Journal articles: 'Liberal'

1

Borovalı, Murat. "Turkey’s ‘liberal’ liberals." Philosophy & Social Criticism 43, no. 4-5 (December 21, 2016): 406–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453716682375.

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Hay, Daisy. "Liberals,LiberalesandThe Liberal: a reassessment." European Romantic Review 19, no. 4 (October 2008): 307–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10509580802405650.

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Savery, Daniel. "Justifying Liberal Neutrality to Liberals." Res Publica 19, no. 2 (June 22, 2012): 193–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11158-012-9195-1.

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Van Velthoven, Harry. "Het tumultueuze politieke leven van Leo Augusteyns. Radicaal-liberaal en Vlaamsgezind volksvertegenwoordiger (1906-1919), activist, Vlaams-nationalist, antifascist." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 68, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 163–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v68i2.12425.

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Tot vlak voor 1914 stond de liberale arbeidersbeweging, mee opgebouwd door vader Augusteyns, in Antwerpen sterker dan zijn socialistische en christendemocratische concurrenten. Toen het ziekenfonds Help U Zelve zich onder de naam Liberale Volkspartij als politieke deelgroep organiseerde en in 1906 binnen de liberale partij het recht op een volksvertegenwoordiger afdwong, schoof zij Leo Augusteyns naar voren. Hij zou zich als radicaal liberaal, republikein en flamingant doen gelden, wat tot grote spanningen met de Antwerpse liberale boegbeelden leidde. De Eerste Wereldoorlog betekende een keerpunt. Augusteyns zou blijk geven van een gematigd activisme. In 1919 werd hij veroordeeld en verloor hij zijn politieke rechten. Hij werd in eerste instantie Vlaams-nationalist. Maar ook binnen die beweging nam hij een aparte positie in, want hij zou de fascistische wending ervan tot op het laatst fel bekampen. Tevergeefs en zijn politieke relevantie werd steeds kleiner. Zijn houding tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog had overigens de Liberale Volkspartij zwaar verdeeld. Binnen het Antwerpse liberalisme verloor ze veel van haar voordien contesterende en rebelse houding.________The tumultuous political life of Leo Augusteyns: radical-Liberal and Pro-Flemish Member of Parliament (1906-1919), activist, Flemish-nationalist, antifascistUntil just before 1914 the liberal workers' movement, which father Augusteyns helped to develop, was stronger in Antwerp than its Socialist and Christian-Democrat competitors. When the health insurance 'Help U Zelve' ('Help yourself') organised itself into a political subgroup named the Liberal People's Party and enforced its entitlement to a Parliamentary representative within the Liberal Party, they put forward Leo Augusteyns. He was to assert himself as a radical liberal, a Republican and Pro-Flemish, which was to create major tensions with the Antwerp liberal standard bearers. The First World War signified a turning point. Augusteyns was to display a moderate activism. In 1919 he was convicted and he lost his political rights. At first he became a Flemish-Nationalist. But even in that movement he occupied a separate position, for he was to fight against the fascist turn of the party until the end. It was in vain and his political relevance continued to diminish. In fact, his attitude during the First World War had caused great divisions within the Liberal People's Party. Within the Antwerp Liberal Group it lost much of its previously contesting and rebellious attitude.

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Barry, Brian. "How Not to Defend Liberal Institutions." British Journal of Political Science 20, no. 1 (January 1990): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005676.

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Liberal institutions (freedom of speech and religious worship, for example) will naturally be supported by liberals – that is to say, those with a liberal outlook. But what arguments can be addressed to non-liberals? There are some traditional arguments but these are too limited in scope to provide a general justification for liberal institutions. A recent argument that claims to do the job is to the effect that justice entails neutrality and neutrality entails liberal institutions. However, neutrality is a principle that could appeal to non-liberals only if they had already swallowed a large dose of liberalism, since it requires that they regard their deepest convictions as preferences or personal opinions. It is also doubtful whether liberals are well advised to embrace neutrality.

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Tomasi, John. "SHOULD POLITICAL LIBERALS BE COMPASSIONATE CONSERVATIVES? PHILOSOPHICAL FOUNDATIONS OF THE FAITH-BASED INITIATIVE." Social Philosophy and Policy 21, no. 1 (January 2004): 322–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052504211141.

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It is easy and popular these days to be a political liberal. Compared to ‘ethical liberals’, who justify the use of state power by way of one or another conception of people's true moral nature, ‘political liberals’ seek a less controversial foundation for liberal politics. Pioneered within the past twenty years by John Rawls and Charles Larmore, the ‘political liberal’ approach seeks to justify the coercive power of the state by reference to general political ideas about persons and society. Since it abandons the debates about personal moral value that have historically dogged liberal theory, political liberalism offers itself as a more latitudinarian, indeed a more liberal, form of liberalism. Being a political liberal is not the only way to be a good liberal, but this approach has become prevalent enough that I shall focus upon it here.

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Elizondo Reyes, Julián, and José Francisco Zárate Ortíz. "The Liberal Ethics of Charles Taylor in the Political Context of Liberal Societies." Eidos, no. 31 (March 24, 2020): 91–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.14482/eidos.31.7221.

