Academic literature on the topic 'Libya – History – 1969-'
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Journal articles on the topic "Libya – History – 1969-"
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King, G. R. D. "Islamic Archaeology in Libya, 1969–1989." Libyan Studies 20 (January 1989): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900006695.
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In the course of the two decades since 1969, archaeological and architectural investigations relating to the Islamic period in Libya have made sufficient progress for it to be possible now to see the country's Islamic antiquities with a reasonable degree of perspective within Libya and in relation to a broader context. Nevertheless, a great deal of work remains to be done, both with regard to extending the geographical scope of research on Islamic Libya and to studying relatively neglected periods. At present we are better informed about certain Fāṭimid monuments in Libya than any other Islamic buildings in the country. While the importance of Libya in the tenth and eleventh centuries AD is a matter of great interest, it must not be forgotten that even today, we know very much less in detail about the mosques and houses of later times. A marked imbalance therefore exists in the relative degree of information available for an account of the Islamic archaeology and architecture of Libya in the period as a whole. This imbalance is very clear in the present survey.The extent of the increase in knowledge of the Islamic archaeology of Libya becomes immediately clear by referring to K. A. C. Creswell'sA Bibliography of the Architecture, Arts and Crafts of Islam to 1st Jan. 1960and the Supplements to it (Creswell 1973; Pearsonet al.1984). In his originalBibliographyCreswell found nothing on Libyan architecture except for some studies on Tripoli. Even in the 1960s, very little further research on the Islamic period was published, although it was in this period that Ajdābiyah and Madīnah Sulṭān were initially investigated: this work formed the foundation of that which was to follow after 1969. Bys the time that the latestSupplementto Creswell'sBibliographyappeared in 1984, a plethora of published material had emerged as a result of the sharp rise of interest in Islamic Libya during the period from 1969 onwards. As a result, no comprehensive survey of Islamic archaeology and architecture in North Africa written in the future will be complete without giving some account of the information that has been accumulated during the period 1969 to 1989.
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Barker, G. W. W. "From Classification to Interpretation: Libyan Prehistory, 1969–1989." Libyan Studies 20 (January 1989): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900006579.
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In the 15 years following the Second World War, the available data on the prehistory of North Africa were summarised in a series of major syntheses (notably Alimen 1955; Balout 1955; Ford-Johnston 1959; and Vaufrey 1955). With stratified sequences few and far between, radiometric techniques of absolute dating still at the developmental stage, and little detailed information on palaeoenvironments, it was inevitable that the emphasis of all these studies was on the description and classification of the archaeological record, and its organisation into regional cultural sequences. As far as Libya was concerned, the prehistoric rock carvings of the Fezzan were already well known, particularly from the studies by Graziosi before the war (Graziosi 1934; 1937; 1942), but in terms of artifact assemblages Libyan prehistory was much less understood than the prehistoric sequences of the Maghreb to the west and accordingly much less represented in the syntheses of the 1950s. In general, the prehistory of North Africa was described as a succession of ‘cultural groups’ that were correlated more or less with the better-documented palaeolithic, mesolithic, and neolithic sequences of Europe.During the 1960s, two major studies of Libyan prehistory were published which have had a dominating influence on research in the following 20 years. The first was the publication by Charles McBurney (1967) of the deep stratigraphy of the Haua Fteah cave on the coast of Cyrenaica. McBurney began research on the Libyan Palaeolithic in the years immediately after the war, publishing a variety of surface collections (1947), trial excavations in the Hagfet ed Dabba cave (1950), and a joint study with C. W. Hey (1955) of the relationship between Pleistocene geological and archaeological sequences in Cyrenaica. His excavations in the Haua Fteah were conducted in 1951, 1952, and 1955, the deep sounding revealing a detailed sequence of layers spanning the middle and upper palaeolithic, epipalaeolithic (or mesolithic), and neolithic occupations of the cave (for initial reports: McBurney 1960; 1961; 1962). The full report was able not only to describe the remarkable sequence of assemblages, but also to correlate these with a palaeoenvironmental sequence established from faunal, molluscan, and sedimentary studies of the cave stratigraphy, the sequence also being tied to an absolute chronology based on 20 radiocarbon determinations. The Haua Fteah stratigraphy remains unique not only in Libya but in North Africa as a whole.
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Blake, G. H. "Political Geography in the Literature on Libya 1969–1989." Libyan Studies 20 (January 1989): 259–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900006762.
