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Argenton, Carlo. "A liberalism without liberals." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3168/.
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Over the course of (roughly) the past three decades, much of contemporary liberal political theory has followed John Rawls and taken a ‘political’ turn. Liberalism, it is now generally supposed, is a ‘political’ doctrine, not a philosophy of life. The most influential account of such a liberalism is public reason liberalism. According to public reason liberals, political rules and decisions have to be justified by appeal to ideas or arguments that those subject to them (at some level of idealisation) endorse or accept. Public reason is the standard by which moral or political rules can be assessed. In this thesis I do two things. First, I offer a critique of public reason liberalism. I argue that it fails to live up to the ideal of liberal reason, that it fails to take diversity seriously, and that it is based on a problematic account of political institutions. Second, I articulate a genuinely ‘political’ alternative, which I call a liberalism without liberals. I develop this alternative on the basis of a re-interpretation of David Hume’s critique of the social contract and of his account of pluralism, the moral order and social criticism. I argue that Hume understands political society as the product of shared interests and not (as social contract theorists suppose) as an embodiment of a common will. I also argue that Hume offers a compelling, nonsectarian account of the standards for moral and political evaluation and that he is capable of accommodating foundational pluralism. In sum, a Hume-inspired liberalism without liberals is a combination of (a) a specific idea concerning the nature of political society, (b) an attempt to take pluralism more seriously than has so far been countenanced by liberals, (c) a specific view concerning the distribution of authority in moral deliberation and the nature of social criticism, and (d) scepticism about political institutions.
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Cioli, Monica. "Pragmatismus und Ideologie Organisationsformen des deutschen Liberalismus zur Zeit der Zweiten Reichsgründung, 1878-1884 /." Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2003. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/53289365.html.
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Nussbaum, Martha C. "Perfectionist Liberalism and Political Liberalism. (Part II)." IUS ET VERITAS, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/123611.
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In the first part of the article, the author discusses two types of liberalism from the thoughts of prominent philosophers. On the one hand, she analyzes the ideas of Isaiah Berlin and Joseph Raz as examples of perfectionist liberalism and, on the other hand, those of John Rawls and Charles Larmore as examples of political liberalism. He then discusses the notion of comprehensive doctrines in John Rawls’s oeuvre, for from Nussbaum´s perspective, the construction of this notion brings Rawls close to a variant of perfectionist liberalism that he himself would try to avoid. That is why Nussbaum’s proposal is to restore a notion of comprehensive doctrines simply understood as those kinds of doctrines to which reasonable citizens adhere.En la primera parte del artículo la autora discute dos variantes de liberalismo a partir del pensamiento de destacados filósofos. Por un lado, analiza las ideas de Isaiah Berlin y Joseph Raz como ejemplos de liberalismo perfeccionista y, por el otro, las de John Rawls y Charles Larmore como ejemplos de liberalismo político. A continuación problematiza la noción de doctrinas comprehensivas en la obra de John Rawls, pues desde la perspectiva de Nussbaum, la construcción de dicha noción acerca a Rawls a una variante de liberalismo perfeccionista que él mismo trataría de evitar. Es por ello que la propuesta de Nussbaum consiste en restaurar una noción de doctrinas comprehensivas simplemente como aquel tipo de doctrinas a las que adhieren ciudadanos razonables.
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Nussbaum, Martha C. "Perfectionist Liberalism and Political Liberalism (Part I)." IUS ET VERITAS, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/123252.
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In the first part of this article, the author discusses two types ofliberalism from the thoughts of prominent philosophers. On the one hand, sheanalyzes the ideas of Isaiah Berlin and Joseph Raz as examples of perfectionistliberalism and, on the other, those of John Rawls and Charles Larmore asexamples of political liberalism. It also identifies differences between Berlin’spluralism and Raz’s and between Rawls’ liberalism and Larmore’s.En la primera parte del presente artículo, la autora discute dos tipos de liberalismo a partir del pensamiento de destacados filósofos. Por un lado, analiza las ideas de Isaiah Berlin y Joseph Raz como ejemplos del liberalismo perfeccionista y, por el otro, las de John Rawls y Charles Larmore como ejemplos del liberalismo político. Asimismo, identifica las diferencias entre el pluralismo de Berlin y el de Raz y entre el liberalismo de Rawls y Larmore.
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Yuen, Wing-men, and 袁詠敏. "Classical liberalism and political liberalism: a philosophical comparison." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2008. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B41508610.
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Yuen, Wing-men. "Classical liberalism and political liberalism a philosophical comparison /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2008. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B41508610.
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Orso, Paulino Jose. "Liberalismo, neoliberalismo e educação : Roque Spencer Maciel de Barros, um ideologo da burguesia brasileira." [s.n.], 2003. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/253108.
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Orientador: Maria Elizabete Sampaio Prado XavierTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-03T16:03:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Orso_PaulinoJose_D.pdf: 21560164 bytes, checksum: 0d5165c9ca3c70c23ae37f159aecdee2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2003
Resumo: Esta Tese trata do liberalismo, do neoliberalismo e da educação em Roque Spencer Maciel de Barros. Procura analisar seu pensamento e sua obra, explicitar suas contradições e demonstrar que o liberalismo é a ideologia justificadora da sociedade burguesa, neste caso da burguesia brasileira. Na primeira parte apresentamos a trajetória intelectual do autor: sua formação e a construção de sua imagem de mundo e de homem. Na segunda tratamos do liberalismo. Abordamos como compreende a história do liberalismo, a relação com o "totalitarismo", a justificação e legitimação do liberalismo, as condições de possibilidade de uma vida ética e o liberalismo atual, o chamado "neoliberalismo". Na terceira tratamos da educação. Analisamos as razões do surgimento tardio da primeira universidade brasileira - a Universidade de São Paulo -, a criação da Faculdade de Filosofia, Ciências e Letras e os motivos e os fins para os quais foram criadas; tratamos do surgimento da Faculdade de Educação e como o autor compreendia a relação entre a História, a Filosofia e a Educação. Após isto, analisamos a Campanha em Defesa da Escola Pública ocorrida no final dos anos 50, a Reestruturação da USP, a Reforma Universitária e como e porque foram realizadas. Como se trata de uma análise de larga duração, um tanto rara nestes dias, na medida em que passamos do plano abstrato para o concreto, desmistificamos tanto o liberalismo como a educação brasileira e mostramos que Roque Spencer Maciel de Barros revela-se um ideólogo da burguesia brasileira
Abstract: This thesis is about liberalism, neoliberalism and Roque Spencer Maciel de Barros' view of education. It once tries to analyses his thoughts and works as well as it tries to explain his contradictions and it tries to show that liberalism is an ideology that justifies the bourgeois society. In the first part it shows the author's intelectual trajectory: his background and the construction of his idea of world and mankind. In the second part it considers the liberalism itself, its relation to "totalism", the justification and ligitimacy of liberalism, the possibilities of an ethical life and the contemporary liberalism, the so-called "neoliberalism". In the third part it deals with education. It analyses the reasons of the late creation of the first university of Brazil - The University of Sao Paulo-, the creation of the "College of Philosophy, Science and Literature" and the reasons and purposes of these creations; it also considers the creations of the "College fo Education" and how the author understood the relations among history, philosophy and education. After that it ana1yses the campaign for the Public School at the end of the fifties, the restructuring of the University of Sao Paulo, the University Reform and how and why they happened. As it is a big ana1ysis, seldom enough these days, wich goes from abstract to concrete, it dispel the myth of liberalism and education
Doutorado
Historia, Filosofia e Educação
Doutor em Educação
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Kumar, Pooja. "Ethical liberalism." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243049.
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Galipeau, Claude J. "Isaiah Berlin's liberalism /." Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1994. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0606/93001312-d.html.
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Macmillan, John Ross. "Liberalism and peace." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334142.
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Gissurarson, H. H. "Hayek's conservative liberalism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371651.
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Ossewarde, Marinus Richard Ringo. "Tocqueville's Catholic liberalism." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270861.
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Colburn, Ben Andrew. "Autonomy and liberalism." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.612005.
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Turner, Piers Norris Postema Gerald J. "Mill's epistemic liberalism." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2560.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009.Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 5, 2009). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Philosophy." Discipline: Philosophy; Department/School: Philosophy.
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Grant, Ruth Weissbourd. "John Locke's liberalism /." Chicago : London : Ill. ; the University of Chicago press, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb349522356.