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JOHNSON, MATTHEW. "THE LIBERAL WAR COMMITTEE AND THE LIBERAL ADVOCACY OF CONSCRIPTION IN BRITAIN, 1914–1916." Historical Journal 51, no. 2 (June 2008): 399–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08006766.

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ABSTRACTThe advent of conscription in Britain in 1916 was greeted with profound dismay by many in the Liberal party. At Westminster, however, a significant minority of Liberal MPs, who were members of the Liberal War Committee (LWC), were amongst the most enthusiastic advocates of compulsory service, from a surprisingly early stage in the war. It has usually been assumed that those Liberals who embraced conscription were effectively abandoning their progressive principles, and moving to another, more reactionary, political allegiance. This article argues that this was not the case. The Liberal advocates of conscription represented a range of political opinions, but all insisted that they remained Liberals, and many went to considerable lengths to reconcile their support for universal military service with their continued adherence to the Liberal creed. This article reassesses the phenomenon of Liberal support for compulsory service, examining the arguments, activities, and personnel of the LWC. It sheds new light on the vitality of Liberal principles in wartime, demonstrating that Liberal doctrine was often far more flexible than scholars have realized.

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Gayada, F. A. "Russian Liberal of the Beginning of the 20th Century in Politics." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 6 (February 28, 2018): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-6-28-43.

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The article examines the political views and practices of Russian liberals in the early twentieth century. Russia’s political destiny of this period directly depended on building constructive relations between the authorities and society. Liberal ideas had a significant impact on the educated public. At the same time, the constructive cooperation between the liberals and the government was the most important condition for the possibility of application of these ideas in domestic political practice. The article examines the political experience of the two largest liberal political parties in Russia – the Cadets and the Octobrists. The author comes to the conclusion that the Russian liberal politician of the early twentieth century could not get out of the role of an idealist oppositionist. He was incapable of recognizing the existing realities and the need for political compromises, which were often perceived as a sign of impotence or immorality. The liberals perceived themselves as the only force capable of bringing Russia to the right, «civilized» path. In the opinion of the liberals, this path was inevitable, therefore, under any circumstances, the liberal movement should have retained its leading role. In the spring of 1917, the liberal opposition was able to defeat its historical enemy (autocracy), but retained power for a very short time. The slaughter of the state machine, which the liberals themselves did not intend to preserve, led them to defeat. Thus, the state was the only guarantor of the existence of a liberal movement in Russia.

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10

Chen, Selina. "Liberal Justification: A Typology." Politics 18, no. 3 (September 1998): 189–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00077.

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Contemporary liberalism exhibits a broad agreement among its proponents as to its content but widespread disagreement on what fundamental values justify its principles. This paper provides a typology of ways in which liberals approach the task of justifying liberalism. It sets out a fourfold typology for categorising different liberal theories by distinguishing between the various reasons why liberals reject or accept neutrality. Such a typology is helpful in showing exactly how and where liberal theories differ in their approaches to the issues of justification, neutrality and pluralism, and in showing where their strengths and weaknesses lie.

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Johnston, Richard. "Liberal Leaders and Liberal Success: The Impact of Alternation." Canadian Journal of Political Science 52, no. 3 (May 9, 2019): 423–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918001038.

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AbstractA leader from Quebec boosts the fortunes of the Liberal party in that province. This, in turn, has helped make Quebec the veto player in twentieth-century Canadian elections and the Liberals the “natural” governing party. Although Quebec is no longer as critical as before, a leader from the province still makes a big difference. Full impact from the pattern requires more than one election to unfold. Patterns outside Quebec are similar, if fainter: the Liberal party is not punished for choosing a Quebecker and may even be helped. The early success of the pattern moved the Liberals to alternate between Quebec and non-Quebec leaders, such that the party is now led by a Quebecker more often than not. Maintaining alternation has never been easy and is only getting harder.

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Sharon O'Dair. "The Liberal Liberal Arts." symploke 15, no. 1-2 (2008): 359–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sym.0.0037.

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Fleming, Bruce. "Conservative, Liberal, Perverted Liberal." Society 56, no. 6 (November 26, 2019): 531–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-019-00412-2.

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Coggins, Elizabeth, and James A. Stimson. "On the Dynamics of Ideological Identification: The Puzzle of Liberal Identification Decline." Political Science Research and Methods 7, no. 04 (November 27, 2017): 737–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2017.38.

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Our focus is a puzzle: that ideological identification as “liberal” is in serious decline in the United States, but at the same time support for liberal policies and for the political party of liberalism is not. We aim to understand this divorce in “liberal” in name and “liberal” in policy by investigating how particular symbols rise and fall as associations with the ideological labels “liberal” and “conservative.” We produce three kinds of evidence to shed light on this macro-level puzzle. First, we explore the words associated with “liberal” and “conservative” over time. Then we take up a group conception by examining the changing correlations between affect toward “liberals” and affect toward other groups. Finally, we consider the changing policy correlates of identification.