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Political geography can be taken to include the geographical analysis of formal political territories of all kinds, and an interest in political spheres of influence. Thus defined, Libya must have provided an almost unparalleled range of topics for study in the past 20 years. Internal administrative districts have been changed three times. The international boundaries of the state have been the subject of debate and dispute. In 1975 Libya occupied a large tract of northern Chad and became heavily involved in the Chadian civil war in 1980. Maritime boundary delimitation began in the 1980s and Libyan claims to historic water status for the Gulf of Sirte were disputed by the United States. At least eight attempts at political mergers with other states have been made by Colonel Qadhafi, while other Libyan foreign policy adventures have been widespread, especially in Africa. In the face of this plethora of geopolitical activity it is disappointing to report that the political geography of Libya has not received the attention it deserves from scholars in Britain or elsewhere. Only in one area of study — international boundaries — is the literature reasonably plentiful, and of a high calibre (detailed bibliographies in Alawar 1983; Lawless 1987). While this emphasis may be justified on the grounds that Libya's boundaries are major potential ‘flashpoints’ (Copson 1982) it leaves a great deal of potentially useful geopolitical insights as yet unexplored. No publications have been traced for example on the implications of the changing location of Libya's designated capital city, from Tripoli to Benghazi — Tripoli to Beida to Tripoli and now — conceivably — to Sirte.
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Toaldo, Mattia. "The Italo-Libyan Relationship between 1969 and 1976." Libyan Studies 44 (2013): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900009675.
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AbstractBased on the papers of former Italian statesman Aldo Moro and on several secondary sources, this article investigates the Italo-Libyan relationship between the rise to power of Qadhafi in 1969 and the mid-1970s. Qadhafi initially pursued a policy of confrontation with the former colonial power: he expelled the remaining Italian citizens in Libya, asked for post-colonial compensations and a revision of the 1956 treaty.Gradually, however, a new relationship developed: Italy badly needed Libyan oil, especially in view of the closing of the Suez Canal because of the Arab-Israeli wars, while Qadhafi needed to secure a fixed amount of oil revenues in order to build up domestic and international support for his revolution. Italian companies were also granted public works which were meant to improve Libyan infrastructure while Libyan oil profits could be invested in Italian stocks. Finally, Italy would provide Qadhafi with weapons and support for his regime, as the revelations about the ‘Hilton Assignment’ demonstrate. The author argues that this relationship gave both actors a wide freedom of manoeuvre within the context of the Cold War.
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Obaid, Assist prof Dr Muna Hussein. "The Libyan - Egyptian relation 1969-2005." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 223, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 307–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v223i1.329.
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The research in the Egyptian - Libyan relation dates back to ancient history. The change of leaders and the political system had affected these relations ,so they had changed from being so close to unly passing through tension and even conflict There is long borders between the two countries more than a thousand kilo-which made some kind of social relations ship between the people of the two countries . the relation between the two states had grew stronger ,after their in dependence especially when Libya tried to follow the steps of Egypt during Nasir era, but their relations deteriorated after Egypt's peace treaty with Israel , but it had flourished buck in the nineties. In spite of the improvement in the relation. between the two part after 2003.on the economic level , it had passed through tensions because of the mutual acquisitions of the two authorities,the Egyptian and the Libyan because of Libyan decision to abandon weapons of mass distraction, and the Libyan close relations with the muslim brother hood in Egypt,the main opposition forcei-Egypt at that time.
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Bergs, Rolf. "Problems of Industrialisation in Libya since the Revolution." Libyan Studies 19 (1988): 133–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900001138.
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AbstractThis paper deals with the Libyan industrialisation programme since the revolution in 1969. Although Libya is striving to achieve national development within the next 20 years on a par with other advanced ‘Newly Industrialising Countries', it seems that the declining oil prices and the decreasing income from foreign trade since 1981 is retarding the build-up significantly. The main problem is that the necessary foreign labour can no longer be financed. The annual growth rates achieved in industry since 1981 indicate virtual stagnation.
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Allan, J. A. "Water Resource Evaluation and Development in Libya — 1969–1989." Libyan Studies 20 (January 1989): 235–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900006737.
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Water is a familiar resource and one which is rarely properly valued, and worse, frequently treated as if it were a ‘free good’. In a country such as Libya, which has no perennial surface-runoff and where no permanently flowing stream reaches the Mediterranean Sea, the value of its available water is proportionately important. At the same time Libya has some deeply rooted attitudes to resources, often culturally based, which have militated against the optimum long term use of its none too abundant renewable and non-renewable water. In addition Libya has undergone some remarkable changes in economic circumstances in the past twenty years. These changes of circumstance have been of particular importance because they stimulated expectations and water demand much more effectively than they brought about changes of attitude at national and local levels to regulate water allocation and inform water utilisation policies. The changes have been especially powerful where they have resulted from the deployment of new technologies which have had significant environmental impacts.
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Morone, Antonio M. "Idrīs’ Libya and the Role of Islam: International Confrontation and Social Transformation." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340141.