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Bravo, Guilherme Pigozzi. "O papel conservador dos liberais : a ANL e os levantes nacional-libertadores e novembro de 1935 nas páginas do jornal O Estado de S. Paulo /." Marília : [s.n.], 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/88732.
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Orientador: Paulo Ribeiro Rodrigues da CunhaBanca: Angélica Lovato
Banca: Marly de Almeida Gomes Vianna
Resumo: Este trabalho pretende demonstrar como o discurso produzido pelo periódico O Estado de S. Paulo (OESP), entre 1930 e 1937, mais especificamente no ano de 1935, escolhido para essa análise, pôde influenciar a opinião pública, quando não formá-la, por meio de uma prática jornalística permeada de concepções ideológicas e de jogos de interesses. Cabe acrescentar que, nesse período, grande parte da imprensa, órgãos governamentais e a elite que detinha o poder consideravam o comunismo uma ameaça à sociedade brasileira. Apoiando as medidas excepcionais advindas do governo Vargas, justificadas pelo combate ao "perigo bolchevique", o jornal, que sempre se colocou como defensor das liberdades democráticas, declarava abdicar, temporariamente, de seus ideais, para garantir a ordem social. Para os representantes do jornal, a manutenção da "paz social" pautava-se pela completa eliminação dos "inimigos da propriedade privada", ou seja, os comunistas, e pelo controle político e ideológico da classe operária, o que, em si, revela o caráter autoritário e excludente da doutrina liberal. O apoio ao fortalecimento do governo custaria, ao periódico em análise, a possibilidade de conquistar a hegemonia política e cultural no país como, também, a liberdade, quando o jornal foi ocupado pela polícia do Estado Novo
Abstract: This article discusses how the discourse produced by the periodical O Estado de S. Paulo (OESP) between 1930 and 1937, more specifically in 1935, chosen for analysis, could influence public opinion, if not form it, through a journalistic practice fraught with ideological conceptions and gaming interests, this a time when communism was considered by many media, government and the elite that held power, a threat to Brazilian society. Supporting exceptional measures resulting from the Vargas government, justified by the fight against "Bolshevik danger," the newspaper, which has always positioned himself as defender of democratic freedoms declared surrender, temporarily, his ideals to ensure social order. For the representatives of the newspaper, the maintenance of "social peace" was guided by the complete elimination of the "enemies of private property," the Communists, and the ideological and political control of the working class, which reveals the authoritarian character of the liberal doctrine and exclusionary . Support to strengthening government cost them not only the possibility of achieving political and cultural hegemony in the country as also the freedom, when the paper was occupied by the New State Police
Mestre
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Bande, Simone. "Las relaciones entre Cataluña y estado pontificio en la epoca liberal." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/665228.
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En esta trabajo se fijará como eje central del estudio la Iglesia en Cataluña empezando por hecho
conocidos, como el incremento de nuevas experiencias religiosas en la región o el gran numero de
nuevos santos y beatos que produjo el país. Esta idea se acompañara de un estudio sobre las
políticas dirigidas por Roma y de cómo éstas pudieron haber influido en las política catalana, y en
consecuencia en la española, con la idea de verificar si se se puede hablar de un proyecto político
pontificio en Cataluña con vistas a constituir una nueva base de influencia, tanto religiosa cuanto
política, capaz de modificar los equilibrios nacionales españoles.
El escrito se compondrá de tres macro-áreas: la primera tendrá como centro de interés el
Reino de España en su época más convulsa, se narrarán la primera mitad del siglo XIX y los
conflictos sociales que barrieron España – desde las Guerras napoleónicas a la Guerra civil carlista
– poniendo la atención en cuál fue el comportamiento de la religión organizada en este tablero de
ajedrez con múltiples jugadores, hasta llegar a la reacción de los conservadores y de la Iglesia
encarnada en el Concordato de 1851. En este largo recorrido histórico se insertará un paréntesis
sobre la figura de Jaime Balmes y sobre su experiencia religiosa y política conservando, cuando sea
posible, la mirada hacia una hipotética pertenencia a un proyecto pontificio en tierra catalana.
La segunda área tendrá como foco de atención Roma y los Estados Pontificios en el mismo
arco de tiempo del primer apartado. Se intentará describir cómo el liberalismo actuó también en los
estados italianos y cómo esta nueva fuerza llevo al siempre conservador gobierno papal a modificar
sus proyecto. Se pondrá particular atención en la figura de Pío IX y sobre todo en sus continuidades
y rupturas con Gregorio XVI. Del pontificado del Mastai-Ferretti se identificarán tres etapas
distintas, que por comodidad identificaremos como la etapa liberal, el exilio y el giro reaccionario.
En estos escenarios se introducirá el estudio de las nuevas políticas piononinas, tanto de carácter
temporal como en voluntad ecuménica, y se pondrá una mayor atención en la política religiosa
dirigida al Reino de Isabel II.
El tercer y último apartado contendrá los argumentos más profundos de este estudio, o sea,
el papel de Cataluña y de su Iglesia en el panorama político católico español. Después de un primer
tramo en el cual se presentará la situación política nacional y regional, se procederá a realizar el
anunciado estudio sobre las actuaciones directa en el territorio catalán, y en particular en Barcelona.
Con este fin se propondrá un nuevo enfoque sobre los datos mas físicos de la actuación religiosa en
los territorios del Principado para extrapolar unas series de datos numéricos capaces de apoyar, la
idea de origen de un renacimiento católico español con su principal punto de irradiación en
Cataluña. Se concluirá el apartado con un estudio más profundo de la faceta política de unos de los
personajes más importantes – y menos estudiados – del panorama religioso español, Antonio María
Claret. La idea es la de librar la figura del santo de su santidad y poner la atención sobre su carácter
más político, intentando dibujar una nueva imagen de un actor político – ademas que religioso –
capaz de alguna manera de encarnar el papel de agente de Roma en la corte de Isabel II y de cómo
este papel menos conocido del sallentino fue un ejemplo más de las estrategias pontificias en
Cataluña.In this work, the central focus of the study will be the Church in Catalonia, starting with known facts, such as the increase of new religious experiences in the region or the large number of new saints and blesseds that the country produced. This idea will be accompanied by a study on the policies directed by Rome and how they could have influenced Catalan politics, and consequently in the Spanish one, with the idea of verifying if one can speak of a pontifical political project in Catalonia with a view to constitute a new base of influence, both religious and political, capable of modifying the Spanish national balances. The writing will be composed of three macro-areas: the first will focus on the Kingdom of Spain in its most convulsive period, the first half of the 19th century will be narrated and the social conflicts that swept Spain – from the Napoleonic Wars to the Carlist Civil War – paying attention to the behavior of organized religion on this chess board with multiple players, until the reaction of the conservatives and the Church embodied in the Concordat of 1851. In this long historical journey will be inserted a parenthesis on the figure of Jaime Balmes and on his religious and political experience, preserving, whenever possible, the view towards a hypothetical belonging to a pontifical project on Catalan soil. The second area will focus on Rome and the Papal States in the same time frame as the first section. An attempt will be made to describe how liberalism also acted in the Italian states and how this new force led the always conservative papal government to modify its plans. Particular attention will be paid to the figure of Pius IX and above all to his continuities and ruptures with Gregory XVI. From the pontificate of the Mastai-Ferretti will be identified three distinct stages, which for convenience we will identify as the liberal stage, the exile and the reactionary turn. In these scenarios, the study of the new piononine policies, both temporary and in ecumenical will, will be introduced, and greater attention will be paid to the religious policy addressed to the Kingdom of Isabel II. The third and last section will contain the most profound arguments of this study, that is, the role of Catalonia and its Church in the Spanish Catholic political panorama. After a first section in which the national and regional political situation will be presented, the announced study on direct actions in the Catalan territory, and in particular in Barcelona, will be carried out. To this end, a new focus on the most physical data of religious action in the Principality territories will be proposed to extrapolate a series of numerical data capable of supporting the idea of origin of a Spanish Catholic renaissance with its main point of irradiation in Catalonia. The section will conclude with a deeper study of the political facet of some of the most important – and least studied – personalities of the Spanish religious panorama, Antonio María Claret. The idea is to rid the saint's figure of his sanctity and to pay attention to his more political character, trying to draw a new image of a political actor – as well as a religious one – capable in some way of embodying the role of agent of Rome in the court of Isabel II and how this lesser-known role of the Sallentino was one more example of pontifical strategies in Catalonia.