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15

McCabe, David. "John Locke and the Argument Against Strict Separation." Review of Politics 59, no. 2 (1997): 233–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500026620.

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Contemporary liberals who advocate strict separation between church and state often defend themselves by suggesting that such a position is the only one compatible with the principle of liberal neutrality, whose origins go back to John Locke's first Letter on Toleration. This essay argues that this line of reasoning is mistaken. While Locke did endorse the neutrality principle, he did not endorse strict separation, and this fact suggests that the connection between liberal neutrality and strict separation is not as secure as many liberals have assumed. This examination of Locke's attitudes toward neutrality and strict separation aims both to clarify what is at stake in contemporary debates over strict separation in liberal states and to consider the conditions that would have to be met to mount a Lockean argument against weakening church-state separation in contemporary liberal states.

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Ahdar, Rex Tauati. "The Vulnerability of Religious Liberty in Liberal States." Religion & Human Rights 4, no. 2-3 (2009): 177–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103109x12459002443574.

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AbstractReligious liberty enjoys a large measure of protection in liberal democratic states. This historically hard-won right will nevertheless always remain somewhat vulnerable. This article examines the relationship between liberalism and religionists who challenge key liberal tenets. The limits of liberal tolerance are seen when the state confronts those devout believers who behave or speak in the public domain in a manner that secular liberals perceive to be intolerant or bigoted. The courts and legislatures cannot be relied upon to protect the exercise of religion in situations where fundamental liberal premises are at stake.

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17

Mellon, James G. "The Liberal Conscience: Politics and Principle in a World of Religious Pluralism." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 1 (March 2007): 260–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070321.

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The Liberal Conscience: Politics and Principle in a World of Religious Pluralism, Lucas Swaine, New York: Columbia University Press, 2006, pp. xxii, 215.The Liberal Conscience by Lucas Swaine represents a response from a liberal to those who affirm a theocratic conception of the good. Swaine distinguishes between logic and rhetoric, between that which should persuade and that which is likely to persuade. He suggests that a justification of liberal principles founded on conscience should persuade honest theocrats and Swaine makes the case that this should matter to both liberals and theocrats. The liberal, who founds a justification of liberal principles in conscience and accommodates those whose conscience forces them to seek exemption from certain conventional norms, in Swaine's view, is acting in a manner consistent with the authentic spirit of liberal principles. A liberal democratic state reflecting such a spirit, Swaine argues, is in a stronger position logically to expect theocrats to view it as a legitimate political authority. Otherwise, it is presumptuous, he suggests, for a liberal democratic state to expect the allegiance of theocrats.

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Makarkin, A. V. "Orthodoxy and Liberalism in Russian Politics." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 102, no. 3 (September 23, 2021): 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2021-102-3-99-124.

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Russia, in contrast to other modern Orthodox European count ries, has never experienced struggle for church autocephaly and the formation of political pluralism simultaneously, which naturally brought the church and liberals closer together. The distinguishing feature of the Russian liberalism is its late, or “catch up”, development. In the 19th century, libera lism no longer needed a religious approval; the appeal to the Holy Scriptures looked archaic. Another Russian distinguishing feature — divergence of secu lar and spiritual traditions — is also very important. After the emergence of the dualistic monarchy in Russia (1906—1917), religious topics were no lon ger a taboo, but Christian liberalism as an influential trend failed to develop. The attempts of combining liberal and Christian ideas in the pre-revolutiona ry Russian politics faced a number of problems. The results in practice were modest either due to the lack of the electoral demand, or due to the blocking of specific initiatives at the state and church levels. The promotion of liberal va lues contradicted Ortho dox tenets, and the target electoral group — the lower clergy — heavily depended on the episcopate. In the post-Soviet Russia, in contrast to the count ries in Central Europe, Christian politics, including its liberal version, did not revive. At the end of the day, all such projects have remained marginal. The episcopate focuses on cooperation with the authorities, and there is little support for liberal ideas among the faithful. The future might see a gradual strengthening of liberal tendencies within the church, but at the same time, the Russian version of Christian democracy remains extreme ly unlikely.

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Barovic, Vladimir, and Ljubomir Zuber. "Jovan Pavlovic as a liberalism paradigm in the history of Serbian press." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 161 (2017): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1761013b.

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This paper is focused on a celebrated Serbian journalist and liberal, Jovan Pavlovic, who founded and edited, in the second half of the 19th century, the following newspapers: Pancevac, Granicar and Novi Granicar. Pavlovic turned his newspapers into the most militant and the most liberal media printed in Serbian language in Austria-Hungary in the second half of the 19th century. This paper analyzes the beginnings of Serbian liberal thought and individuals who were significant for the development of liberal ideas in the 19th century. The work of Vladimir Jovanovic and other liberals in Serbia has been considered, including the influence of Svetozar Markovic and Serbian liberals in Austria-Hungary. The authors analyzed Pavlovic?s articles in Zastava, Pancevac, Granicar, and Novi Granicar. Pavlovic?s newspapers supported very liberal and militant attitudes unlike other printed media throughout the history of Serbian journalism. Pavlovic was very incisive when writing in anticlerical spirit, and in many of his articles he criticized church hierarchy. The Eastern question was also extensively dealt with in his articles. In the history of Serbian journalism, Jovan Pavlovic has been remembered as a great supporter of human rights, national liberation and emancipation, as well as a significant representative of liberal ideas.

