Journal articles: 'Liberalism and religion'

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Talisse, Robert B. "Religion, respect and Eberle’s agapic pacifist." Philosophy & Social Criticism 38, no. 3 (January 9, 2012): 313–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453711430931.

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Christopher Eberle has developed a powerful critique of justificatory liberalism. According to Eberle, justificatory liberalism’s doctrine of restraint, which requires religious citizens to refrain from publicly advocating for policies that can be supported only by their religious reasons, is illiberal. In this article, I defend justificatory liberalism against Eberle’s critique.

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Madung, Otto Gusti. "Liberalisme versus Perfeksionisme? Sebuah Tinjauan Filsafat Politik tentang Relasi Antara Agama dan Negara." Jurnal Ledalero 12, no. 2 (September 7, 2017): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.31385/jl.v12i2.86.173-190.

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Intolerance and violence in the name of religion often flare up in Indonesia. In this regard the state often fails, and indeed itself becomes part of the violation of the citizen’s right to religious freedom. One root of the problem is a confused understanding among law enforcers and among a part of the citizenship concerning the relationship between religion and the state, between private and public morality. This essay attempts to formulate a concept of the relationship between religion and the state from the perspective of two models from political philosophy, namely liberalism and perfectionism. Perfectionism offers a solution to the pathology of liberalism which tends to privatise the concept of the good life. In perfectionism the thematisation of the concept of the good life as in ideologies and religions has to be given a place in the public sphere. In Indonesia this role is taken by the national ideology of Pancasila. Pancasila requires that religious values be translated into public morality. Kata-kata Kunci: liberalisme, perfeksionisme, konsep hidup baik (agama), negara, Pancasila.

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Simpson, Peter L. P. "Religion and Contemporary Liberalism." Faith and Philosophy 16, no. 2 (1999): 264–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/faithphil199916227.

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Vallier, Kevin. "Liberalism, Religion And Integrity." Australasian Journal of Philosophy 90, no. 1 (March 2012): 149–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00048402.2011.560612.

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Martinich, A. P. "Religion, Fanaticism, and Liberalism." Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 81, no. 4 (December 2000): 409–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0114.00112.

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Bardon, Aurélia, and Jeffrey W. Howard. "Laborde, liberalism, and religion." Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 23, no. 1 (June 20, 2018): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698230.2018.1487229.

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Hidayatullah, Muhammad Fahmi, Muhamad Anwar Firdausi, Yusuf Hanafi, and Zawawi Ismail. "THE DIALECTICS OF RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL LIBERALISM IN THE TRANSCULTURAL ERA." El-HARAKAH (TERAKREDITASI) 23, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 273–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/eh.v23i2.13956.

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Trans culture is a cross-cultural condition which can develop or survive within the life of a community. Religion and culture as the pillars for unity in the cross-cultural era can potentially develop into liberalism. This study aims to reveal the process of religious and cultural liberalism along with the solutions. It uses a qualitative-analysis method with hermeneutic approach based on the thoughts of the figures of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in East Java. To collect the data, the researchers conduct in-depth interviews and data analysis of the works and news on religious and cultural liberalism. The study discovers the dialectic model of religious liberalism by making human rights the main source of law, which is called theological-capitalism. Besides, it finds cultural liberalism in the form of an identity crisis, which is called enculturation-liberalism. To overcome the religious liberalism, we can use clarification techniques and logical-systematic thinking. Meanwhile, the solution to deal with cultural liberalism is through cultural realism and socio-cultural learning. Transkultural adalah kondisi lintas kebudayaan yang dapat berkembang atau bertahan di kehidupan masyarakat. Agama dan budaya sebagai pilar persatuan yang dalam era lintas kebudayaan berpotensi berkembang pada paham liberal. Tujuan penelitian ini mengungkap proses liberalisme agama dan budaya yang disertai solusi dalam menangkalnya. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif-analisis dengan pendekatan hermeneutik berdasarkan pemikiran tokoh Ulama’ NU Jawa Timur. Dalam menggali data, dilakukan interviu mendalam serta analisis data dokumentatif karya dan berita liberalisme agama dan budaya. Hasil penelitian ditemukan model dialektika liberalisme agama dengan menjadikan Hak Asasi Manusia sebagai sumber hukum utama disebut teologis-kapitalistik, sedangkan dialektika liberalisme budaya dalam bentuk krisis identitas disebut enkulturasi-liberalistik. Solusi dalam menaggulangi liberalisme agama dengan menggunakan teknik klarifikasi dan berfikir logis-sistematis. Sedangkan solusi menghadapi liberalisme budaya melalui realisme culture dan socio-culture learning.

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Alexander, Gregory S. "Can Human Flourishing Be Liberal?" Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 32, no. 1 (February 2019): 235–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cjlj.2019.10.