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Calderón, Argelich Alfonso. "La España del siglo XVIII según la historiografía de la revolución liberal." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669393.
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Como punto de partida, la presente investigación se ha planteado responder a la siguiente pregunta: ¿cómo vieron los historiadores del siglo XIX el siglo XVIII español? En esos años de revolución liberal, la historiografía construyó una visión del pasado que había de servir para legitimar el sujeto nacional en construcción. Entre el período de “decadencia del imperio” de los Habsburgo y la “gesta” de la Guerra de Independencia de 1808, quedaba un siglo cuya naturaleza estaba por establecer. Los intelectuales se vieron en la obligación de ajustar la memoria sobre la España borbónica a un relato que fuera coherente con esa identidad nacional.
Nuestro trabajo, por tanto, se plantea principalmente, como una investigación de historia de la historiografía, es decir, como una historia del producto intelectual que busca explicar el funcionamiento y cambio de las sociedades pasadas. La relación entre esta disciplina y sus condicionamientos ideológicos es nuestro interés fundamental. Para ello, hemos elaborado un análisis tanto externo como interno, es decir, tomando en cuenta por un lado el contexto biográfico y político de los autores de estas obras, y por otro, acercándonos sistemáticamente a los diversos temas que les preocuparon del Setecientos.
En el primer capítulo abordamos la historiografía surgida al calor del nuevo sujeto nacional que había sido proclamado de las Cortes de Cádiz. En estas primeras tentativas, el siglo XVIII quedó deliberadamente ocultado y despreciado como consecuencia de la ruptura del orden temporal que implicó la sacudida revolucionaria.
En el segundo capítulo abordamos la pionera obra de William Coxe. Con documentación abundante, este clérigo anglicano elaboraba una interpretación de la España borbónica como un imperio fallido que no supo trabar sus intereses nacionales con los dinásticos. La traducción y reescritura por parte de Andrés Muriel, sacerdote afrancesado exiliado en París, matizó el escepticismo del inglés por una visión que enfatizaba las posibilidades regeneradoras del reformismo dieciochesco.
En el tercer capítulo estudiamos la historiografía de los años de la regencia de María Cristina, bajo los cuales se produjo el complejo proceso de recepción de la historiografía francesa e inglesa. El cuarto capítulo aborda los trabajos producidos bajo el régimen constitucional de 1845 hasta la Revolución de Julio de 1854, durante el cual las visiones oscilaron entre el pesimismo y el optimismo ante la España ilustrada.
El quinto capítulo aborda la aportación de Antonio Ferrer del Río, autor de una entusiasta Historia del reinado de Carlos III que optó decididamente por rehabilitar la imagen de esta época como un período de regeneración ejemplar. El sexto capítulo se centra en la Historia eclesiástica de Vicente de la Fuente, que reformuló una visión contrarrevolucionaria y reaccionaria, escéptica con los efectos de la secularización.
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El séptimo capítulo se centra en la síntesis conciliadora de Modesto Lafuente, quien desde 1850 venía desarrollando una auténtica historia nacional de espíritu conciliador. Los dos últimos capítulos abordan las diversas impugnaciones que el enfoque de Lafuente recibió desde los sectores más reaccionarios y conservadores, por un lado, y desde los progresistas anti-dinásticos y republicanos por otro.
Si bien se dio una lenta rehabilitación de la imagen historiográfica de las relaciones entre dinastía y nación, esta dependió de los vaivenes políticos al ser una historiografía todavía débilmente institucionalizada y dependiente de iniciativas políticas. La imagen del siglo XVIII, por tanto, quedó estrechamente ligada a las expectativas que para la cultura política del liberalismo moderado despertaba el reformismo gradualista conducido por los Borbones.The research question that orientates this research has been: What vision of the 18th century did the historians of the 19th century have? During the liberal revolution years, historiography elaborated a vision of the past that served for legitimizing the national-buiding process. Between the period of “decline” under the Habsburgs and the “epic” uprising of the Peninsular War, there was a century whose nature was yet to be established. Spanish intellectuals had to adjust the remembrance of Bourbon Spain to a coherent account with the new national identity. Our research is framed as a history of historiography, meaning a historical study of the intellectual product that seeks to explain the operation and change of past societies. The relationship between this discipline and its ideological conditioning is our main interest. In order to do so, we combine an external and internal analysis. On the one hand, we address the biographical and political context of the writer. On the hand, we analyse systematically their treatment of the issues related to 18th century Spain. In the first chapter we discuss the historiography that emerged in the heat of the Cádiz Constitution proclamation of a new constitutional subject. In these first attempts, the 18th century was deliberately hidden and despised because of the rupture of the break of temporal order carried by the revolutionary turbulences. In the second chapter we discuss the pioneering work of William Coxe. With abundant sources, this Anglican clergyman elaborated an interpretation of Bourbon Spain as a failed empire that did not bend its dynastic and national interests. The translation and rewriting of Coxe’s book by Andrés Muriel, a French- speaking priest exiled in Paris, made him emphasize the regenerative possibilities of 18th reformism . In the third chapter we study the historical writing under the regency of María Cristina. We examine the complex reception process of French and English historiographical trends. The fourth chapter deals with the works produced from the start of the 1845 constitutional regime of 1845 until the Revolution of 1854. During this period visions continued to oscillate between pessimism and optimist appraisals. The fifth chapter deals with the contribution of Antonio Ferrer del Río, author of an enthusiastic History of the reign of Charles III, that rehabilitated the image of this era as a period of exemplary regeneration. The sixth chapter focuses on the ecclesiastical history of Vicente de la Fuente, who reformulated a counterrevolutionary and reactionary vision, rejecting of the effects of secularization. The seventh chapter focuses on the conciliatory synthesis of Modesto Lafuente, who since had been developing a true national history of a conciliatory spirit since the 1850’s. The last two chapters address the various challenges that Lafuente's approach received on the 8 one hand from the most reactionary and conservative sectors, and from anti-dynastic and Republican progressives on the other hand. Although there was a slow rehabilitation of the historiographic image of the relations between dynasty and nation in the 18th century, this was dependent on the political ups and downs. Historical writing was still very weakly institutionalized and reliant on on political initiatives. The image of the enlightened Spain, therefore, was closely linked to the expectations that moderate liberalism had for the gradualist reformism led by the Bourbon dynasty.
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Planes, i. Ball Josep Albert. "Advocats, levites i insurgents. Societat, política i revolució al Pirineu Lleidatà. El cas de La Seu d’Urgell (1808-1875)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671293.
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La Seu d'Urgell és una població que s'inclou en una determinada formació social, Catalunya, els grups dirigents de la qual no tenen un Estat propi, ja que el Principat només era una regió perifèrica on el liberalisme havia impulsat un procés, no reeixit, de nacionalització espanyola. A més, la ciutat urgel·litana formava part d'allò que hom ha anomenat tradicionalment com la "Catalunya pobra", de base aclaparadorament agrària i ramadera, aliena als gran canvis derivats de la industrialització general del país durant bona part del segle XIX. Finalment, com a capital comarcal, la Seu d'Urgell és també representativa d'una determinada Catalunya, la pirinenca, que presencià un notable arrelament del liberalisme de matriu progressista. Aquest fet configurà una singular tradició política, amb un comportament electoral específic que es traduí en una oposició al cunerisme governamental. Això desmenteix, doncs, els tòpics, fins i tot prejudicis, que s'han bastit entorn de la ciutat, presentada sovint com una imatge de les forces conservadores, àdhuc de la reacció ultramontana.
La trajectòria històrica de la Seu d'Urgell permet descobrir alhora un sentiment i una particular interpretació de l'ideari liberal, tot això construït sobre dos pilars bàsics: per un costat, la demanda d'una major autonomia municipal per tal d'encarar els problemes quotidians, un fet força visible, per exemple, durant les conjuntures revolucionàries; d'altre, l'elaboració d'un discurs reivindicatiu, àmpliament compartit per la població, que tenia com a fita la defensa d'una major vertebració i equitat territorial en consonància amb el progrés material que semblava anunciar el desenvolupament capitalista. Aquest discurs, en certa forma, prengué una renovada embranzida quan la Seu d'Urgell fou proposada com a capital d'una hipotètica cinquena província catalana poc després de finalitzada la Primera Guerra Carlista (1833-1840), un reconeixement que hauria de contribuir a superar la marginació de les terres urgel·litanes.