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Neal, Patrick. "Liberals and theocrats: on Lucas Swaine’sThe Liberal Conscience." Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 14, no. 4 (September 2011): 513–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2010.517988.

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21

Magun, Artemy. "They Were Genuinely Liberal, Liberals of the Right." Ab Imperio 2013, no. 1 (2013): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/imp.2013.0002.

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Bucholc, Marta. "Law and liberal pedagogy in a post-socialist society: The case of Poland." Journal of Modern European History 18, no. 3 (June 5, 2020): 324–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894420926340.

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The article offers a reconstruction of the interrelations between law, state, and culture in the design of Polish economic liberalism after 1989 based on an analysis of publications in the liberal journal Przegląd Polityczny. The notion of ‘liberal pedagogy’ is used to connect the liberal transformation design and the social ideal fuelling the democratic backsliding in Poland. The role of law as a pedagogical device is discussed together with the role of the state in liberal transformation design. The vulnerability of the liberal project is explained as a consequence of the liberals’ failure to appreciate the inseparability of the symbolic, epistemic, and organizational facets of the state’s institutional functionalities, including law-making.

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23

Moore, Margaret. "Political Liberalism and Cultural Diversity." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 8, no. 2 (July 1995): 297–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900003210.

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One of the most important and divisive issues facing heterogeneous or culturally diverse states—and most states are culturally diverse—is the relation between these different cultures and the state.This question was raised initially in contemporary liberal political philosophy in terms of the fruitful debate between liberals and communitarians. Sandel, for example, criticized Rawls’s A Theory of Justice and, by extension, all liberal theories for falsely abstracting from conceptions of the good, abstracting from culturallyspecific conceptions, and grounding his liberal principles in terms of an abstract Kantian individualism. Liberal theorists countered by complaining that communitarians falsely conceived of a single homogeneous community. Although Rawls’s revised defense of liberal justice in his 1993 book Political Liberalism does not refer directly to the liberal-communitarian debate, nevertheless, his new grounding of liberal political principles, as principles which would be acceptable to individuals with diverse conceptions of the good, seems to justify liberal principles in terms of contemporary conditions, and, at the same time, challenges the relevance of those theories which appeal to any notion of a homogeneous ‘community’.

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Macleod, Colin M. "Liberal Neutrality or Liberal Tolerance?" Law and Philosophy 16, no. 5 (September 1997): 529. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3505019.

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25

Springsted, Eric O. "LIBERAL INDIVIDUALS AND LIBERAL EDUCATION." Religious Education 86, no. 3 (June 1991): 467–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0034408910860312.

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26

Kymlicka, Will. "Liberal Individualism and Liberal Neutrality." Ethics 99, no. 4 (July 1989): 883–905. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/293125.

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27

Foley, Andrew. "Liberal politics and liberal literature." Journal of Literary Studies 8, no. 3-4 (December 1992): 162–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02564719208530013.

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28

Baumann, Fred E. "Liberal Education and Liberal Democracy." Perspectives on Political Science 42, no. 4 (October 2013): 201–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10457097.2013.829340.

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29

Rhoden, T. F. "The liberal in liberal democracy." Democratization 22, no. 3 (December 11, 2013): 560–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2013.851672.

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Gillespie, Michael Allen. "Liberal education and liberal democracy." Academic Questions 3, no. 4 (December 1990): 65–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02682904.

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31

Felker-Kantor, Max. "Liberal Law-and-Order: The Politics of Police Reform in Los Angeles." Journal of Urban History 46, no. 5 (April 28, 2017): 1026–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144217705462.

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After his election in 1973, Los Angeles’s first African American mayor, Tom Bradley, worked to implement reforms that would increase civilian oversight and accountability of the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD). Ensuring procedural fairness that treated all residents equally, Bradley and other liberals believed, would lead to reductions in police harassment, abuse, and shootings. Placing their faith in the power of government to effectively manage the police allowed liberals to pledge both strong support for tough law enforcement and propose police reforms. This liberal law-and-order, however, did not result in similar police reforms, such as civilian review, pursued in other Democratic-run cities. No event demonstrated this limitation of Bradley’s liberal law-and-order approach to police reform as the Rodney King beating and the 1992 Los Angeles rebellion. Rather than demonstrating the failure of liberal reform, Los Angeles shows how liberal law-and-order facilitated the expansion of police authority after the 1960s.

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Leveringhaus, Alex. "Liberal Interventionism, Humanitarian Ethics, and the Responsibility to Protect." Global Responsibility to Protect 6, no. 2 (June 12, 2014): 162–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00602005.