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The renewed interest in virtue ethics raises again a persistent question, namely, the relationship between the virtue ethics theory and liberalism as a political philosophy. Virtue ethicists focus on the good—i.e., human flourishing—and debate what constitutes that good. This focus creates a problem for liberals who are rights-oriented, which is the dominant form of contemporary liberalism.The recent and timely book by Menachem Mautner, Human Flourishing, Liberal Theory, and the Arts, reminds us, however, that liberalism comes in many stripes. There is no one liberalism. Rather, there are many liberalisms. I discuss three aspects of Mautner’s remarkable and important book: first, his conception of human flourishing and its relationship to liberalism; second, his argument that a liberal political order committed to human flourishing ought to promote the arts; and third, his argument that the liberalism of flourishing is better able than neutralist liberalism to compete with religion in providing what Mautner calls “Big Meaning.”

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Helfand, Michael A. "A Liberalism of Sincerity: The Role of Religion in the Public Square." Journal of Law, Religion and State 1, no. 3 (2012): 217–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22124810-00103001.

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This article considers the extent to which the liberal nation-state ought to accommodate religious practices that contravene state law and to incorporate religious discourse into public debate. To address these questions, the article develops a liberalism of sincerity based on John Locke’s theory of toleration. On such an account, liberalism imposes a duty of sincerity to prevent individuals from consenting to a regime that exercises control over matters of core concern such as faith, religion, and conscience. Liberal theory grounds the legitimacy of the state in the consent of the governed, but consenting to an intolerant regime is illegitimate because it empowers government to demand insincere conduct. Thus, demanding that citizens pursue sincerity ensures that they do not consent away their individual liberties in exchange for promises of security and orderliness. The focus on sincerity also reorients the value that liberalism places on religious pluralism. Although many liberal theorists have proposed that religious pluralism is valuable because it provides individuals with a range of choices on how to live the good life, such theories provide little reason to promote and protect any particular religion. Indeed, if religions are important only because of the range of choice they provide, then the only concern of liberalism is to maintain enough religions so as to provide a meaningful range of options for how to live the good life; conversely, there is no reason to provide accommodations for any particular religion to aid its survival. By contrast, a liberalism of sincerity impels the liberal nation-state to widen the protections afforded to the expressions of sincerity, such as religious conduct and religious discourse. Because religious conduct and religious arguments flow from an individual’s commitment to sincerity, liberalism should provide broad protection for such religious activity in order to enable citizens to pursue sincerity.

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Đurić, Živojin. "ORTHODOX RELIGION IN SERBIA AND CONTEMPORARY NEO-LIBERAL ECONOMIC POLICY." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 1, no. 1 (January 15, 2007): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0101085d.

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In this article author analyzed, on one side, important theoretical determinants of basic categories by which ontological integrity of the Orthodox religion has been based and contained of, in comparison with other religions. On the other side, the author analyzed important theoretical determinants of the basic categories of ontological integrity of the Orthodox religion with basic principles and contents of neo-liberal economic politics. In the context, the Orthodox religion, not even by its one single value or principle, is not signifi cantly contrastive to authentic values of liberalism, universal humanism, development, active attitude and love toward life, and to overall progress, in material and economic sense. Thereby, it is possible to consider that individualism within the Orthodoxy is not in contrast with democratic principles of neo-liberalism (accumulation of the wealth of nations, emancipation of poverty, etc.) The Orthodox individualism is against global political power, which has been imposed by economic centers of the world power in the name of neo-liberalism.

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DEVIGNE, ROBERT. "Reforming Reformed Religion: J. S. Mill's Critique of the Enlightenment's Natural Religion." American Political Science Review 100, no. 1 (February 2006): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055406061971.

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John Stuart Mill's writings on religion, a neglected topic in the secondary literature, deserve careful examination because they challenge the long-standing view that liberalism opposes conceptions of the best life. Mill himself considers religion responsible for perfecting the individual and a crucial dimension of his moral theory. In his view, developing a conception of the best life will be difficult in England because it requires broaching a sensitive issue that the Anglo-Scottish Enlightenment did not comprehend: namely, that the Enlightenment's reformed Christianity is too great a compromise with traditional or revealed Christianity. If English liberalism is to generate a comprehensive morality for the future, argues Mill, reformed Christianity must be further reformed to create a culture that fosters human flourishing. A comparison of Mill's views of Christianity with those of Kant and Hegel provides a window for viewing their different visions of the morality of the future. The contrast provides further evidence that liberalism, in Mill's view, is not nearly as narrow a moral outlook as many commentators on liberalism, whether admirers or critics, believe.

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Sullivan, Winnifred Fallers. "Law and Religion Beyond Liberalism." Religious Studies Review 47, no. 1 (March 2021): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rsr.15037.

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Kautzer, Chad, and Hans Joas. "On War, Liberalism, and Religion." Radical Philosophy Review 8, no. 1 (2005): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrev2005813.

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Laborde, Cécile. "Rescuing Liberalism from Critical Religion." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 88, no. 1 (March 2020): 58–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfz105.

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Schwartz, Mordecai, and Gus Dizerega. "Religion and post‐modern liberalism." Critical Review 1, no. 4 (September 1987): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913818708459508.

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Mohd Salleh, Norsaleha, Phayilah Yama @. Fadilah Zakaria, and Noor Hafizah Mohd. Haridi. "Historiografi Liberalisme dalam Kalangan Masyarakat Barat." al-Irsyad: Journal of Islamic and Contemporary Issues 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.53840/alirsyad.v3i1.12.