En certa forma, l'aposta per l'opció liberal comença a perfilar-se durant la Guerra del Francès (1808-1814), un fet que, malgrat la seva cruesa, va permetre el desvetllament d'unes energies ciutadanes en el moment que la ciutat s'erigí en un focus important de la resistència antinapoleònica en acollir la Junta corregimental. Durant el regnat de Ferran VII (1814-1833), assistim a l'eclosió del nucli liberal local, liderat pel bloc dels lletrats, que, com a homes d'ordre i experts en lleis, tenien responsabilitats municipals i actuaven com a intermediaris d'un Estat que era vist com una realitat llunyana, recaptatòria i repressiva. Paral·lelament, cal destacar el paper de l'Església, sobretot amb el bisbe Josep Caixal i Estradé, impulsor d'una modernitat des de l'antiliberalisme que tingué com a fites la llei de la Nova Reforma de la veïna Andorra i la construcció del nou Seminari conciliar.Los principales retos para abordar un estudio como el presente se encuadran en dos niveles complementarios de análisis. Por un lado, la Seu d'Urgell es una población que se incluye en una determinada formación social, Cataluña, cuyos grupos dominantes carecen de un Estado propio, ya que el Principado era solamente una región periférica, un país sucursal de España, donde el liberalismo había iniciado un proceso de nacionalización española que se reveló débil. Además, la ciudad forma parte de las denominadas ""terres de Ponent"", el área leridana por excelencia, que define a grandes rasgos lo que tradicionalmente se ha llamado la ""Catalunya pobra"", de base eminentemente agraria y ganadera y, por lo tanto, ajena a las grandes transformaciones experimentadas por el proceso de la industrialización del país. Por otro lado, como capital comarcal del Alto Urgel, la ciudad también es representativa de una determinada Cataluña, la Cataluña pirenaica, que apenas ha merecido la atención adecuada por parte de la moderna historiografía catalana, la cual presenció un notable arraigo de las opciones políticas progresistas que desmienten el pretendido conservadurismo de la montaña catalana. Así pues, detrás de la complejidad de contenidos que encierra la implantación del liberalismo en Cataluña, el caso aquí estudiado pretende aportar algo más de luz y contribuir al conocimiento de un determinado modelo o significado en la organización política y social a la zona pirenaica. Al mismo tiempo, hemos sido conscientes de la pervivencia de algunos tópicos que han situado propiamente el conocimiento histórico de la Seu d'Urgell en una especie de nebulosidad. Tales tópicos son producto de determinados prejuicios aparecidos en el mismo momento que la Seu d'Urgell se ha visto asociada a una imagen levítica y ultramontana, sobre todo a partir del episodio de la Regencia de Urgel (1822) o de la personalidad del obispo José Caixal Estradé, paradigma de la nueva Cruzada antilberal que asumió sin complejos una parte destacada del clero español y catalán durante el largo pontificado de Pío IX. Los hechos estudiados ponen de manifiesto que el grupo dirigente de la ciudad, liderado por los letrados, apostó por la opción liberal durante la Guerra de la Independencia, cuando la Seu d'Urgell se convirtió en capital corregimental para el bando ""patriota"" en sustitución de la villa de Puigcerdá. Este hecho contribuyó a despertar unas energías ciudadanas que se tradujeron, más adelante, en unas reivindicaciones de mayor autonomia municipal, el anhelo para convertirse en capital de una hipotética quinta provincia catalana y en un comportamiento electoral que abrazó las opciones progresistas (Salvador Maluquer, Josep Ignasi de Llorens) frente a las intromisiones del cunerismo oficial. En el fondo esto encontramos un discurso de ""cambio"" sobre la base de una mayor equidad o vertebración territorial, compatible con el progreso material que parecía inaugurar el desarrollo capitalista.
La Seu d'Urgell is a population that is included in a certain social formation, Catalonia, whose leading groups lack their own State, since the Principality is only a peripherial region where liberalism had promoted a very limited process of nationalization. In addition, the city was part of the ""poor Catalonia"", predominantly agrarian and livestock-based, where the radical changes of industrialization went rather unnoticed for much of the 19th century. Finally, as a regional capital, la Seu d'Urgell is also representative city of a certain Catalonia, the Pyrenees, which witnessed a notable roots of liberalism with a progressive matrix. This fact determined a singular political tradition, with a specific electoral behavoir, opposed to governmental cunerismo. All this denies, then, the clichés, and even the prejudices, that created a conservative image of the population, even favorable to Carlism. The historical trajectory of the Seu d'Urgell allows us to discover a feeling and a particular interpretation of the liberal ideology on two basic pillars: the demand for greater municipal autonomy and the elaboration of a protest speech in defense of a greater territorial structure and equity. In a way, the commitmend to the liberal option began to be seen during the War of Independence (1808-1814), which allowed the awakening of citizen energies when the city became an active focus anti-Napoleonic resistance, as opposed to Puigcerdà, the old corregimental capital. During the reign of Fernando VII (1814-1833) we witnessed a true emergence of the urban liberal nucleus, headed by a mesocracy led by lawyers. The role of the latter, as men of order, acquires a special role due to the absence of the State with in relation to issue concerning the public interest. On the other hand, we must mention the role of the Church led by Bishop Josep Caixal Estradé, promoting another way of understanding modernity, either by promoting the political reform of neighboring Andorra, or by building a large Council seminary.
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MacLean, Jayson R. "Liberalism and the virtues." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/29360.
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This thesis argues for a new understanding of liberal morality and its relationship to liberal justice. Traditionally, theorists of liberal democracy have relegated the liberal virtues---traits such as tolerance, reasonableness, and fairness---to a secondary role within the theory and practice of liberal justice. Their reasoning for this is clear: the virtues prescribe a vision of the good life, while the aim of the liberal approach to statecraft is to limit government authority over citizens' conceptions of the good. Thus, to give the liberal virtues primacy of place within the theory of justice---and, specifically, within the justification for this theory---would stand in contravention of this basic liberal tenet. The argument of this thesis is that liberal theorists have misrepresented the virtues and that this has caused the neglect of the foundational role which the ideal of civic virtue plays within both the theory and practice of liberal democracy.
This argument is advanced through an explication of the theories put forward by contemporary liberal theorists who focus on the import of liberal virtue. Their approaches to virtue are shown to consistently rest on a justification of liberal virtue as an instrumental good for the liberal polity. The claim of this thesis, however, is that the virtues are rightly justified as intrinsic liberal goods. This claim is supported through appeal to insights produced in another branch of philosophy, virtue theory. Similar to their predicament within the political theory of the modern era, the virtues have been downplayed in the field of ethics as well, and only within the past few decades have philosophers begun to reinvestigate the virtues for their distinctive strengths and weaknesses. This thesis argues that the fruits of these investigations prove relevant to liberal theory in that they not only help make a case for the appropriateness of the declaration that the liberal virtues are, in fact, intrinsic goods but also they point to a new approach to liberal morality and, hence, to a new dialogue on the issues of liberal citizenship and liberal civic education.
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Broadhurst, James Stephen. "Liberalism and technological agnosticism." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1995. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq21670.pdf.
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Cohen, Joshua. ""A More Democratic Liberalism"." Michigan Law Review, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/5450.
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Wall, Steven P. "Liberalism, perfectionism and restraint." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339063.
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Trifiro, Fabrizio. "Anti-foundationalism and liberalism." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.405898.
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Greenlee, Graham. "Ulster liberalism 1885-1914." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339287.
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Jones, Clinton W. "Rawls, Liberalism, and Leisure." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32206.
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There is a tension within liberalism between the ideal of equality on the one hand and the respect for freedom (in the form of non-interference) on the other. I shall try to show that in liberalism?s efforts to simultaneously realize its goals of freedom and equality it must ultimately settle for less than the ideal of each. Since Rawls? theory of justice is a liberal one, it suffers from this tension as well. However Rawls? theory has also been accused of forcing some members of society to subsidizing the choices of others. I shall argue that one of the more recent attempts to defend his theory, by Walter Schaller, against such accusations, falls short of its goals. I shall also argue that Rawls? suggestion, in Political Liberalism, that a principle guaranteeing a social minimum ?may easily precede? the principle guaranteeing the basic liberties, should be rejected because it does not provide adequate protection of the basic liberties, especially freedom of the person.Master of Arts
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Fowler, Timothy M. "Liberalism, pluralism and education." Thesis, University of York, 2010. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1125/.