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This paper examines the lack of engagement between liberal political philosophers and humanitarians on the issue of humanitarian intervention. It argues that the recent emergence of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) agenda provides a great opportunity to overcome this mutual disinterest in each other’s positions. R2P, especially as formulated by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, is fairly demanding. In order to formulate an adequate response, liberals and humanitarians need to reconsider their positions. In this respect, insights provided by liberal political theory are helpful to humanitarians. Firstly, liberal reasoning offers justifications for potential restrictions of the humanitarian scope of concern in the course of halting mass atrocities. Second, liberal values indicate how humanitarians can respond to the challenges posed by post-war reconstruction. Conversely, humanitarian considerations should prompt liberals to think harder about the conduct of military intervention, as well as the material basis of successful post-atrocity reconstruction.

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ROBERT MOORE, JAMES. "PROGRESSIVE PIONEERS: MANCHESTER LIBERALISM, THE INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY, AND LOCAL POLITICS IN THE 1890s." Historical Journal 44, no. 4 (December 2001): 989–1013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0100214x.

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The Manchester Progressive Municipal Programme of 1894 has been viewed as indicative of a new Liberal approach to labour and social questions, heralding the New Liberalism of the Edwardian era and marking a gradual transition to class-based politics. Rather than focus on the role of senior individuals, such as Manchester Guardian editor C. P. Scott, in fostering the change, this article explores the practical problems of grass-roots party co-operation and the problems that Progressive approaches brought to Liberals. Progressive ideas had already permeated much Liberal thinking before 1890 and the Progressive Programme was less of a departure than might be imagined. Progressive policies may have helped consolidate Liberal working-class support but they did little to encourage co-operation with the Independent Labour Party (ILP). Where senior Liberals attempted to forge alliances they were invariably rebuffed. When Liberal candidates stepped down in deference to the ILP, Irish and working-class Liberal trade unionists revolted and split the party. The 1895 general election demonstrated the dangers of being too closely associated with the ILP and the limitations of Progressivism as a political strategy.

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Hilton, Boyd. "Whiggery, religion and social reform: the case of Lord Morpeth." Historical Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 829–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015119.

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ABSTRACTM.P.s who supported the Grey, Melbourne, Russell and Palmerston governments were all described as ‘Liberals’ in contemporary registers such as those by Dod and McCalmont. However, historians have recently attempted to differentiate intellectually among these M.P.s, and in particular to sort out the liberals from the whigs. A difficulty here is that, in a period which was almost equally dominated by religious and ecclesiastical issues on the one hand and social and economic issues on the other, it appears that those politicians who were most ‘liberal’ in one context were least ‘liberal’ in the other. The subject of this article, Lord Morpeth, conformed to a type of ‘whig–liberal’ politician whose social policies were ‘whig’ rather than ‘liberal’, but who exemplified that tolerant approach to religious politics which has been termed ‘liberal Anglican’. It is possible to infer Morpeth's theological views from his many comments on sermons and devotional texts, and it appears that the best way to understand his religion (and its impact on his politics) is in terms, not of liberal Anglicanism, but of incarnationalism combined with a type of joyous pre-millenarianism (or jolly apocalypticism) not uncharacteristic of the mid nineteenth century. Reacting against the evangelical and high church revivals, yet sharing their piety and rectitude, Morpeth's incarnational religion represented an attempt to reconcile a theory of individual personality with ideas of community and brotherhood – to soften the ‘spiritual capitalism’ implied by ‘moderate’ Anglican evangelicalism, while retaining its emphasis on individual responsibility. Its secular equivalent was the type of ‘half-way’ social reform espoused by many whig-liberals in the third quarter of the century.

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Vostrikova, Vlada V. "Russian Liberals of the Early 20th Century on the Liability of Ministers as a Constitutional Law Institution." History of state and law 4 (April 11, 2024): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3805-2024-4-20-27.

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The article examines the theoretical ideas of Russian liberal statesmen of the early twentieth century on the problem of ministerial responsibility. The reflection of the theoretical views of liberals on the responsibility of ministers in the program documents and political activities of liberal parties is analyzed.

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Fantoni, Wagner Facundo. "Liberalismo, Liberal-Igualitarismo ou Comunitarismo?" Revista de Teorias da Justiça, da Decisão e da Argumentação Jurídica 1, no. 1 (December 6, 2015): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.26668/indexlawjournals/2525-9644/2015.v1i1.734.

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Três correntes filosóficas apresentam propostas e percursos diferentes no campo ético sobre o estudo e a solução de problemas referentes à justiça: liberalismo, liberal- igualitarismo e comunitarismo. Seus representantes são denominados respectivamente liberais, liberais-igualitários e comunitaristas. No presente artigo, pretende-se avaliar cada uma destas linhas filosóficas, apresentando seus pontos positivos e negativos, e ainda demonstrar que o liberalismo deve ser rejeitado em detrimento do liberal-igualitarismo e do comunitarismo. Isto porque estas correntes filosóficas apresentam formas mais plausíveis de resolução de problemas do que a maneira liberal. Nestes termos, o liberal-igualitarismo e o comunitarismo não se repelem necessariamente. Ao contrário, podem ser aplicados conjuntamente, o que será demonstrado no presente trabalho acadêmico. Para tanto, desenvolve-se e confirma-se esta hipótese por meio de levantamento e estudo da doutrina pertinente.