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This study explains the historiography of liberal thinking. It dated back to the Rome and progressed until the renaissance and the post-modern era. This study also describes the implication of the changes of Bibles, the feudalist autonomy and church domination in the formation of liberalism amongst the Western society. The development of liberalism in the Western culture emphasises human as the central axis of decision making. Thinking pattern that rejects religion and its rules in the decision making and evaluation process of certain actions. The Western society accepts liberalism as an idea of progress that must be preserved. Liberalism frees those who want to be prosperous and progressive in dominating the world from the ties and rules of religion, which it sees them as the opium of the society. The rejection of faith in life is the fundamental idea that underlies the construction of the modern Western civilisation. The study used content analysis methodology in obtaining the data and facts from books and documents about liberalism. This study showed that liberalism that has been the mantra of the Western society had become the choice among a small number of Muslim in Malaysia. This development is marked by the emergence of the view that rejects the role of Shariah rulings in life such as hijab, men as the imam (leader) for prayers and marital guardian, inheritance, etc. The adaptation of Western liberalism by the Muslim society is inappropriate as Islam is the religion that liberates humans from human slavery and places good values onto the personality and humanity itself. ABSTRAK Kajian ini menerangkan tentang sejarah atau historiografi pemikiran liberal. Ia bermula semenjak zaman Yunani, Rom sehinggalah era renaissance dan pasca moden. Kajian ini juga menerangkan implikasi kepada perubahan Kitab Bible, penguasaan golongan feudal dan dominasi gereja dalam membentuk liberalisme dalam masyarakat Barat. Perkembangan liberalisme dalam masyarakat Barat menekankan manusia sebagai objek kepada paksi membuat keputusan. Pemikiran yang menolak campur tangan dan peraturan agama dalam menentukan keputusan dan penilaian kepada sesuatu tindakan. Masyarakat Barat menerima liberalisme sebagai satu idea kemajuan yang perlu dipertahankan. Mereka yang mahu berjaya dan maju ke hadapan menguasai dunia mesti bebas dari ikatan dan peraturan agama yang dianggap sebagai candu masyarakat. Penolakan peranan agama dalam kehidupan merupakan gagasan besar yang membina tamadun Barat moden. Metodologi penulisan kajian ini menggunakan kaedah analisis kandungan terhadap data dan fakta yang diperoleh daripada buku-buku dan dokumen yang berkaitan liberalisme. Kajian menunjukkan pemikiran liberal yang menjadi anutan masyarakat Barat menjadi pilihan sebahagian kecil masyarakat Islam di Malaysia. Muncul pandangan yang menolak dominasi syariat dalam kehidupan seperti kewajipan memakai hijab, lelaki sebagai imam solat dan wali perkahwinan, pewarisan harta pusaka dan lain-lain. Adaptasi pemikiran liberal Barat kepada masyarakat Islam adalah suatu yang tidak wajar kerana Islam adalah agama yang memerdekakan manusia daripada penghambaan sesama manusia dan meletakkan nilai mulia kepada peribadi dan kemanusiaan itu sendiri.

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Schmiedel, Ulrich. "Supremacy Smugglers? Islam in the Legacy of Theological Liberalism." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 89, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 644–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfab043.

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Abstract This article interrogates the interpretation of Islam in the legacy of theological liberalism. Ernst Troeltsch (1865–1923) has been labelled the figurehead of such liberalism. Islam is a recurrent referent in his thought, running through his theological and philosophical writings. Whereas studies such as Tomoko Masuzawa’s immensely influential The Invention of World Religions contend that Troeltsch’s conceptualization of religion smuggles assumptions of the supremacy of Christianity from theological into non-theological research on religion, I argue that Troeltsch’s characterization of Islam clarifies how he both constructs and collapses the supremacy smuggling for which he is criticized. For the current controversies about Islam in the European and the American public square, Troeltsch is instructive because he captures both the problems and the promises of the theological thinking that came to be called “liberal” for the study of religion.

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Crockett, Clayton. "Neoliberalism, Postsecularism, and the End of Religion." Religions 12, no. 8 (August 11, 2021): 631. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080631.

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This article examines the situation of religion in the context of contemporary neoliberalism. I argue that neoliberalism is a symptom of a fatal crisis in modern liberalism, which is brought about by geophysical planetary limits to growth. The concept of religion is a modern one that emerges from a secularized Christianity, and as liberalism declines, religion as a category is also declining. This phenomenon can be analyzed in terms of what I call postsecularism. Postsecularism indicates the breakdown of the modern divide within liberalism that assigns religion to a private sphere of belief that is separate from political-civil reason. Postsecularism attends to the ways that what we call religion exceed their modern frames and become deprivatized and politicized. In this process, spiritual-political forces are liberated from the modern framework of religion. Recent movements called New Materialism and New Animism can be seen as attempts to conceptualize this development. Finally, as an example, I turn to a recent book by Elizabeth Povinelli called Geontopower to show how religion fails to capture a profound entanglement of spiritual and political phenomena in neoliberalism, or what she calls late liberalism.