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The formation of the Libyan state had an atypical chronology and history. It was not until the 1940s that the construction of the state and the formation of the Libyan nation took place, during the death throes of Italian colonial rule. The arrival of Idrīs on the throne was a compromise: although on the one hand it was the return to a pre-colonial and pre-modern political leadership, on the other this leadership lay within a modern institutional framework, derived from European constitutionalism. In the process of renewal of the tradition linked to the figure of Idrīs, the leader of the al-Sanūsiyyah, the Islam has been inestimably important. At the point of independence, the task was to transform Libya from an artifice of colonialism into a shared political and cultural reality; it was Islam, much more than Arabism, that was identified as the lowest common denominator. The twenty years of rule by Idrīs, from his appointment as Amīr of an autonomous Cyrenaica on 1 July 1949 to the revolution of 1 September 1969, can be summarized as a continual attempt at the opening-up and controlled reform of a strongly conservative political system, which, in view of a rapidly changing society, sought to move from a fragmented political perspective to a truly national one, without any conclusive success. Internal instability became increasingly related to external interference, not just by former colonial countries or the superpowers but also by other Arab countries such as Egypt, who were the purveyors of a project of militant nationalism: Libya became a zone of political and ideological conflict between the West and the Third World.
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St John, Ronald Bruce. "End of the Beginning: Libya and the United States, 1969-1973." Diplomacy & Statecraft 32, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2021.1883863.
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Beshyah, Salem A. "The Giant of Tripoli: The Case of Late Recognition and Management of an Extreme Acromegalic Gigantism in Resource-Poor Settings." Journal of Diabetes and Endocrine Practice 05, no. 03 (July 2022): 122–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0042-1760393.
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Abstract Background There are a few studies from the Middle East and North Africa. Several notable cases of acromegaly and giantism in the west found their way to public life and media. Case History One of the cases is discussed in this article. The case lived between 1943 and 1991. He was one of few individuals in medical history to reach or surpass 8 feet in height. In the 1960s, he reportedly underwent repeated (perhaps 4) pituitary surgery at 17 in Rome, Italy, to halt his growth. A few photos and one short video clip in Italian demonstrate his physical features. He was one of the tallest basketball players ever at 245 cm, though when he featured as a basketball player, he was closer to 239 cm and played for Libya. He was a medical anomaly and the eighteenth tallest person in the history of the world. He was also credited with being the tallest actor in history by appearing in a single Italian fantasy drama movie in 1969. He died in 1991 due to heart disease. Conclusion The case presented in this vignette is depicted in the public domain and is imprinted in the folk memory of the residents of Tripoli, Libya. However, due to its uniqueness, it deserves a place in the regional medical literature.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Libya – History – 1969-"
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Ali, A. A. A. "Libya and Britain : a study of the history of British-Libyan relations 1969-1979." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2014. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/82/.
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This thesis examines relations between Libya and the United Kingdom after 1969 when a new government came to power in Tripoli which seemed to pose a direct threat to a number of key British interests. The thesis is grounded on a careful reading of secondary literature which has been integrated into newly available official documents available in the National Archive. The main claim to originality is in the light these documents throw on our understanding of that relationship. The thesis uses a case study approach which examines specific themes in UK-Libya relations which include arguments over arms sales, the oil economy and the role of oil companies, and relations over the Irish question and the problematic Libyan supply of weapons and support to the IRA in the 1970s. It inevitably touches on relations between both governments and the United States, but that is not a main focus of the study. These areas have been chosen for study because they represent the most significant areas of bargaining and conflict between Libya and the UK in the time period, according to both the secondary literature and press debate at the time and the newly available documentation. The author has been aware of the limitations of using the National Archives, especially where material has newly arrived for view. These include the scope of official ‘weeding’ before documents are made available to conserve space and to avoid repetition, but also to exclude sensitive material relating to intelligence and cognate aspects of relations with other governments. These limitations qualify, but do not undermine, the conclusions drawn. The main findings of the research refine our existing understanding of Libya-UK relations, important given that there is only a limited literature on the topic, and that no previous published work explores them using the National Archives. The archive material helps one to conclude that Straw’s (2010) argument that the basis of UK-Libya relations was always ‘strategic interest’ is partly sound but ultimately mistaken. Other important factors such as trade also mattered, and energy issues were at the same time ‘strategic’ and ‘trade-related’ for both sides. At least as important, mutual misunderstandings and a certain amount of confusion about the intentions of the other party (and what they could find negotiable) also shape the relationship, although strategic interest remains an important factor. The thesis also reveals for the first time differences in the evaluation of Libyan policy and intentions at different levels of the UK government, demonstrating that the bureaucratic politics of the British system of foreign policy making shaped some of the British responses to Libyan actions. Equally, although the evidence suggests that Gaddafi dominated Libyan policy making, it is clear that the elite surrounding him also played some part in policy making and in defining responses to British actions and announcements. Above all, the thesis demonstrates the complexity of the dynamics of UK-Libya relations in the time period studied, and that both sides consistently tended to believe that they had more influence over the other than was in fact the case.
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Ben, Hamed Abdulmonam. "La tradition citadine libyenne et son acculturation : Étude du chant tripolitain (1960-2010)." Thesis, Nice, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014NICE2037/document.