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Stynen, Ludo. "Liberaal en flamingant. Pol De Mont als politicus." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 73, no. 3 (September 29, 2014): 202–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v73i3.12141.

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De dichter Pol De Mont, ooit een der eerste Vlaamse studentenleiders, raakte al snel bekend om zijn strijdbare Vlaamsgezinde, democratische en vrijzinnige standpunten. Bovendien wist hij als spreker moeiteloos een publiek mee te slepen. Toen de Antwerpse Liberale Vlaamsche Bond hem aar voren schoof als kandidaat voor de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen van 1890 was dat niet naar de zin van machtige Association libérale. Deze bijdrage heeft aandacht voor de perscampagne tegen De Mont, voor de tegenstellingen binnen de Antwerpse liberalen, en voor De Monts activiteiten in de Antwerpse provincieraad waarvoor hij in 1892 wel verkozen raakte. Belicht wordt de moeilijke relatie van toonaangevende Antwerpse liberale kringen en het flamingantische enerzijds, de onverenigbaarheid van De Monts idealen met de partijtucht anderzijds.________Liberal and supporter of the Flemish movement: Pol De Mont as a politician.The poet Pol De Mont, once one of the first Flemish student leaders soon became known for his militant pro-Flemish, democratic and liberal views. Moreover, he effortlessly managed to win over the public as a speaker. When the Antwerp Liberal Flemish Union proposed him as a candidate for the local elections in 1890, this displeased the powerful Association libérale. This contribution focuses on the press campaign against De Mont, the contradictions within the group of the Antwerp liberals, and the activities of De Mont in the Antwerp provincial council into which he did get elected in 1892. The article discusses the difficult relationship of the leading Antwerp liberal circles and the pro-Flemish movement on the one hand and the incompatibility between the ideals of De Mont and the party discipline on the other hand.

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Greener, B. K. "Liberalism and the Use of Force: Core Themes and Conceptual Tensions." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 32, no. 3 (July 2007): 295–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437540703200302.

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Since the mid-1980s, a number of authors have asserted that there is a special kind of relationship between democratic states; or that liberalism promotes peaceful relations between liberal states; or that there exists a hierarchy of states in international society with liberal states at the apex of that hierarchy. Many of these theories touch on issues of liberalism, liberal states, and the use of military force. Yet they still do not directly address the key question of: when, and for what ends, liberals believe that military force may be used. An implicit intimation is often made that there is a monolithic liberal approach to the use of force. In contrast, this article identifies a variety of contemporary liberal views on this topic and argues that these depend upon the priority given to values such as those of tolerance and consent versus progress and civility, or those of cosmopolitanism versus communitarianism. On this basis, the article examines the liberal options for the use of force that can be justified in different ways by these different values, from self-defense to the creation of liberal entities, depending upon which liberal values predominate.

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Kautz, Steven. "The Postmodern Self and The Politics of Liberal Education." Social Philosophy and Policy 13, no. 1 (1996): 164–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500001564.

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Richard Rorty is one of the principal architects of a new way of thinking about liberalism. He calls his way “liberal ironism”: it is a postmodern liberalism, without Enlightenment rationalism, without the hopeless and finally enervating aspiration to discover an a historical philosophical foundation (“natural rights”) for liberal principles and practices. The postmodern liberal ironist, unlike the classical liberal rationalist, “faces up to the contingency of his or her own most central beliefs and desires,” says Rorty, including the characteristic liberal belief that “cruelty is the worst thing we do.” Such postmodern liberals frankly admit the apparently unhappy consequence of that essential “contingency,” that “there is no neutral, noncircular way to defend” liberal ways, no good argument to deploy against “Nazi and Marxist enemies of liberalism”; but no such argument is needed, says Rorty, since loyalty to one's own community is morality enough, even where that loyalty is without foundation. Here, I begin with a few words about Rorty's postmodern liberalism, as preface to a discussion of the effects of postmodern doctrines on liberal moral psychology.

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ROWSE, TIM. "THE INDIGENOUS REDEMPTION OF LIBERAL UNIVERSALISM." Modern Intellectual History 12, no. 3 (December 18, 2014): 579–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000766.

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Accounts of liberalism as an ideology of European imperialism have argued that when liberals discovered that colonized people were, in various ways, intractable, they questioned and then abandoned the postulated universal human capacity for improvement; the racial and cultural determinants of native “backwardness” seemed stronger than any universal susceptibility to the civilizing projects of liberal imperialism. While the intellectual trajectory of some canonical liberals illustrates this decline in liberal universalism, some colonized intellectuals—while acknowledging distinctions of race and people-hood—adhered to the universalist optimism of liberalism. In pursuit of a global history of liberalism, this essay examines writings by Peter Jones, Charles Eastman, Zitkala-Sa, Apirana Ngata and William Cooper to illustrate a robust indigenous universalism. Drawing on the intellectual heritage of Christianity and universal (or “stadial”) philosophy of history, these intellectuals affirmed emphatically that their people were demonstrating the capacities to be subjects of liberal civilization.