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Syamsi, Badarus. "PERBEDAAN CORAK PEMAHAMAN AGAMA ANTARA FUNDAMENTALISME DAN LIBERALISME SERTA DAMPAKNYA BAGI TIMBULNYA KONFLIK KEAGAMAAN." Al-Tahrir: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 14, no. 1 (May 1, 2014): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21154/al-tahrir.v14i1.120.

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Abstract: Religion shapes its followers’ mind and attitudes. Belief in truth of religion often stimulates religious followers to defend such a truth claim and advocate it beyond their religious fellows. This attitude yields personalization and standardization of religious truth to justify others. This article examines fundamental different ways in understanding religion and the impacts of this to religious conflict and the rise of religious fundamentalism and liberalism. Religious values, missions and the idea of salvation often contradict with local-cultural norms and stir up interreligious horizontal conflicts. This is because followers of religion hold a strict view that only their religion is valid while others are wrong. As a result, conflict occurs inevitably. The conflict ranges from ideologies, ideas to physical violence. It should be noted that all religious schools and thoughts, be they fundamentalism or liberalism, express only a small part and relative truth of religion. Therefore, they should co-operate one another to seek the ultimate truth. Without liberalism, fundamentalism cannot find the truth and without fundamentalism, liberalism may not be unable to find the ultimate truth, God.

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Arkush, Allan. "Theocracy, Liberalism, and Modern Judaism." Review of Politics 71, no. 4 (2009): 637–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670509990726.

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AbstractThe paper examines the efforts of several Jewish thinkers to cope with the discrepancy between the inherently theocratic principles of their religion and the modern, liberal ideas with which they wished to bring Judaism into harmony. It focuses first on Moses Mendelssohn's attempt at the end of the eighteenth century to provide a rationale for the dissolution of Judaism's coercive, collectivist dimension and to render the Jewish religion fully compatible, in practice, with liberalism. The next major focus is the recent work of David Novak, who has sought in different ways to show how one can proceed from traditional Jewish premises to the endorsement of nonliberal political arrangements that nonetheless preserve the best of liberalism's achievements. The final focus is on the Israeli religious thinker Isaiah Leibowitz's widely celebrated but in principle merely provisional relinquishment of the theocratic idea.

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Siddique, Muhammad Zahid. "The Irreconcilable Conflict between Islam and Liberalism." ISLAMIC STUDIES 60, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 247–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.52541/isiri.v60i3.1836.

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John Rawls used an apparently neutral apparatus to derive the principles of justice that all “rational” people ought to agree with because they provide the basis of coexistence in a pluralistic society. He believes that religious faith is consistent with the commitment to liberalism. The paper shows that the Rawlsian liberal “self” modelled in the original position is not consistent with the original position recognized by religion in general and Islam in particular. According to Islam, the human self is mukallaf (subject of God) while Rawls treats it non-mukallaf. This is so because Rawlsian original position presumes an atheist self behind the veil of ignorance. This conceptualization of self is not only inconsistent with but also hostile to religion. The claims about liberalism’s tolerance towards religion are superficial. The liberal self can express itself in various religious forms provided these are aligned with the system of rights acknowledged by the liberal atheist self.

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Bailey, Tom, and Valentina Gentile. "Religion and the Limits of Liberalism." Philosophia 40, no. 2 (January 3, 2012): 175–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11406-011-9350-5.

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CRAIG, DAVID. "THE LANGUAGE OF LIBERALITY IN BRITAIN,C.1760–C.1815." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 3 (January 9, 2018): 771–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000610.

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While the word “liberalism” only appeared in Britain from the 1820s, this article argues that its prehistory must pay attention to the language of “liberality.” It suggests that until the 1760s, to be “liberal,” and to demonstrate “liberality,” were primarily associated with the exercise of charity, but that thereafter they increasingly came to refer to having an open mind: there were frequent appeals to the “liberal” and “enlightened” spirit of the times. Those latitudinarians and Dissenters pushing for more toleration in the 1770s were particularly attracted to “liberal” language, and pioneered the idea that “liberality of sentiment” was a necessary accompaniment to the pluralism thrown up by the right of private judgment. Only from the mid-1790s did anti-Jacobins start to fixate on this terminology, arguing that liberality was insidious because under the cover of a virtue it nurtured the indifference which enabled the enemies of religion to triumph. These arguments did not appeal beyond orthodox circles, but they indicate how established the language of “liberality” had become—it provides a framework for understanding the reception of “liberalism” after 1815.

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Madung, Otto Gusti Ndegong, and Winibaldus Stefanus Mere. "The Discoursive Perspective Of Liberalism Versus Multiculturalism." International Journal of Indonesian Philosophy & Theology 3, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.47043/ijipth.v3i2.31.

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This paper aims to show the limitations of the liberal viewpoint vis-à-vis overcoming the conflict between freedom of religion and belief in Indonesia. The multi-ethnic and multi-religious condition, a unique feature of Indonesian society, demonstrates that the conventional liberal framework of the concept of freedom of religion and belief is insufficient. To complete this article, the writer employs the literature research method. This research can formulate many findings: freedom of religion and belief is not only concerned with the individual. And an individual right to choose his/her faith is strongly linked to how one legitimately expresses oneself in communities based on ethnicity and/or religion. Furthermore, plurality in a multicultural society presumes acknowledging a fundamental truth that can be expressed in many ways.