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Le but de cette thèse est d’étudier tout particulièrement le répertoire du chant tripolitain au sein de la tradition musicale libyenne, de façon à mettre en lumière, à la fois, les modèles mélodiques et les modèles rythmiques qui caractérisent ce chant, ainsi que les structures compositionnelles qui s’en dégagent. Une place centrale sera accordée à l’étude de l’évolution/acculturation du chant tripolitainThe main aim of this thesis is to study in a special form the trabelsi singing in the core of the tradition of the Libyan music with a method explains at the same time, the melodic models and rhythmic models that describe this singing, as well as compositional structures highlighted by these models. In addition, this research will deeply concentrate in studying the development and acculturation of the trabelsi singing
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Mabruk, Ahmed. "Les relations franco-libyennes de 1941 à 1969." Thesis, Clermont-Ferrand 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011CLF20001.
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Jayne, Dusti R. "Settling Libya Italian colonization, international competition and British policy in North Africa /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2010. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1269020385.
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Horn, Karen. "South African Prisoner-Of-War experience during and after World War II : 1939-c.1950." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71844.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis narrates and analyses the experiences of a sample of South Africans who were captured during the Second World War. The research is based on oral testimony, memoirs, archival evidence and to a lesser degree on secondary sources. The former prisoners-of-war (POW) who participated in the research and those whose memoirs were studied were all captured at the Battle of Sidi Rezegh in November 1941 or during the fall of Tobruk in June 1942. The aim of the research is to present oral and written POW testimony in order to augment the dearth of knowledge regarding South African POW historical experience. The scope of the research includes the decision to volunteer for the Union Defence Force, the experiences in North Africa, capture and initial experiences in the so-called ‘hell camps of North Africa’, the transportation to Italy and life in the Italian prison camps, events surrounding the Italian Armistice and the consequent escape attempts thereafter. For those POWs who did not escape, the experience of captivity continued with transport to Germany, experiences in German camps, including working in labour camps and the Allied bombing campaign. Lastly, the end of the war and the experience of liberation, which in most cases included forced marches, are dealt with before the focus turns once again towards South Africa and the experience of homecoming and demobilisation. The affective and intellectual experiences of the POWs are also investigated as their personal experience and emotions are presented and examined. These include the experience of guilt and shame during capture, the acceptance or non-acceptance of captivity, blame, attitudes towards the enemy and towards each other, as well as the experience of fear and hope, which was especially relevant during the bombing campaign and during periods when they were being transported between countries and camps. The thesis concludes with an analysis of the POW experience which looks at aspects relating to identity among South African POWs. The final conclusion is drawn that the POW identity took precedence over national identity. As a result of the strong POW identity and their desire for complete freedom and desire to claim individuality, the POWs did not, on the whole, display great interest in becoming involved in South African politics after the war even though many of them strongly disagreed with the Nationalist segregationist ideologies that claimed increasing support between 1945 and 1948.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis beskryf en ontleed die ervarings van dié Suid-Afrikaners wat tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog gevange geneem is. Die navorsing is gebaseer op mondelinge getuienis, memoires, argivale bewysmateriaal en, in ’n mindere mate, op sekondêre bronne. Die voormalige krygsgevangenes wat aan die navorsing deelgeneem het en wie se memoires bestudeer is, is almal in November 1941 by die Geveg van Sidi Rezegh of in Junie 1942 met die val van Tobruk gevange geneem. Die doel van die navorsing is om mondelinge en skriftelike getuienisse van krygsgevangenes aan te bied ten einde die gebrekkige kennis ten opsigte van Suid-Afrikaanse krygsgevangenes se historiese ervaring uit te brei. Die omvang van die navorsing sluit die besluit in om vrywillig diens te doen vir die Unie-verdedigingsmag, die ervarings in Noord-Afrika, gevangeneming en eerste ervarings in die sogenaamde “helkampe van Noord-Afrika”, die vervoer na Italië en lewe in die Italiaanse gevangeniskampe, gebeure rondom die Italiaanse wapenstilstand en die daaropvolgende ontsnappingspogings. Vir die krygsgevangenes wat nie ontsnap het nie, het die ervaring van gevangenskap voortgeduur deur vervoer na Duitsland, ervarings in Duitse kampe, waaronder strafkampe, en die bombarderings deur die Geallieerdes. Ten slotte word aandag gegee aan die einde van die oorlog en die ervaring van vryheid, wat in die meeste gevalle gedwonge marse behels het, voordat die fokus terugkeer na Suid-Afrika en die ervaring van tuiskoms en demobilisasie. Die affektiewe en intellektuele ervarings van die krygsgevangenes word ook ontleed, aangesien hul persoonlike ervarings en emosies ondersoek en aangebied word. Dit sluit die ervaring van skuld en skaamte tydens die gevangeneming in, die aanvaarding of nie-aanvaarding van gevangeskap, blaam, houdings teenoor die vyand en mekaar, sowel as die ervaring van vrees en hoop, wat veral belangrik was gedurende die bombarderingsveldtog en vervoer tussen lande en kampe. Die tesis sluit af met ’n ontleding van aspekte wat verband hou met identiteit onder die Suid- Afrikaanse krygsgevangenes. Die bevinding is dat die krygsgevangene-identiteit voorrang geniet het bo die nasionale identiteit. Verder het die sterk drang na volkome vryheid en die begeerte om hul individualiteit terug te kry daartoe gelei dat die voormalige krygsgevangenes na die oorlog oor die algemeen ’n ambivalensie jeens Suid-Afrikaanse politiek openbaar.