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Zhang, Sitong, Yaqi Yu, and Huizi Yang. "Decline and Revival: Liberal Party and Liberalism." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 46, no. 1 (April 19, 2024): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/46/20230618.

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Among the many political parties influenced by liberalism, the British Liberal Party and the Liberal Democrats are two typical examples of a lineage. In 1906, the Liberal Party won the general election with an absolute majority of the vote, which marked the culmination of the Liberal Party's development. During the following several decades, with the development of British society and politics and the blow of World War I, the Liberal Party gradually lost its political niche in party competition. After World War II, the Liberal Party, led by Thorpe, worked hard to regain its footing. On this basis, this paper focuses on two main questions. What caused the demise of British Liberal Party after the First World War and how did the merger with Social Democratic Party accelerate the revival of the Liberal Party. Using the methodological approach of literature review, this paper will analyse the decline and revival of the Liberals, combining the perspectives of political science and history. It is argued that the decline of British Liberal Party should be attributed to the changing ideology, the rise of Labour as well as the catalysis of World War I. As for the revival of Liberal Party, it is stressed that its merger with Social Democrats in 1988 has been significant in facilitating its vote-winning and transition to parliamentary strength.

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Grasso, Kenneth L. "Virtue and the Making of Modern Liberalism. By Peter Berkowitz. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999. 235p. $27.95." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (March 2001): 201–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401232018.

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"For quite a while," Peter Berkowitz notes, "leading aca- demic liberals and their best-known critics formed an unwit- ting alliance, promulgating the view that liberal political theory" ignores the whole subject of virtue and cultivation (p. 170). If that view is correct, this neglect not only would spawn "fatal theoretical lacunae" (p. 4) but also would raise serious doubts about liberalism's capacity to sustain the "qualities of mind and character" (p. 172) required for "the operation and maintenance" of "free and democratic institutions" (p. 6). In recent years, however, a new generation of liberals have challenged this widely held view. Thinkers such as William Galston and Stephen Macedo acknowledge that liberal re- gimes depend "upon a specific set of virtues," which "they do not automatically produce" (pp. 278). Their work points toward the "dependence" of liberal societies on "extraliberal and nongovernmental sources of virtue" (p. 28), such as "the family, religion and the array of associations in civil society" (p. 6). Simultaneously, they insist that "limited government is not the same as neutral government" (p. 173), and they affirm "that the liberal state, within bounds, ought to pursue liberal purposes" and, thus, "may, within limits, foster virtues" that serve these purposes (p. xii).

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Neal, Patrick. "Habermas, Religion, and Citizenship." Politics and Religion 7, no. 2 (November 13, 2013): 318–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048313000618.

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AbstractWhat is the appropriate place for religious argument in the public realm of a liberal-democratic polity? The primary competing positions have been a “liberal” account and a “revisionist” response arguing for a greater role for religious argument in liberal democracy than the liberal position is ordinarily understood to allow. Liberals and their revisionist critics disagree about whether restraints on religious arguments and justifications are justified and desirable. Jürgen Habermas has intervened in this debate with a provocative account of the place of religion in the public sphere. Habermas presents his account as an alternative to both the liberal and the revisionist perspectives, and purports to do justice to the legitimate claims of each without falling prey to the failings of either. This article critically analyzes Habermas's interesting proposal and argues that it does not succeed.

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Buckley, Michael. "Liberal democracy and the search for political stability." Philosophy of the History of Philosophy 3 (2023): 306–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu34.2022.120.

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Liberal political philosophers are beginning to seriously consider the prospects of democratic instability alongside the question of justice. This chapter explores how a recent development in liberal political theory, political liberalism, frames the problem of social stability. Political liberals think reasonable pluralism is the natural outcome of free and open democratic institutions. The permanent existence of diverse yet reasonable moral and religious comprehensive doctrines create theoretical and practical problems for liberalism. A theoretically coherent liberalism must find normative reasons all can endorse even though everyone grounds their reasons on radically different conceptions of the moral good. A practically stable liberalism must show how a society whose members tend naturally toward moral division can nonetheless share the same normative political conception of justice. Solving both problems in ways consistent with liberal political values is difficult because the permanent existence of reasonable pluralism creates two formulations of the problem of stability. This chapter characterizes the two problems in terms of a positive and negative formulations. It traces the progress political liberals make toward resolving the positive formulation. It also explains how the solution to the positive formulation of the problem of liberal stability simultaneously provides a solution to the theoretical problem of liberal coherency. However, the chapter also argues that the negative formulation of the problem of liberal stability remains unresolved. A key task for liberal theorists in the twenty-first century is resolving the negative formulation of the problem of stability, for without a solution, the ‘rule of law’ remains vulnerable to attacks from those willing to use the ‘will of the people’ against it.

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diZerega, Gus. "Liberalism, Democracy, and the State: Reclaiming the Unity of Liberal Politics." Review of Politics 63, no. 4 (2001): 755–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500032150.