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The thesis is an investigation into the proper way a liberal education system should respond to the diversity of opinions that are held in modern societies. The work primarily engages with the philosophy of John Rawls as laid out in his book Political Liberalism. The first section of the thesis defends Rawls' account from its most prominent critics. In particular, I defend Rawls’ response to pluralism. Following this, I analyse the application of political liberalism to education. This reveals a serious problem with Rawls' account: while Rawls responds fairly to pluralism in the case of adults, his model fails to consider the implications of education for children themselves. I develop this objection into an internal problem for Rawls’ theory by showing that children must be counted as full members of the community, which means they cannot be ignored when considering issues of legitimacy. I show that political liberalism, as defended by Rawls, is blind to the effects of different schemes of education on the welfare of children. In light of this, I show that children could reasonably reject Rawls' account; a conclusion which renders Rawls’ model illegitimate. The thesis thus shows that political liberalism fails to deal adequately with the case of education. Further, this case study reveals internal problems with the theory that go beyond the particular example of education. After highlighting this problem, I propose a modification to Rawls' account which can both better respond to the case of education and remain faithful to the core goals of political liberalism. My account is less deferential to parents' wishes than is Rawls’ model, but it does not depend on one contested view of the good life.
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Scalet, Steven Paul. "Justice, liberalism, and responsibility." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/288997.
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This dissertation addresses the importance of conceptions of responsibility for contemporary theories of justice. I criticize recent defenses of liberalism which try to proceed without conceptions of responsibility. I argue that a conception of neutrality does not provide adequate support for defending a liberal theory of justice. I defend this claim by examining Brian Barry's recent defense of neutrality liberalism. His idea of neutrality reduces to an indefensible skeptical argument about conceptions of the good. I next examine John Rawls's account of political liberalism. I argue that his approach fails to appropriately address the persons and traditions that would be sacrificed within a Rawlsian liberal order. Rawls's notion of reasonableness and his argument from the burdens of judgment are insufficient bases to develop a liberal theory of justice. I then examine the idea of equality and its relationship with responsibility. Egalitarians describe the ideal of equality as the most fundamental notion for a theory of justice. They also interpret other traditions--such as the contractarian approaches of Barry and Rawls--in terms of this commitment to moral equality. Through a discussion of Ronald Dworkin's liberal egalitarianism, I argue that any plausible interpretation of moral equality must rely on an account of personal responsibility. Claims about responsibility, I argue, must be at the core of any theory of theory of justice. In the last chapter, I consider what a theory of justice should be about. I argue that the common assumption that justice is about devising principles to regulate institutions distorts how we should organize concerns of justice. Justice is about people treating each other with the respect and dignity that they are due. Problems about institutional design must be responsive to an account of individual responsibilities of justice, rather than the contemporary liberal approach of devising institutional principles prior to and with regulative primacy.
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SAUER, VICENTE ANTONIO RODRIGUES. "GOVERNMENTALITY, LIBERALISM AND URBAN POLICIES: ORGANIZING THE URBAN SPACE IN DIFFERENT ARTICULATIONS OF LIBERALISM." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2013. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=25040@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Partindo da perspectiva dos estudos sobre governamentalidade iniciados por Michel Foucault, o presente trabalho analisa políticas urbanas nacionais e internacionais. São estudados o Programa de Pacificação de favelas do Governo do Estado do Rio de Janeiro e as políticas urbanas emuladas pela UN-HABITAT com o objetivo de identificar de que maneira se pensa o espaço urbano e os sujeitos políticos na contemporaneidade. Diferentes racionalidades liberais de governo são discutidas com o intuito de identificar rearticulações na forma através do qual se ordena o espaço urbano. O argumento é que o problema do governo, que no liberalismo clássico era conformado a partir de uma perspectiva moral ou normativa vai, em alguma medida, se rearticular em torno de uma perspectiva racional/econômica ou normalizada, típica do neoliberalismo. Em outras palavras, a forma através da qual se pensam sujeitos governantes e governados, em certa medida, se torna menos centrada em uma discussão a respeito de sujeitos morais e mais em torno de sujeitos racionais/econômicos.
Supported by the governmentality studies perspective initiated by Michel Foucault, this dissertation analyses national and international urban policies. The favelas Pacification Program of Rio de Janeiro s government and UN-HABITAT urban policies are the main objects of study. The objective is to identify how the urban space and political subjects are constituted as targets of intervention in contemporaneity. Liberal rationalities of government are discussed with the intent of identifying rearticulations in the way through which the urban space is organized. The argument is that the problem of government in classical liberalism was shaped by a moral or normative perspective. This perspective isrearticulated into a more normalized rational/economic rationality. In other words, the way through which political subjects are thought and acted upon is becoming less centered in moral subjects and more centered in a discussion about rational/economic individuals.
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Björk, Robin. "EU:s Handelspolicy : Liberalism eller Merkantilism?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-39448.
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Uppsatsen syfte är att ta reda på ifall den Europeiska Unionens (EU) handelspolicy för den interna respektive den externa marknaden följer den liberala retoriken som förs av unionen. Det är en komparativ fallstudie som använder sig av idealtyper för att ge en nyanserad bild av unionens handelspolicy. Det teoretiska ramverket som används för att framställa dessa idealtyper är merkantilism samt liberalism. Idealtyperna appliceras sedan på de två fallen. Fokus för studien ligger på tiden mellan Lissabonfördraget och 2012 innan den senaste utvidgningen till 28 medlemsstater ägde rum. I analysen kan man se delar av båda teorierna i varierande grad. Avslutningsvis diskuteras i vilken grad de båda teorierna influerar EU:s handelspolicy för den inre samt yttre marknaden. I resultatet kan man se att liberalismen genomsyrar stora delar av EU:s handelspolicy, men att det finns merkantilistiska undertoner i ett flertal olika områden.The aim with this thesis is to find out whether the European Union (EU) trade policy for the internal and the external market comply with the liberal rhetoric that is conducted by the Union. It is a comparative case study based on ideal types to give the reader a nuanced view of EU:s trade policy. The theoretical framework that is being used to produce the ideal types is mercantilism and liberalism. Consequently, the ideal types are being applied on the two cases. The focus of the study is the time between the Lisbon Treaty and 2012, before the recent enlargement to 28 member states took place. In the analysis, one can see portions of both theories in varying degrees. Finally, the extent of how liberalism and mercantilism influences EU:s trade policy for the internal and the external market is being discussed. The result of the thesis show that liberalism influence most parts of the trade policy, but there are also some mercantilist undertones in several areas.
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Wilkinson, T. M. "Liberalism, socialism and occupational choice." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334836.
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Field, Sandra Leonie Philosophy UNSW. "Political liberalism and political change." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Philosophy, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/24365.
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Michel Foucault???s and John Rawls??? respective contributions to political philosophy appear to have little in common. Foucault gives an insistently descriptive account of the reality of the political domain; Rawls focusses on normative questions of how it ideally might be. To the extent that the two thinkers are juxtaposed, such juxtaposition is generally used to highlight their differences. Foucault???s arguments are characteristically taken to show Rawls??? preoccupation with consensus and legitimacy to be politically problematic. This thesis pursues the suspicion that there is more positive ground for comparison between Rawls and Foucault than this prima facie assessment would allow. I claim that there are substantive and deep-seated congruences between Rawlsian and Foucaultian conceptual apparatuses. However, to vindicate this claim I take an indirect route. I start within the debates around Rawls??? later work. In this way I motivate a certain reading of this work which is justified in its own right, rather than being justified by the desire to force Rawls into Foucaultian categories. Having established this reading of Rawls with reference to immanent Rawlsian criteria, I develop the striking parallels which obtain between Rawls??? and Foucault???s historical conceptions of political normativity. In light of this commonality, it becomes possible to understand their respective practice as intellectuals in terms of a shared strategy to privilege democracy over truth.
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Wahlstrom, Andrew Kenneth. "Liberalism, perfectionism, and religious communities." view abstract or download file of text, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3018399.
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Bacon, Paul. "Liberalism, community and international relations." Thesis, University of Kent, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298098.
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Graham, Brian Russell. "The liberalism of Northrop Frye." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.444383.
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Salami, Kolawole. "The coherence of political liberalism." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.387389.
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Tufan, Ege. "A theory of dystopian liberalism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b732e4f1-1f0d-4d3c-8335-8529bc6b6d68.