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Katz, David Brock. "Sidi Rezegh and Tobruk : two South African military disasters revisited 1941-1942." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96040.
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Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Sidi Rezegh and Tobruk are the largest disasters suffered by South Africa in its military history. Yet, despite their enormity, Sidi Rezegh and Tobruk are little understood and hardly remembered. South Africa declared war on Germany on the 6 September 1939, after a bitter internal debate, amounting to a conflict between Afrikaner nationalists and those who supported the British Empire. South Africa’s political ambivalence and disunity ran parallel to her unpreparedness for war in every important department from the lack of vital coastal defences to the miniscule size of her army and air force and complete lack of a navy. The first six months of 1941 saw the South Africans play a significant part in completely defeating the Italian colonial forces in East Africa. However, the campaign was poor preparation for what the South Africans were to encounter in the North African Desert months later. South African troops spent their time rebuilding fortifications in Egypt rather than in essential training to acclimatise this “bush war” army to harsh desert conditions. In a reluctant political decision, the unprepared South Africans were committed to Operation Crusader. The inexperienced South Africans met up with the battle hardened Afrika Korps at Sidi Rezegh on 23 November 1941 and were annihilated in the face of overwhelming odds. In revisiting this forgotten battle, it has been found, using primary and secondary sources, that the South Africans extracted an enormous price on the German armour in what may have been the true turning point of Operation Crusader. In May 1942, Rommel’s Afrika Korps sallied forth in a series of lightning moves that demonstrated the Axis grip on combined operations and managed to isolate the vital port of Tobruk commanded by an inexperienced South African, Major General H. B. Klopper. His surrender in one day is often compared to the previous siege endured under similar circumstances, where the Australians managed to hold Rommel at bay for 244 days until the siege was lifted. Klopper’s surrender of Tobruk resulted in a political crisis for Winston Churchill and for Jan Smuts, as the fiasco caused considerable tension within the Allied camp and within South Africa. On re-examination, interesting facts have emerged from the primary source material, as to the state of the Tobruk defences and of its unfortunate commander and how the United Kingdom, acting in concert with South Africa, sought to suppress the true facts. Immediate post-war memory has been shaped and distorted by sensitive political considerations that affected relations between South Africa and the United Kingdom. Thereafter, the memory of Sidi Rezegh and Tobruk was relegated first by a nationalistic Afrikaner government and then since by a democratically elected government, both of which have seen very little use in incorporating these two milestones into the national memory.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sidi Rezegh en Tobruk is die grootste nederlae wat Suid-Afrika in sy militêre geskiedenis ervaar het. Ten spyte van hul omvang, word daar min van Sidi Rezegh en Tobruk verstaan of onthou. Na ‘n hewige interne debat wat tot konflik tussen Afrikanernasionaliste en pro-Britse Suid-Afrikaners gelei het, het Suid-Afrika op 6 September 1939 oorlog teen Duitsland verklaar. Suid-Afrika se politieke verdeeldheid het saamgeval met die Unie se totale onvoorbereidheid vir oorlog, wat gestrek het van kritieke tekortkominge in kusverdediging, tot die ontoereikende grootte van die leër en lugmag en die totale afwesigheid van ‘n vloot. Gedurende die eerste ses maande van 1941 het Suid-Afrika ‘n beduidende rol gespeel om die Italiaanse koloniale magte in Oos-Afrika te verslaan. Dié veldtog was egter nie effektiewe voorbereiding vir die uitdagings waarteen die Suid-Afrikaners kort daarna in Noord-Afrika te staan sou kom nie. Die Suid-Afrikaanse troepe het daarby hul tyd daaraan bestee om vestings in Egipte te herbou in plaas daarvan om noodsaaklike opleiding te ondergaan om hul “bosoorlog”-leër vir ruwe woestynoorlogvoering voor te berei. ‘n Huiwerige, teensinnige politieke besluit het die onvoorbereide Suid-Afrikaners tot Operasie Crusader verbind. Die onervare Suid-Afrikaners het op 23 November 1941 by Sidi Rezegh teen die geharde Afrika Korps te staan gekom, waar oorweldigende magte hulle verpletter het. ‘n Heroorweging van hierdie vergete veldslag aan die hand van primêre en sekondêre bronne het aan die lig gebring dat die Suid-Afrikaners ‘n hoë tol van die Duitse pantser geëis het, wat besmoontlik die ware keerpunt in Operasie Crusader gebring het. In Mei 1942 het Rommel se Afrika Korps deur ‘n reeks blitsige bewegings