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Neal, P. "Religion within the Limits of Liberalism Alone?" Journal of Church and State 39, no. 4 (September 1, 1997): 697–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/39.4.697.

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Bonotti, Matteo. "Language, Liberalism and the Critical Religion Challenge." Journal of Applied Philosophy 36, no. 5 (December 6, 2018): 718–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/japp.12348.

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Rasor, Paul. "Theological and Political Liberalisms." Journal of Law and Religion 24, no. 2 (2008): 433–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400001661.

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Several highly critical theological responses to political liberalism have appeared in recent years. John Milbank, continuing his onslaught on all things modern, complains that political liberalism's “empty heart” suffers from a “totalitarian drift” toward “an increasingly joyless and puritanical world.” For Oliver O'Donovan, liberalism is “a false posture of transcendence” and modernity is “conceived as Antichrist, a parodie and corrupt development of Christian social order.” Robert Song warns against “the partial and limited character” of liberalism's freedoms and proclaims that “a responsible theology will learn to articulate its ‘No’” to liberal political society. Other commentators offer critiques of particular aspects of political liberalism, often suggesting revisions based on their own theological perspectives. These critical voices join others such as Stanley Hauerwas, one of liberalism's most outspoken theological critics for more than a quarter century, and they continue a line of critique that extends back through Reinhold Niebuhr and Karl Barth.Not all the theological voices are critical. Christophe Insole, for example, finds that “politically liberal principles are compatible with a full-blooded and theologically main-stream Christian commitment.” Several Roman Catholic theologians have commented on the increasing mutuality between liberal democracy and Roman Catholic political and social teachings. Paul Sigmund notes that “the relation between Catholicism and liberal democracy has now become a positive and, one would hope, a mutually reinforcing one, even if there are a number of continuing tensions between them.” And Daniel Dombrowski offers a general defense of Rawlsian liberalism against claims that it is hostile to religion.

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Gentile, Valentina. "La religione, le religioni e il progetto politico di J. Rawls." Rivista Italiana di Filosofia Politica 1 (December 3, 2021): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/rifp-1471.

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The essay explores the relationship between religion and Rawls from the perspective of some issues that are central to his political project: political autonomy, public reason and the implications of the fact of pluralism for the development of the idea of decent peoples. Religion has a dual dimension in political liberalism, plural and singular. The problem of the liberal political transition is to allow these two dimensions to coexist harmoniously within the liberal political project.

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ARESHIDZE, GIORGI. "Taking Religion Seriously? Habermas on Religious Translation and Cooperative Learning in Post-secular Society." American Political Science Review 111, no. 4 (September 11, 2017): 724–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055417000338.

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This article evaluates Jürgen Habermas's attempt to reopen political liberalism to religion. In trying to “take religion seriously,” Habermas goes further than John Rawls and other liberal theorists by affirming that religious traditions articulate truths on which democratic societies continue to depend for their civic and moral health. “Post-secular” societies, in his view, should learn from religion by translating its “moral intuitions” into universal secular language. Although Habermas in this way appears friendlier to religion than Rawls, unlike Rawls he also calls for the “modernization of religious consciousness.” This theological transformation not only reveals the foundationalist presuppositions of liberalism, but also points to a highly attenuated conception of learning from religion. Taking religion seriously will require us to be open to its insights not only when they agree with, but especially when they challenge, our secular presuppositions. This dimension of religion is at risk of getting “lost in translation” in the Habermasian paradigm.

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Billingham, Paul. "Consensus, Convergence, Restraint, and Religion." Journal of Moral Philosophy 15, no. 3 (June 19, 2018): 345–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455243-01503001.

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This essay critically assesses the central claim of Kevin Vallier’s Liberal Politics and Public Faith: that public religious faith and public reason liberalism can be reconciled, because the values underlying public reason liberalism should lead us to endorse the ‘convergence view,’ rather than the mainstream consensus view. The convergence view is friendlier to religious faith, because it jettisons the consensus view’s much-criticised ‘duty of restraint’. I present several challenges to Vallier’s claim. First, if Vallier is right to reject the duty of restraint then consensus theorists can also do so, and on the same grounds. Second, the independent force of the objections to the duty of restraint is unclear. Third, Vallier has not successfully identified desiderata that unite all public reason liberals and favour convergence over consensus. Finally, even if convergence is in some ways friendlier to religious faith, this does not show that it will be attractive to religious citizens.

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Sikka, Sonia. "Liberalism, Multiculturalism, and the Case for Public Religion." Politics and Religion 3, no. 3 (June 10, 2010): 580–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048310000180.

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AbstractLiberalism, as a political paradigm, is committed to maintaining a stance of neutrality toward religion(s), along with other comprehensive systems of belief. Multiculturalism is premised on the view that the political policies of internally diverse nations should respect the beliefs and practices of the various cultural, ethnic, and religious groups of which those nations are composed. Sometimes synthesized, sometimes standing in tension, these two political frameworks share a common goal of minimizing conflict while respecting diversity. Although this goal is, in principle, laudable, I argue in this article that the operation of liberal and multiculturalist forms of public reasoning inadvertently diminishes critical reflection and revision in the area of religion, with potentially dangerous consequences both for the health of religion and for social stability. Measures to counter these dangers, I propose, include a relaxation of the restrictive rules that define liberal public reason, and education about religion in schools.

