflicts. Secondly, policymakers have to move below the national level in order to achieve various forms of localized social peace. Given the nature of these conflicts and the varied sub-national segmentation, the analysis concludes that community-level social and political covenants may offer a first building block towards nationwide social contracts and sustainable conflict resolution.The role of external actors, particularly the European Union (EU), is critical in paving the way for these local-level dialogues and negotiations in Libya, Syria and Yemen. In short, external powers, including the EU, should adopt policies that push for long-term resolution to achieve post-conflict stabilization rather than the opportunistic taking of sides.
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Anno, Stephan E., and William E. Einspahr. Command and Control and Communications Lessons Learned: Iranian Rescue, Falklands Conflict, Grenada Invasion, Libya Raid. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada202091.
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Altier, Mary Beth. Violent Extremist Disengagement and Reintegration: Lessons from Over 30 Years of DDR. RESOLVE Network, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/vedr2021.1.
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Recent questions surrounding the repatriation, rehabilitation, and reintegration of those who traveled to join the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), the reintegration of violent extremists in conflict zones including Somalia, Nigeria, Libya, and Mali, and the impending release of scores of homegrown violent extremists from prisons in the United States and Europe have heightened policymaker and practitioner interest in violent extremist disengagement and reintegration (VEDR). Although a number of programs to reintegrate violent extremists have emerged both within and outside of conflict zones, significant questions remain regarding their design, implementation, and effectiveness. To advance our understanding of VEDR, this report draws insights from a review of the literature on ex-combatant disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR). The literature on DDR typically adopts a “whole of society” approach, which helps us to understand how systemic factors may influence VEDR at the individual level and outcomes at the societal level. Despite the important differences that will be reviewed, the international community’s thirty-year experience with DDR—which includes working with violent extremists—offers important insights for our understanding of VEDR.
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Herbert, Sian. Approaches to Stabilisation. Institute of Development Studies, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.068.
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This rapid literature review explores how approaches to stabilisation have varied by the donor, local context, and over time. While this paper was framed around a research question on the “Area Based Stabilisation” (ABS) approach, this term is barely used in the literature. Therefore, it is not possible to define an ABS approach or compare it to other approaches. However, there is considerable literature on approaches to stabilisation more generally, with some comparative analysis of approaches by donors and how these are evolving according to the context and some illustrative lessons from their application. As per the question from FCDO, this query also draws on analyses of the following case examples: Regional Strategy for the Stabilization, Recovery and Resilience (RSS) of the Boko Haram-affected areas of the Lake Chad Basin Region; Helmand Provincial Reconstruction Team (PRT) in Afghanistan; Area Based Recovery Approach (ABRA) in Iraq; and the Stabilisation Facility for Libya (SFL). As the Stabilisation Unit (2019) emphasises, as the purpose of engaging in stabilisation activities, and the political and conflict contexts, vary so much, it is only possible to draw out some generic/illustrative lessons across cases.