wat die greep van die Spilmagte op gekombineerde operasies gedemonstreer het, daarin geslaag om die kritiese hawe van Tobruk, waar die onervare Suid Afrikaanse generaal-majoor H.B. Klopper in bevel was, te isoleer. Sy oorgawe binne ‘n enkele dag word dikwels vergelyk met die vorige beleg van Tobruk toe die Australianers Rommel onder vergelykbare omstandighede vir 244 dae teruggehou het totdat die beleg opgehef is. Klopper se oorgawe het ‘n politieke krisis vir Winston Churchill en Jan Smuts geskep, deurdat dit aansienlike spanning binne sowel die Gealieerde kamp as Suid-Afrika veroorsaak het. Die herevaluering van die gebeure het interessante feite uit die primêre bronne na vore gebring ten opsigte van die toestand van Tobruk se verdedigingstellings, die ongelukkige bevelvoerder, en hoe die Verenigde Koninkryk in samewerking met Suid-Afrika die ware feite wou toesmeer. Die onmiddellike naoorlogse geheuebeeld van die gebeure by Sidi Rezegh en Tobruk is geskep en verwring deur sensitiewe politieke oorwegings wat die verhouding tussen Suid-Afrika en die Verenigde Koninkryk beïnvloed het. Sedertdien het ‘n nasionalistiese Afrikaner-regering en daarna ook die demokraties-verkose, post-apartheid-regering die herinneringe aan Sidi Rezegh en Tobruk tot die vergetelheid verdoem; nie een van die twee het die nut daarvan gesien om dié twee mylpale in die nasionale geheue te verewig nie. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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WINN, Neil. "The limits of European influence in American crisis policy-making : the cases of Poland 1980-82, Grenada 1983 and Libya 1986." Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5436.
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Defence date: 26 May 1995Examining Board: Prof. Karl Cerny (Georgetown University, Washington, D.C.) ; Prof. Dr. Helga Haftendorn (Free University of Berlin) ; Prof. Christopher Hill (London School of Economics and Political Science) ; Prof. Roger Morgan (Supervisor, European University Institute) ; Dr. William Wallace (St. Antony's College, Oxford)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Books on the topic "Libya – History – 1969-"
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HISTORY OF MODERN LIBYA. NEW YORK: CAMBRIDGE UNIV PRESS, 2006.
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J, Vandewalle Dirk, ed. Libya since 1969: Qadhafi's revolution revisited. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
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Bona, Giacomina De. Human rights in Libya: The impact of international society since 1969. New York: Routledge, 2012.
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Human rights in Libya: The impact of international society since 1969. New York: Routledge, 2012.
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Witherell, Julian W. Libya, 1969-1989, an American perspective: A guide to U.S. official documents and government-sponsored publications. Washington: Library of Congress, 1990.
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Mazzantini, Margaret. Mar de manana. Mexico, D.F., Mexico: Alfaguara, 2013.
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Petitdemange, Françoise. La Libye révolutionnaire dans le monde (1969-2011). Romans-sur-Isère (France): Éditions Paroles vives, 2014.
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Sāʻidī, al-Mabr̄uk. Muqāwamat al-Lībīyīn lil-iḥtilāl al-Īṭālī, 1928-1929 M. Ṭarābulus, al-Jamāhīrīyah al-ʻArabīyah al-Lībīyah al-Shaʻbīyah al-Ishtirākīyah al-ʻUẓmá: Markaz Jihād al-Lībīyīn lil-Dirāsāt al-Tārīkhīyah, 1996.
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Sāʻidī, al-Mabr̄uk. Muqāwamat al-Lībīyīn lil-iḥtilāl al-Īṭālī, 1928-1929 M. Ṭarābulus, al-Jamāhīrīyah al-ʻArabīyah al-Lībīyah al-Shaʻbīyah al-Ishtirākīyah al-ʻUẓmá: Markaz Jihād al-Lībīyīn lil-Dirāsāt al-Tārīkhīyah, 1996.
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Simon, Rachel. Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism: The Ottoman involvement in Libya during the War with Italy (1911-1919). Berlin: K. Schwarz, 1987.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Libya – History – 1969-"
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Ruller, Ivan. "Saray al Hamra. The UNESCO project for building the National historic museum in Tripoli, Libya (1979-1981)." In Forgotten times and spaces: New perspectives in paleoanthropological, paleoetnological and archeological studies., 542–48. Brno: Masaryk university, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.m210-7781-2015-41.
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Alvarez, Milly. "Life with a field geologist: Improbable adventures on five continents." In From the Guajira Desert to the Apennines, and from Mediterranean Microplates to the Mexican Killer Asteroid: Honoring the Career of Walter Alvarez. Geological Society of America, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1130/2022.2557(01).