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Chapman, Mark D. "Religion, Ethics and the History of Religion School." Scottish Journal of Theology 46, no. 1 (February 1993): 43–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600038308.

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The Göttingen New Testament Professor, Wilhelm Bousset observed that historical research was in ‘danger of placing Christianity in the flux of development’, of ‘failing to give due worth to its special character and unique meaning, and thereby neutralising and relativising everything’. ‘The halo of the supernatural which had clung around “sacred history” was destroyed,’ and history had become a ‘labyrinth for modern religious liberalism’, where it threatened ‘to betray itself’. In their attempts to avoid such a relativisation of the Christian faith, most of the members of the History of Religion School sought refuge in a primordial mystical experience expressive of non-rational feelings, of emotions, moods and fantasies.

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Sahrasad, Herdi. "YOUTH MOVEMENT AND ISLAMIC LIBERALISM IN INDONESIA." Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman 15, no. 1 (September 9, 2020): 145–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21274/epis.2020.15.1.145-175.

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This article examines dynamics of Islamic discourses in Post-New Order Indonesia, focusing on the birth of Jaringan Islam Liberal/JIL (Islamic Liberalism Network). The network which emerged in 2001 was a result of informal meeting and group discussions of young intellectuals at Jl. Utan Kayu 68 H, East Jakarta who later agreed to establish the JIL. Since its earliest foundation, the networks has been at the forefront to attack Islamic extremist and fundamentalist groups while calling for Islamic liberalism. This article tries to portray the emergence of the JIL and its liberalism agenda and offers the contestation on Islamic liberalism in Indonesia. As for the latter, it not only encapsulates responses of fundamentalist groups, but also important Muslim organisation, like the traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama/NU and the Modernist Muhammadiyah, and important Indonesian Muslim thinkers. This article further argues that Islamic liberalism that takes its root to Muslim activism during the New Order Indonesia has shaken the basic foundation of a religion as introducing liberalism in Islamic discourses. It has invited contestation and responses for a significant Muslim group, including the two-most important Indonesian Muslim organisations, the NU and the Muhammadiyah. As this article further demonstrates, the contestation is mainly because of different opinions among Muslims on the limit of reason to understand religion.

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Freiman, Christopher, and Javier Hidalgo. "Liberalism or Immigration Restrictions, but Not Both." Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 10, no. 2 (June 7, 2017): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.26556/jesp.v10i2.99.

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This paper argues for a dilemma: you can accept liberalism or immigration restrictions, but not both. More specifically, the standard arguments for restricting freedom of movement apply equally to textbook liberal freedoms, such as freedom of speech, religion, occupation and reproductive choice. We begin with a sketch of liberalism’s core principles and an argument for why freedom of movement is plausibly on a par with other liberal freedoms. Next we argue that, if a state’s right to self-determination grounds a prima facie right to restrict immigration, then it also grounds a prima facie right to restrict freedom of speech, religion, sexual choice and more. We then suggest that the social costs associated with freedom of immigration are also costs associated with occupational choice, speech and reproduction. Thus, a state’s interest in reducing these costs gives it prima facie justification to restrict not only immigration but also other core liberal freedoms. Moreover, we rebut the objection that, even if the standard arguments for a prima facie right to restrict immigration also support a prima facie right to restrict liberal freedoms generally, there are differences that render immigration restrictions – but not restrictions on speech, religion, etc. – justified all things considered. In closing, we suggest that the theoretical price of supporting immigration restrictions – viz., compromising a commitment to liberal principles – is too steep to pay.

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Lal, Sanjay, Jeff Shawn Jose, Douglas Allen, and Michael Allen. "Does Liberal Democracy Require a Gandhian Approach to Religion?" Acorn 19, no. 2 (2019): 101–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acorn201919224.

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In this author-meets-critics dialogue, Sanjay Lal, author of , argues that Gandhian values of nonviolence raise aspirations of liberal democracy to a higher level. Since Gandhian values of nonviolence are closely associated with religious values, liberal democracy should make public commitments to religions on a non-sectarian basis, except for unreasonable religions. Critic Jeff Shawn Jose agrees that Gandhian values can strengthen liberal democracy. However, Jose finds a contradiction in Lal’s proposal that a liberal state should support reasonable religions only. A more consistent Gandhian approach would focus on everyday interactions between citizens and groups rather than state-directed preferences. Critic Douglas Allen also welcomes Lal’s project that brings Gandhian philosophy into relation with liberal democratic theory; however, he argues that universalizing the Absolute Truth of genuine religion is more complicated than Lal acknowledges. D. Allen argues for a Gandhian approach of relative truths, which cannot be evaluated apart from contingency or context, and he offers autobiographical evidence in support of his critical suspicion of genuine religion. Critic Michael Allen argues that Lal’s metaphysical approach to public justification violates a central commitment of political liberalism not to take sides on any metaphysical basis. M. Allen argues that democratic socialism is closer to Gandhi’s approach than is liberalism. Lal responds to critics by arguing that Gandhi’s evaluation of unreasonable religions depends upon an assessment of violence, which is not as problematic as critics charge, either from a Gandhian perspective or a liberal one. Furthermore, by excluding unreasonable or violent religions from state promotion, Lal argues that he is not advocating state suppression. Finally, Lal argues that Gandhian or Kingian metaphysics are worthy of support by liberal, democratic states seeking to educate individuals regarding peaceful unity in diversity.