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This dissertation aspires to revive the dystopian liberalism which identifies the avoidance of the worst as the fundamental aim of politics. The theory I present consists of three elements overall: The first element is what I call the Priority Claim, stating that the most important aim of social institutions should, morally speaking, be to avoid cruelty qua worst evil (Part I). The second element is the identification of the informal structure, the set of social norms within a population, as an important site to realize this ideal (Part II). The third element is the application of the principle that cruelty be avoided to the in-formal structure (Part III). This leads to an account of desirable social norms and in turn to a concrete answer to the question how individuals can in their everyday lives do their part to create a world that is overall less cruel and more humane.
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Goncalves, Eduardo. "The Need for Comprehensive Liberalism." Thesis, Boston College, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107665.
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Thesis advisor: Stephen HudsonThere has been a growing consensus within political philosophy that liberalism is the most rational form of political organization. The arguments in favor of liberalism are theoretical and also based on historical observations. The view of liberalism as a moral conception of the good life, however, seems to betray its original historical purpose, namely, to provide a peaceful political forum despite competing comprehensive doctrines. How can liberalism be a thick moral conviction of its own if it was meant to temper such zero-sum convictions? To pose this question more concretely: If historic wars between strong religious convictions were tempered by provisional liberal ceasefires, could we accept the evolution of liberalism into a strong conviction of its own? This paradoxical development of liberalism in history runs parallel with contemporary philosophical debates. Whether the most proper conception of liberalism is comprehensive, and whether it is legitimized upon such comprehensiveness are both hotly debated. Exploring these historical and philosophical avenues uncover what I think is a need for a conception of comprehensive liberalism. It is beyond my scope here to formulate a new conception of liberalism that decisively settles the debate. I do, however, point to reasons why comprehensive liberalism should be the focus of contemporary efforts. First, I find that history shows a trend of liberalism growing into a positive doctrine of its own. Second, I invoke two famous traditional conceptions, one successful and one failed, which fuel our baseline intuitions of liberalism with comprehensive, not political justifications. Finally, I show that while contemporary philosophy surrounding liberalism developed a political conception, it cannot avoid slipping towards comprehensiveness. Taken together, my argument is that any enforceable and useful theory of liberalism must be grounded on thick and comprehensive philosophical premises
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2017
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Philosophy
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Eide, Stephen D. "Locke, Tocqueville, Liberalism, and Restlessness." Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1396.
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Thesis advisor: Robert K. FaulknerWhy are men in modern societies so busy and anxious? Modern, liberal democratic society is distinguished both by the unprecedented strength and prosperity it has achieved, as well as its remarkable number of psychologists per capita. Why is this? This dissertation explores the connection between restlessness and modernity by way of an examination of the themes of liberalism and restlessness in the thought of Locke and Tocqueville. "Restlessness" refers to a way of life characterized by three features: limitless desires, mildness, and an orientation towards material goods. Tocqueville argues in Democracy in America that democracy, by way of individualism, makes men materialistic and restless (inquiét), or restlessly materialistic. The intense, limitless pursuit of material well-being is a historical phenomenon, one of the many results of the centuries-long development of equality of conditions. Modern democrats are restless; pre-modern aristocrats were not. Tocqueville is ambivalent about restlessness. According to him, the incessant, energetic movement of American life conceals an underlying absurdity and mediocrity. Many of what Tocqueville views as the more undesirable qualities of democratic American life are associated with restlessness, but any solution is likely to be worse than the problem. It could be worse: we must tolerate restlessness if we want to remain free. "All free peoples are grave." Locke by contrast could be described as a partisan of restlessness. The anxious understand the world better than the complacent or vegetative. There are two dimensions to Locke's teaching on restlessness, an "is" (found in Essay concerning Human Understanding Book II Chapter 21) and an "ought" (found in "Of Property," Chapter Five of the Second Treatise). Our desires are naturally limitless-this we can only understand, we cannot change it. But if we know what's good for us, we will orient ourselves towards a milder and more materialistic way of life. We master restlessness by becoming more restless, or restless in a more enlightened way. Locke's teaching on restlessness in the fullest sense is partly his account of necessity, and partly his recommended response to necessity. This difference in their views on restlessness points to certain important differences in their liberalisms. Tocqueville's liberalism is more pessimistic than Locke's: some fundamental problems have no solutions, and some of the highest goods cannot be reconciled with one another. Lockean liberalism is more confident about its ability to find solutions to the fundamental problems of political life, and there is no problem of the harmony of the goods for Locke
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2010
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Podschwadek, Frodo. "Rawlsian liberalism and public education." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/30612/.
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This thesis aims at giving a plausible account of education from the perspective of John Rawls’ theory of political liberalism. Despite the fact that an immense amount of literature has been written on both Rawls’ work in general and political liberal theory in particular, this still seems to be a worthwhile task, for two reasons. The first reason is that the current discussion of liberal neutrality in the philosophy of education frequently engages with Rawlsian liberalism, despite the actual lack of an adequately refined Rawlsian account of liberal education. The second reason is that political liberal theory itself leans more toward the side of ideal political theory, provoking the question whether it has any application value for real politics. A sufficiently developed account of political liberal education would demonstrate that practical guidelines can indeed be generated from political liberal principles. After providing a comprehensive overview over the few explicit claims about education Rawls made himself, and over the parts of his theory indicating further educational requirements for citizens of a liberal society, the thesis splits into two parts. The first part analyses the relation between core concepts of political liberalism (political virtues, autonomy, and rights) and education. Next to engaging with objections against neutrality-based restrictions in the context of education, this part also highlights the shortcomings of political liberalism when faced with the concrete requirements of education and proposes suitable revisions. The second part of the thesis picks out a number of concrete topics of education that are discussed in contemporary liberal theory. It analyses the questions to what extent religious beliefs entitle parents to determine the education of their children, to what degree same-sex relations should be part of a liberal sex-education curriculum, and what challenges migration might pose for political liberal education. For each case, the account of political liberal education presented here can provide guidelines based on the insights gained in the first part of this thesis. Together, the mainly theoretical first and the more practical second part shape the outlines for a political liberal account of education which, albeit sketchy, provides a useful contribution to the current debates about liberalism and education in a way which has not been done in the literature on political liberalism so far.
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Nussbaum, Martha C. "The Future of Feminist Liberalism." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú - Departamento de Humanidades, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113101.
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Feminists have sometimes argued that philosophical theories of justice deriving from the liberal tradition cannot deal adequately with the concerns of women. I argue that in many ways this contention is mistaken: the best liberal theories of justice provide a very strong basis for thinking about what respect for human dignity requires. There are, however, two areas pertinent to sex equality in which even the strongest liberal theories have grave difficulty. First is the area of need and dependency. All theories of justice and morality deriving from the European social contract tradition fail to build into the basic social structure concern for care in times of asymmetrical dependency. The second problem I investigate is the problem of just distribution within the family. Focusing on the theory of John Rawls, I argue that his liberal commitment to seeing the family as a sphere of protected personal choice is in tension with his admission that the family is part of the basic structure of society. Moreover, the family does not exist by nature: it is always a construct of state action. The state should therefore make sure that this constructing is done well, compatibly with justice for women and children.Los feministas han sostenido algunas veces que las teorías filosóficas de la justicia que provienen de la tradición liberal no pueden tratar adecuadamente las preocupaciones de las mujeres. Yo sostengo que de muchas maneras este argumento está errado: las mejores teorías liberales de la justicia proporcionan una base muy fuerte para pensar acerca de lo que requiere el respeto por la dignidad humana. Sin embargo, hay dos áreas pertinentes a la igualdad sexual en las cuales incluso las teorías liberales más fuertes hallan graves dificultades. La primera es el área de la necesidad y la dependencia. Ninguna de las teorías de la justicia y la moralidad que provienen de la tradición europea del contrato social logra introducir en la estructura social básica la preocupación por el cuidado en tiempos de dependencia asimétrica. El segundo problema que investigo es aquél de la distribución justa al interior de la familia. Centrándome en la teoría de John Rawls, sostengo que suc ompromiso liberal de ver a la familia como una esfera de elección personal protegida se halla en tensión con su afirmación de que la familia es parte de la estructura básica de la sociedad. Asimismo, la familia no existe por naturaleza, es siempre algo construido por la acción estatal. El Estado debería, por ende, asegurar que esta construcción se haga bien, de modo compatible con la justicia para mujeres y niños.