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ABSTRACT As the wife and field assistant of geologist Walter Alvarez for the past 56 years, I have shared in adventures on five different continents. The quest to explore the history of our planet has given us insight and understanding of human history and culture as well. From the semi-arid Guajira desert of Colombia to the network of bike paths in Holland, to witnessing the September 1969 Revolution in Libya, from living in a medieval Italian hill town, visiting the Silk Road cities in Soviet Central Asia, participating in the plate tectonic revolution, helping found the Geological Observatory of Coldigioco, and continuing in the stimulating environment of the University of California, Berkeley, our lives have been rich in experiences. Linking it all together reminds us of the nearly infinite number of contingencies and decisions that shape each of our lives and contribute to our shared human history.
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Spadaro, Barbara. "Remembering the ‘Italian’ Jewish homes of Libya: gender and transcultural memory (1967–2013)." In Women in the Modern History of Libya, 67–89. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003019244-5.
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Olszok, Charis. "‘Une histoire de mouche’ : The Libyan Novel in Other Voices." In The Libyan Novel, 198–225. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474457453.003.0007.
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In Chapter Six, I maintain my focus on the Bildungsroman, examining novels in English and French, by novelists who left Libya at a young age, but have continued returning to it in their fiction. Through Hisham Matar’s In the Country of Men (2006) and Kamal Ben Hameda’s La compagnie des Tripolitaines (2011; Under the Tripoli Sky, 2014), I explore evocations of childhood threatened by experiences of violence and vulnerability. Indicating both authors’ affinities with the novels discussed in Chapter Five, I identify how the novels dramatise the impossibility of growing-up in the ‘country of men’. In La compagnie des Tripolitaines, I explore this through the notion of oral ‘fly tales’ (histoires de mouche), told to the young protagonist-narrator by his aunt, and reframing human history through the paradigmatic ‘other’, which has flourished on its decay. In the Country of Men compounds the difficulty of telling stories about Libya’s past with the precarity of speaking in the present, as the protagonist-narrator confronts the oppressive realities of 1979 Tripoli, and attempts to formulate it into narratives that makes sense, many of which draw on images from the nonhuman world.
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Olszok, Charis. "Introduction: A Nation of Others." In The Libyan Novel, 1–32. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474457453.003.0001.
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My introduction reviews the development of modern Libyan fiction, framing its marginality within wider Arabic literature through the nation’s history of poverty and oppression. Brief analysis of famous oral qaṣīda, ‘mā bī maraḍ’ (‘My only ailment’) (c. 1930), by Rajab Būḥwaysh al-Minifī, tribe Sheikh and prisoner of an Italian concentration camp, provides a focus for this, resonating in the imaginary of later authors through its lament of lost freedom, balance and dignity. Tracing the emergence of a vibrant literary community in the 1960s, curtailed by Gaddafi’s 1969 coup, I then discuss how writers struggled through censorship, and the impact of this on their literary aesthetics from the 1970s until the 2000s. Through examples from the short story, which first dominated the literary scene, I subsequently outline my methodology, engaging with Santner and Pick’s differing concepts of the ‘creaturely’, as a way of understanding how structures of power are critiqued on the level of both nation and species. Through the Qur’ānic description of animals as ‘nations like you’ (umamun amthālukum, 6:38), cited in the opening to works by al-Faqīh and al-Kūnī, I suggest animals’ importance as parallel, heterotopic worlds, through which human ways of seeing, knowing and doing are tested.
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Olszok, Charis. "God’s Wide Land: War, Melancholy and the Camel." In The Libyan Novel, 95–125. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474457453.003.0004.
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Chapter Three bridges the early focus on al-Nayhūm, al-Faqīh and al-Kūnī to a new generation of authors, bringing together al-Kūnī’s al-Tibr (1989; Gold Dust) with al-Tābūt (2006; The Coffin) and al-Khawf abqānī ḥayyan (2008; Fear Kept me Breathing) by ‘Abdallāh al-Ghazāl, a prominent novelist of the 2000s. Like al-Kūnī, his writing is marked by an explicitly Sufi poetics, entwined in environmental concern. Unlike him, he has remained in Libya for most of his life. While al-Kūnī’s Sufi poetics tend to the prophetic, al-Ghazāl writes from the perspective of emotional instability and psychological breakdown, and addresses Libya’s recent history in more explicit fashion. In this chapter, I compare novels by both, which are set within international conflicts, but take place on the margins of battle, culminating instead in scenes of violence against camels, introduced by Qur’ān 7:73. Dwelling not on heroism, but characters’ relationship to land, identity and spirituality, they convey social, psychological and spiritual disintegration with an often uncomfortably visceral depiction of spiritual and ecological interconnection.
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Macklin, Mark, and Jamie Woodward. "River Systems and Environmental Change." In The Physical Geography of the Mediterranean. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199268030.003.0023.