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Robinson, Paul. "Rules, Rights, and Values: Contradictions within the Post-Secular Liberal International Order." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 29 (September 19, 2019): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-3-27-34.

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The article reveals the essence of modern Western liberalism as a form of political religion resulting from the sacralization of politics. The contradictions of late liberalism regarding both domestic and international relations are considered. The concept of Post-Secularity is used to describe and analyze the modern liberal international order.

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LABORDE, CÉCILE. "Political Liberalism and Religion: On Separation and Establishment*." Journal of Political Philosophy 21, no. 1 (July 25, 2011): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9760.2011.00404.x.

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COUVARES, FRANCIS G. "IMPERIAL LIBERALISM? RELIGION, EDUCATION, AND THE COLD WAR." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 1 (February 26, 2010): 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924430999031x.

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A few years ago I found myself at the Ogden, Utah rodeo with thirty schoolteachers from all over the world. They were participants in a Fulbright-supported American studies institute, and the trip to Utah was part of a weeklong foray into a part of America quite different from Amherst, MA, where the bulk of lectures and discussions had taken place in the previous three weeks. Our visit happened to coincide with “Armed Services Day,” and the spectacle my students encountered proved even more impressive than the riding and roping they had expected. The principle feature of that spectacle had to do with the organizers’ almost total confounding of religion and patriotism. At the high point of the event, over the roar of military band music and military helicopters passing overhead, the booming voice of the announcer declared that “God's helicopters” were protecting America and the rest of the world from tyranny. The books under review here endeavor to explain the spectacle in Ogden on that summer day—along with the train of events that, over sixty years ago, launched a crusade against “godless communism” and, a few decades later, made “the Christian right” a major force in American politics.

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Cordelli, Chiara. "Liberalism and religion: the plural grounds of separation." Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 23, no. 1 (June 25, 2018): 68–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698230.2018.1487234.

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Santos, Renan. "MARTIN, Craig. Masking Hegemony: A genealogy of liberalism, religion and the private sphere. London: Equinox, 2010." Debates do NER 2, no. 22 (December 21, 2012): 331–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/1982-8136.36532.

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Foody, Kathleen. "The limits of religion: liberalism and anti-liberalism in the Islamic Republic of Iran." Culture and Religion 17, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14755610.2016.1183689.

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42

Nyirkos, Tamás. "The proliferation of secular religions." Pro Publico Bono - Magyar Közigazgatás 9, no. 2 (November 24, 2021): 68–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32575/ppb.2021.2.4.

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The term ‘secular religion’ first appeared in the description of modern totalitarian ideologies but soon became a general category applied to other political, socio-economic and cultural phenomena. The first problem with this approach is the inherent contradiction of the term, since ‘secular’ by all modern definitions means ‘non-religious’, making a secular religion something like a ‘nonreligious religion’. The second is the wide range of examples from communism to liberalism, from capitalism to ecology, or from transhumanism to social media, which suggests that with some creativity almost anything can be described as secular and religious at the same time. The first part of the paper deals with the terminological difficulties, while the second outlines the history of drawing secular-religious analogies, concluding that the ultimate failure to give a coherent narrative of secular religions is rooted in the impossibility of giving an adequate definition of religion in the first place.

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43

Galston, William A. "Public Morality and Religion in the Liberal State." PS: Political Science & Politics 19, no. 04 (1986): 807–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500018552.

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During the past generation, the view has arisen that a liberal polity must remain systematically neutral on the widest possible range of moral and religious questions. During this same period, religious fundamentalism has attained an influence not seen in the United States for more than half a century. It is my thesis that these two developments are intimately related and that, considered together, they have much to teach us about public morality in a liberal society.Early liberal theorists worked to disentangle civil society from destructive religious quarrels. But they nevertheless assumed that civil society needed morality and that publicly effective morality rested on religion. Juridical liberalism, which focused on the exercise of liberty and the limits of government, presumed a foundation of individual moral restraint. While the civil authority in a liberal society need not directly enforce this moral code in most cases, it should certainly encourage that morality—at the very least, by refraining from utterances and policies that undermine it.This understanding of the proper relation among politics, morality, and religion dominated the American Founding. It suffused Tocqueville's analysis. In clearly recognizable form, it survived well into the twentieth century. In the past generation, however, this understanding came under attack, and the delicate balance between juridical liberalism and its social preconditions was disrupted. Influential philosophers argued that the essence of liberalism was public neutrality on the widest possible range of moral issues.