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Redfearn, Dean Alexander. "Political liberalism, justice, and children." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/political-liberalism-justice-and-children(5289338d-3b95-4686-ac90-cc97ae4bad76).html.
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The goal of the thesis is to articulate and defend a political liberal conception of justice that provides plausible and determinate principles for the formulation and regulation of the institutions associated with children and their upbringing. It thereby offers a reply to those that are sceptical of the prospects for a compelling political liberal conception of justice that can be applied to children’s upbringings. I begin by expounding an understanding of the political liberal approach that offers an immediate reply to a set of those objections that rest on mistaken understandings of the constraints political liberal approaches put on the derivation of principles of justice for children. The mistake is the failure to recognise that political liberalism is based on a substantive ideal of the citizen and of society, an ideal that is the basis for demanding certain outcomes and procedures of children’s upbringings, regardless of what parents or certain cultural or religious groups think about those demands. I then detail a political liberal conception of justice based on this substantive ideal: Rawls’s Justice as Fairness. I articulate and defend some interpretative and substantive differences from standard understandings of the general conception. I defend a political conception of autonomy as self-authorization utilizing recent work on conceptions of relational autonomy. I also argue that the principle of fair equality of opportunity ought to be jettisoned from the two principles of Justice as Fairness and replaced with a principle that secures certain relational conditions supportive of political autonomy as I expound it. I then turn to applying that conception to the specific issues raised by children’s upbringings. I show that the conception’s application to children’s upbringings elicits plausible, coherent, and determinate conclusions with respect to the key issues raised by the upbringing of children. I show that the conception elicits plausible and coherent understandings of the interests that ought to be furthered on children’s behalf, of how children’s development over time alters how they ought to be treated, and what makes a child a child and then an adult. I address three key issues to elucidate the conception: the need for children to be brought up to be autonomous, the need for children to have the opportunity to experience the intrinsic goods of childhood, and the need for children to have an equal and socially inclusive education. I show that my conception elicits plausible and coherent outcomes with respect to all three issues, and demonstrate this through comparisons to other liberal conceptions of upbringing. I then offer an account of the distribution of child-rearing rights and obligations. I reject the popular set of conceptions of child-rearing obligations that connect responsibility for the child’s existence with responsibility for the costs of upbringings. I deny these conceptions offer a plausible account of responsibility and its relationship to the distribution of child-rearing obligations. I offer an alternative account based on the notion that the distribution of child-rearing rights and obligations ought to be arranged to the greatest benefit of the least-advantaged, where this is consistent with the prior principles of Justice as Fairness. This elicits institutional schemes that plausibly and coherently fulfil the demands of children’s upbringings and satisfies the reasonable claims of adults that have interests in acquiring (and not acquiring) child-rearing rights and obligations.
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Wellman, Christopher Heath. "Liberalism, self-determination, and secession." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186640.
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This dissertation provides a systematic analysis of when an individual or group has a right to secede that is grounded in self-determination. Since the primary question in a secessionist conflict concerns the territory being contested, any analysis of the right to secede must provide an account of what grounds the existing state's claim to political jurisdiction over its territory. With this in mind, I examine consent and teleological justifications for the state and find both inadequate. The consent account posits that a political state is justified just in case it has the consent of its citizens. I reject the consent approach for its unacceptable implication that unlimited secession is permissible from all existing states. I then suggest that our disinclination to allow unlimited secession is instructive since it indicates not only that we believe a consentual justification is morally unnecessary, but also that a state is justified in virtue of the peace it secures and the rights it protects. This teleological justification ultimately proves inadequate as well, however, because it both restricts secessionist movements that seem permissible and allows coercive annexations that appear clearly unjustified. As an alternative to these extremes, I propose a hybrid model of political legitimacy. According to my theory, while individuals and small groups may not secede, a larger group may, provided it is of sufficient size to satisfactorily perform the functions that are necessary for a state to ground its claim to territory. Thus I conclude a political state should limit political liberty in a manner analogous to the way it legitimately limits the liberty to drive a car. Specifically, since many people would be harmed if there were no legal restrictions on who could drive, states institute age and health requirements limiting who may drive. Citizens not eliminated by these standards must also demonstrate a minimum threshold of competence by passing tests. In similar fashion, a state may initially restrict the right to secede to groups of a specific size, and then further require that interested parties demonstrate their ability and willingness to govern in a stable, efficient, and liberal manner.
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Ruthjersen, Anne Linda. "Neo-liberalism and health care." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2007. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16638/1/Anne_Linda_Ruthjersen_Thesis.pdf.
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Neo-liberal political-economic ideology, theory and practice have had an immense influence on public and private life across the world, including the delivery of health care, and neo-liberalism has become the dominant economic paradigm. Market practices, business management theories and practices, and private enterprise have become increasingly significant in health care, as the welfare state and public health services have been challenged by factors such as rising costs, economic efficiency, globalisation and increasing competitive demands. The question of how, and to what extent, neo-liberalism has influenced contemporary health care is, however, deserving of more critical attention.
This thesis examines the neo-liberal approach to, and effect on, contemporary health care, in the context of Western developed countries, and offers a conceptual analysis of the theoretical and ideological framework of neo-liberalism, especially regarding its ethical and moral underpinnings. Additionally, this thesis is concerned with the moral nature of health care.
The objectives of this thesis are to articulate and analyse the neo-liberal interpretive framework, moral values and language; and to articulate and analyse the neo-liberal approach to, and effect on, contemporary health care. Thus, it is the intention that this thesis will provide a framework for reflection on the context of contemporary health care in Western developed countries and the influence of neo-liberalism. To achieve these objectives, the research strategy of this thesis is that of philosophical inquiry, additionally drawing on political philosophy; and the research is, therefore, basic, theoretical research.
This thesis finds that neo-liberalism, and the neo-liberal approach to health care, is a highly complex theory and ideology, constituted of several intricate concepts and moral underpinnings.
It is found that the neo-liberal approach affects the nature and purpose of health care, for example by making health care part of the free, competitive market, by commodifying health care, and by replacing the notions of the common good, social justice and public health care with an emphasis on the rational, self-interested consumer, individual responsibility and self-sufficiency. Another essential aspect of the neo-liberal approach is that it emphasises the ability to pay (user-pays system), rather than health care need, as the dominant determinant in health care.
Furthermore, this thesis finds that the neo-liberal ideology excludes the ontological complexity and reality of the human condition, and in health care this has consequences in relation to, for example, interdependency, interrelationships, vulnerability and need.
In essence, this thesis finds that there are several pragmatic and moral problems with applying a neo-liberal approach to health care, and that the complexities, irregularities, and unpredictability of health care make a neo-liberal approach difficult to realise in health care. The neo-liberal approach undermines the moral purposes of health care, and it is concluded that the neo-liberal approach offers no well-founded moral alternative to the universalistic, solidarity based approach common in most Western developed countries (except in the United States).
This thesis seeks to add to the knowledge and literature concerning neo-liberalism, especially as regards its moral underpinnings and normative framework, and, furthermore, concerning the neo-liberal approach to, and effect on, contemporary health care in Western developed countries. Additionally, this thesis seeks to contribute to the knowledge of philosophical inquiry by documenting the method of 'doing' philosophical inquiry. Based on the research in this thesis, it is clear that there is a need for more empirical research into the pragmatic consequences of applying neo-liberal policies and practices to health care, and the analysis in this thesis could favorably serve as a basis for empirical inquiry.
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Ruthjersen, Anne Linda. "Neo-liberalism and health care." Queensland University of Technology, 2007. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16638/.