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Linking river behaviour and drainage basin evolution to Quaternary environmental change, most notably the effects of climatic variability, tectonics, and human activity on runoff and sediment delivery, has a long history of research in the Mediterranean areas of Europe, North Africa, and the Near East. This field of research was initially stimulated by the (re)discovery at the beginning of the twentieth century of many Classical Period remains buried by river alluvium; perhaps the best known of which is the site of Olympia in western Greece (Huntington 1910). The widespread evidence for large-scale shifts in river channel positions and the rapid growth of deltas and coastal alluvial plains in historical times (Judson 1963; Raphael 1973; Kraft et al. 1980; and Chapter 13) also provided much impetus for this research. In addition, archaeological investigations carried out soon after the Second World War in Algeria (Gaucher 1947), Italy (Selli 1962), Libya (McBurney and Hey 1955) and Spain (Gigout 1959) resulted in the recovery of large numbers of Palaeolithic stone tools from Pleistocene fluvial deposits. These early examples of what has now become more widely known as ‘geoarchaeology’ (Davidson and Shackley 1976; Butzer 1977) or ‘alluvial archaeology’ (Macklin and Needham 1992) were, with their strong interdisciplinary focus, highly innovative and ahead of their time in the way they integrated archaeology, geomorphology, and geochronology. Building on this theme, the principal aim of this chapter is to consider how river systems in the Mediterranean region have responded to the environmental changes that took place during the Late Quaternary–a time interval corresponding approximately to the last 130,000 years. There are a number of reasons for choosing this period for reviewing river-environment interactions in the Mediterranean: 1. It encompasses the last glacial–interglacial cycle (c.130 to 10 ka) for which there is now abundant global evidence from polar ice cores, speleothem records, and lake and marine sediments, for both longand short-term changes in climate. These changes included massive reorganizations of the atmosphere-ocean-cryosphere systems—often over timescales of less than 100 years (Lowe and Walker 1997)—and they are clearly recorded in the Mediterranean region (see Allen et al. 1999 and Chapter 4).
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Foot, Rosemary. "The UN’s Human Rights Bodies." In China, the UN, and Human Protection, 191–227. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843733.003.0007.
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This chapter examines the evolution of the UN’s two human rights bodies: namely, the UN Commission on Human Rights and its replacement, the UN Human Rights Council. Three key moments in China’s history in relation to these organizations—notably the Commission’s (and Sub-Commission’s) role during and after the Tiananmen crisis of June 1989, the movement from Commission to Council in 2005–6, as well as the impact of the UN’s 2011 Libyan intervention and the advent of the broader ‘Arab Spring’—are used to uncover how and why Beijing has worked to influence the procedures of bodies designed to advance the UN’s human protection agenda. In all these instances, China’s active involvement in the work of these bodies demonstrates a potent relationship between its ideological beliefs and concerns about image. The chapter concludes that China has become less reticent and more confident in putting forward its world view about what best promotes human rights. The balance has shifted in its approach from an essentially defensive strategy towards one that aims to promote its own ideas in this issue area. Beijing is arguing for a development-first model based on the assumption that the benefits of its politico-economic model, and the relationship of that model to improved levels of human protection, have become plainer to many other states.
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Jenkins, Tiffany. "Making an Exhibition of Ourselves: Using the Dead to Fight the Battles of the Living." In Archaeologists and the Dead. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198753537.003.0020.
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In October 2011, graphic images of a blood-stained and dead Muammar Gaddafi were sent around the internet. For some time after his death, his dead body was displayed at a house in Misrat, where masses of people queued to see it. His corpse provided a focus for the Libyan people, as proof that he really was dead and could finally be dominated. When Osama bin Laden was killed by the American military in May that same year, unlike Gaddafi, the body was absent, but the absence was significant. Shortly after he was killed a decision was taken not to show pictures of the dead body and it was buried at sea. The American military appear to have been concerned it would become a physical site for his supporters to congregate, and the photographs used by different sides in a propaganda war. Both cases reflect an aim to control the dead body and associated meanings with the person; that is not unusual: after the Nuremberg trials, the Allied authorities cremated Hermann Göring—who committed suicide prior to his scheduled hanging—so that his grave would not become a place of worship for Nazi sympathizers. These examples should remind us that dead bodies have longer lives than is at first obvious. They are central to rituals of mourning, but beyond this, throughout history, they have also played a role in political battles and provided a—sometimes contested—focus for reconciliation and remembrance. They have political and social capital and are objects with symbolic potential. In The Political Lives of Dead Bodies the anthropologist Katherine Verdery explores the way the dead body has been used in this way and why it is particularly effective. Firstly, she observes, human remains are effective symbolic objects because their meaning is ambiguous; that is whilst their associated meanings are contingent on a number of factors, including the individual and the cultural context, they are not fixed and are open to interpretation and manipulation: ‘Remains are concrete, yet protean; they do not have a single meaning but are open to many different readings’ (Verdery 1999: 28).