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Galston, William A. "Public Morality and Religion in the Liberal State." PS 19, no. 4 (1986): 807–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003082690062670x.

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During the past generation, the view has arisen that a liberal polity must remain systematically neutral on the widest possible range of moral and religious questions. During this same period, religious fundamentalism has attained an influence not seen in the United States for more than half a century. It is my thesis that these two developments are intimately related and that, considered together, they have much to teach us about public morality in a liberal society.Early liberal theorists worked to disentangle civil society from destructive religious quarrels. But they nevertheless assumed that civil society needed morality and that publicly effective morality rested on religion. Juridical liberalism, which focused on the exercise of liberty and the limits of government, presumed a foundation of individual moral restraint. While the civil authority in a liberal society need not directly enforce this moral code in most cases, it should certainly encourage that morality—at the very least, by refraining from utterances and policies that undermine it.This understanding of the proper relation among politics, morality, and religion dominated the American Founding. It suffused Tocqueville's analysis. In clearly recognizable form, it survived well into the twentieth century. In the past generation, however, this understanding came under attack, and the delicate balance between juridical liberalism and its social preconditions was disrupted. Influential philosophers argued that the essence of liberalism was public neutrality on the widest possible range of moral issues.

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Buchma, Oleg Vasyliovych. "Fundamentalism and Liberalism in Contemporary Christianity." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 35 (September 9, 2005): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2005.35.1597.

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Christian modernism ends with neoclassical nihilism, which, unlike classical nihilism, which denied life in the name of the highest values, denies these values, replacing them with human values - "too human, because morality replaces religion, and progress, history itself, divine values "(J. Deleuze). This is Nietzschean nihilism of the "death of God" and the otherworldly

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Dawson, Michael. "Liberalism in Devon and Cornwall, 1910–1931: ‘the old-time religion’." Historical Journal 38, no. 2 (June 1995): 425–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019488.

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ABSTRACTLiberalism in Devon and Cornwall before 1914 pursued a traditional ‘democratic’ rhetoric based on a class division which associated the Liberal party with ‘the people’ and Unionism with a privileged aristocracy. The ‘new Liberalism’ and social reform were unimportant. In the 1920s, the Gladstonian trinity of peace, retrenchment and free trade comprised easily the most common theme in Liberal candidates’ speeches. The Gladstonian tradition remained central to Liberalism because it accurately reflected the preoccupations of the party's core supporters in the region. There was apparently no belief amongst Liberals that the party's policies after 1918 were out-dated and irrelevant; their view is supported by an analysis of the 1923, 1924 and 1929 contests and their results.Throughout the period, Liberal candidates were as ready and able as their opponents to use the coarser arts of electioneering. Liberalism was not wedded to a restricted Edwardian electorate with a relatively high level of political intelligence. The argument that it was is contradicted by contemporary accounts that the electorate of the 1920s was more thoughtful and less susceptible to emotional appeals than were pre-war voters.

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Makarkin, Alexey V. "Orthodoxy and Liberalism: Russian Experience of Compatibility and Dissonance." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 40 (December 12, 2011): 136–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2021-0-4-135-168.

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Liberalism as ideology is incompatible with Christian Orthodoxy. But the founders of liberalism appealed to their reinterpreted Christian tradition, and in Christianity there were heterodox trends (Pelagianism, the concept of «dual truth»), which were not only compatible with liberalism, but also influenced the development of Christianity. In Russia, church liberalism appeared in the 19th century and then actively developed in the scientific and spiritual environment. The Renovationist movement associated with the Soviet regime discredited church liberalism in the eyes of the believers. The dominance of the conservative church tendency at the end of the 20th century was also facilitated by the long-term isolation of Russian Orthodoxy from theological discussions in the modern world. In addition, the “Soviet man” needed authority – the place of communism was taken by religion in its conservative version. The gradual departure of the «Soviet man» and the development of globalization diminish the role of Orthodoxy and may give a new impetus to church liberalism in Russia.

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Harding, Matthew. "RELIGION AND THE LAW OF CHARITY: A LIBERAL PERSPECTIVE." Journal of Law and Religion 29, no. 2 (April 8, 2014): 236–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2014.2.

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AbstractThis article considers the treatment of religious purposes in charity law from a liberal perspective informed by the work of the political philosopher Joseph Raz. The article begins by describing briefly the main ideas in Razian liberalism. It then considers the key question when thinking from a Razian perspective about the treatment of religious purposes in charity law: To what extent does the state's promotion of religious purposes via charity law promote the conditions of autonomy? Finally, the article considers the practical reasoning of state officials who deliberate about religious purposes in the charity law setting, asking to what extent such reasoning meets an ideal of public reason informed by Razian liberalism. The article concludes that in many, but not all, respects the treatment of religious purposes in charity law is consistent with Razian liberal commitments.

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Carr, David. "Religion, liberalism and education: a response to Roger Trigg." Journal of Beliefs & Values 29, no. 1 (April 2008): 93–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13617670801928316.

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Bonotti, Matteo. "Beyond Establishment and Separation: Political Liberalism, Religion and Democracy." Res Publica 18, no. 4 (June 13, 2012): 333–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11158-012-9194-2.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Liberalism and religion'

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