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Liberal political thought has fractured into “classical” and “modern” camps. This division is rooted in differing reactions to the rise of capitalism and democracy, which are institutional outgrowths of liberal principles, unanticipated by its seminal thinkers. Both “classical” and “modern” liberalism are led astray by classifying liberal democracy as a kind of state. But democracies are not states; they are selforganizing systems. When the nature of this error is grasped, a more coherent liberal vision emerges, where the key tension in liberal society is between selforganizing systems and instrumental organizations. Possibilities in public policy take on new dimensions as well.The world we know is largely the institutional outcome of liberalism's political triumph, first in the West and increasingly worldwide. Yet today liberal thought is deeply divided against itself and, in this division, often unable to comprehend a world in many ways its product. This division grows primarily from tensions between two liberal institutions: liberal, or representative, democracy and the market, and also from the near universal failure of liberals to grasp democratic government's unusual systemic character. Tensions between liberal democracy and the market are central issues, whereas the character of democratic government receives far less attention. Yet how the first issue is evaluated depends in part on understanding the last. Liberalism has strengthened the intellectual, legal, economic and political status of individuals within society, emphasizing equality of status for all people.

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Da Silva, Lucas Garcia, and Bianca de Freitas Linhares. "As perspectivas Liberal e Não Liberal do Populismo: notas introdutórias." Aurora. Revista de Arte, Mídia e Política 12, no. 36 (March 8, 2020): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.23925/v12n36_dossie4.

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Dada a emergência de sujeitos políticos que desafiam os ditames das democracias liberais, como do presidente do Brasil, Jair Bolsonaro, e o presidente dos Estados Unidos, Donald Trump, o termo populismo ressurge carregado de uma conotação pejorativa. Em vista disto, o presente artigo tem como objetivo abordar sistematicamente uma parte importante da produção teórica que tem se debruçado sobre o termo populismo. Com base nesse levantamento, percebe-se que o debate pode ser dividido em duas perspectivas distintas, a liberal e a não liberal. Ambas possuem pontos de divergências e convergências, mas a grande diferença entre elas é que, enquanto a primeira é resistente em criticar o funcionamento das democracias liberais, a segunda entende que este modelo hegemônico da democracia é problemático no que diz respeito à soberania popular.

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Ripstein, Arthur. "Making the World Safe for Liberalism." Dialogue 32, no. 2 (1993): 309–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300014451.

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‘Liberal’ is still a term of abuse in US presidential politics and certain academic circles. But gone for now are the days when liberals were saddled with responsibility for (depending on who was making the accusation) crime, promiscuity or crass concern with material wealth. Instead, competing political visions increasingly do battle for the right to carry the liberal banner.

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Kohlmann, Benjamin. "Liberal." Victorian Literature and Culture 51, no. 3 (2023): 447–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150323000293.

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This short keyword essay begins by turning to the socially progressive “New Liberalism” of the decades around 1900 in order to think about the eclipse of certain traditions of liberal thought from the Cold War onward (this part of the essay takes its cue from Sam Moyn's recent Carlyle lectures on Cold War liberalism). The piece then considers how the (literary, political, social) legacies of this reconstituted liberalism might speak to our own current (“neoliberal” rather than “New Liberal”) moment when, in Bonnie Honig's words, “efficiency is no longer one value among others. . . . It has become rationality itself, and it is the standard by which everything is assessed.”

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Brecher, Bob. "Surrogacy, Liberal Individualism and the Moral Climate." Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 22 (September 1987): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135824610000374x.

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I attempt in this paper to do two things: to offer some comments about recent discussions of the suggested institutionalization of surrogacy agreements; and in doing so, to draw attention to a range of considerations which liberals tend to omit from their moral assessments. The main link between these concerns is the idea that what people want is a fundamental justification (other things being equal, of course) for their getting it. I believe that this idea is profoundly mistaken; yet it is an inevitable consequence of a liberal notion of the individual and liberals' extremely limited conception of harm. My intention, then, is to illustrate how unease about a concrete problem—whether or not surrogacy agreements should be institutionalized—might interact with dissatisfaction about liberal individualism to make clearer what the unease consists in and to suggest why liberal individualism is inadequate as a basis for moral philosophy.

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Brecher, Bob. "Surrogacy, Liberal Individualism and the Moral Climate." Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 22 (September 1987): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957042x00003746.

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I attempt in this paper to do two things: to offer some comments about recent discussions of the suggested institutionalization of surrogacy agreements; and in doing so, to draw attention to a range of considerations which liberals tend to omit from their moral assessments. The main link between these concerns is the idea that what people want is a fundamental justification (other things being equal, of course) for their getting it. I believe that this idea is profoundly mistaken; yet it is an inevitable consequence of a liberal notion of the individual and liberals' extremely limited conception of harm. My intention, then, is to illustrate how unease about a concrete problem—whether or not surrogacy agreements should be institutionalized—might interact with dissatisfaction about liberal individualism to make clearer what the unease consists in and to suggest why liberal individualism is inadequate as a basis for moral philosophy.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Liberal'

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