Full textAbstract:
Neo-liberal political-economic ideology, theory and practice have had an immense influence on public and private life across the world, including the delivery of health care, and neo-liberalism has become the dominant economic paradigm. Market practices, business management theories and practices, and private enterprise have become increasingly significant in health care, as the welfare state and public health services have been challenged by factors such as rising costs, economic efficiency, globalisation and increasing competitive demands. The question of how, and to what extent, neo-liberalism has influenced contemporary health care is, however, deserving of more critical attention. This thesis examines the neo-liberal approach to, and effect on, contemporary health care, in the context of Western developed countries, and offers a conceptual analysis of the theoretical and ideological framework of neo-liberalism, especially regarding its ethical and moral underpinnings. Additionally, this thesis is concerned with the moral nature of health care. The objectives of this thesis are to articulate and analyse the neo-liberal interpretive framework, moral values and language; and to articulate and analyse the neo-liberal approach to, and effect on, contemporary health care. Thus, it is the intention that this thesis will provide a framework for reflection on the context of contemporary health care in Western developed countries and the influence of neo-liberalism. To achieve these objectives, the research strategy of this thesis is that of philosophical inquiry, additionally drawing on political philosophy; and the research is, therefore, basic, theoretical research. This thesis finds that neo-liberalism, and the neo-liberal approach to health care, is a highly complex theory and ideology, constituted of several intricate concepts and moral underpinnings. It is found that the neo-liberal approach affects the nature and purpose of health care, for example by making health care part of the free, competitive market, by commodifying health care, and by replacing the notions of the common good, social justice and public health care with an emphasis on the rational, self-interested consumer, individual responsibility and self-sufficiency. Another essential aspect of the neo-liberal approach is that it emphasises the ability to pay (user-pays system), rather than health care need, as the dominant determinant in health care. Furthermore, this thesis finds that the neo-liberal ideology excludes the ontological complexity and reality of the human condition, and in health care this has consequences in relation to, for example, interdependency, interrelationships, vulnerability and need. In essence, this thesis finds that there are several pragmatic and moral problems with applying a neo-liberal approach to health care, and that the complexities, irregularities, and unpredictability of health care make a neo-liberal approach difficult to realise in health care. The neo-liberal approach undermines the moral purposes of health care, and it is concluded that the neo-liberal approach offers no well-founded moral alternative to the universalistic, solidarity based approach common in most Western developed countries (except in the United States). This thesis seeks to add to the knowledge and literature concerning neo-liberalism, especially as regards its moral underpinnings and normative framework, and, furthermore, concerning the neo-liberal approach to, and effect on, contemporary health care in Western developed countries. Additionally, this thesis seeks to contribute to the knowledge of philosophical inquiry by documenting the method of 'doing' philosophical inquiry. Based on the research in this thesis, it is clear that there is a need for more empirical research into the pragmatic consequences of applying neo-liberal policies and practices to health care, and the analysis in this thesis could favorably serve as a basis for empirical inquiry.
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Chung, Changyin. "Herbert Spencer's evolutionary liberalism : resolution of the tension between evolutionism and liberalism in Spencer's writings." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.263132.
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Lima, Éber Ferreira Silveira [UNESP]. "Entre a sacristia e o laboratório: os intelectuais protestantes brasileiros e a produção da cultura (1903-1942)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103171.
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Esta tese visa a mostrar como o protestantismo brasileiro, através de um grupo de intelectuais, inseriu-se culturalmente no tecido social urbano na primeira parte do século XX. A participação desses intelectuais protestantes deu-se na esteira de um modelo anterior, praticado por lideranças importantes da igreja evangélica no Brasil, como o pastor Eduardo Carlos Pereira (1855-1923), que foi também professor de ginásio e reconhecido gramático. Tais lideranças detinham uma postura religiosa conservadora que se refletiu em sua produção científica, voltada para a manutenção da sociedade brasileira nos padrões desejados pelas oligarquias rurais do país. Diferentemente da geração anterior, os intelectuais protestantes, que também eram líderes religiosos – a maior parte deles ligada à Igreja Presbiteriana Independente do Brasil, a mesma a qual pertencia Eduardo Carlos Pereira – assumiram o mesmo espírito de transformação e de modernização social que estava presente na burguesia urbana ascendente. Primeiramente, aspiraram a uma re-elaboração do protestantismo brasileiro, que julgavam muito aquém das necessidades no estabelecimento de um diálogo com a cultura brasileira. Em segundo lugar, desejavam que esse transformar da mentalidade protestante permitisse a evangelização das “classes cultas”, ou seja, das elites dirigentes brasileiras e da burguesia urbana. Fechadas as portas a eles, por lideranças conservadoras, das igrejas e de suas estruturas internas de poder, decidiram usar o expediente das revistas de cultura religiosa para falar ao universo protestante sem serem impedidos pelas lideranças das igrejas. Os principais articuladores dessas revistas foram os pastores presbiterianos Epaminondas Melo do Amaral, Miguel Rizzo Júnior, Othoniel Motta e Erasmo Braga. As revistas lançadas – Revista de Cultura Religiosa, Lucerna...
This thesis aims to show how Brazilian Protestantism, by a group of intellectuals, entered into the social fabric of urban culture in the first part of the twentieth century. The involvement of these Protestant intellectuals took place in the wake of a previous model, practiced by leaders of the mainline evangelical church, such as Pastor Eduardo Carlos Pereira (1855-1923), who was also a gym professor and a recognized Portuguese grammar teacher. These religious leaders held a conservative religious posture that was reflected in their scientific production, dedicated to the maintenance of Brazilian society in the patterns desired by the rural oligarchies of the country. Unlike the previous generation, the Protestant intellectuals, who were also religious leaders – most of them linked to the Independent Presbyterian Church of Brazil (IPIB), the same denomination to which Eduardo Carlos Pereira belonged to – took upon themselves the same spirit of transformation and social modernization that was present in the upcoming urban bourgeois. First, they aspired towards a re-elaboration of Brazilian Protestantism which they judged to be far short of establishing a dialogue with Brazilian culture. Second, they desired that the transformation of the Protestant mentality would permit an evangelization of the “educated and cultured class” of society; that is, of the Brazilian ruling elite and of the urban bourgeois. Since the doors were closed to them by the conservative leadership of the churches and their internal structures of power, they decided to use as a means of communication the journals of religious culture to speak to all Protestants without being prevented to do so by the Protestant leadership of the churches. The main speakers of these journals were the following Presbyterian pastors: Epaminondas Melo do Amaral, Miguel Rizzo Junior, Othoniel... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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Robert, Louise. "Liberalism in Lower Canada, 1774-1815." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28272.
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The historians characterizing Lower Canada's thought in the period before 1815 have argued that it was principally nationalist. French Canadians, moreover, were assessed either as clinging to the values and precepts of a feudal past or as adopting advanced republican ideas. In neither case, however, was attention paid to the articulation by French Lower Canadians of a system of thought that reflected the complex reality of the society in which they lived. This thesis attempts to recreate the system of thought using the public writings of the most politically active members of the community. It analyses the various intellectual influences on the colony and the unique mixture arrived at by the commentators who were affected by them. Having, it argues, combined elements of thinking drawn from the old regime, the Enlightenment and British writers and statesmen, French Canadians devised an idea of community which reflected their society's bicultural and bilingual nature and articulated the nature of the participation of its members in their newly acquired parliamentary institutions. Far, then, from being dissaffected with the existing structures or showing a desire for independence, they comprised an active and politically aware population which viewed its future as intimately tied to the Constitution and to the British Empire.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Gasson, Ruth, and n/a. "Liberalism, communitarianism, fairness and social policy." University of Otago. Faculty of Education, 1998. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070528.122329.
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Communitarianism is an internationally contentious anti-liberal theory which is becoming increasingly popular in political philosophy. It commonly is employed to motivate and legitimate �identity politics� - a politics which is used to defend the rights of disadvantaged aboriginal minorities to maintain their traditional ways.
Recently �identity politics� has been exploited in mainstream poltical/educational academic literature in New Zealand, especially in literature that deals with Maori issues. This is significant because in the recent history of New Zealand, liberal political theory has been dominant.
Notions of rights and of fairness are fundamental to communitarianism and to liberalism, but communitarians and liberals hold very different ideas about what these notions involve. My PhD thesis compares their ideas and relates them to New Zealand. It views certain social and political issues in New Zealand, by way of liberal and then communitarian theories. It examines how liberalism and communitarianism have been, and can be, used to support and to legitimate particular policies and practices in terms of �fairness� and �justice�.
My work considers the explanatory and the practical application of communitarianism and liberalism with respect to their conceptions of human nature, political ideals, rights and rationality. It defends liberalism against the communities the protections they �need� in order to flourish. With respect to New Zealand it recognises that Maori have been treated unjustly by the crown, but argues that much of the injustice happened, not because of liberalism, but because liberal values were not upheld.
The thesis concludes that liberalism is better equipped than communitarianism to describe Maori and Pakeha relations, and to formulate a framework for positive and constructive trans-cultural policies that will respect both Maori and Pakeha cultures.
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Ikonomidis, Sharon. "Autonomy, liberalism, and advance care planning." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ27962.pdf.
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