Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Liberal'
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1
Caney, Simon. "Liberal perfectionism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390274.
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Tan, Wei-Li jJoachim. "Liberal Neutrality." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.522803.
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Slade, IV Joseph W. "Aristotelian Liberal Virtues." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2008. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/philosophy_theses/34.
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I analyze the potentially self-destructive tension inherent in liberalism between conceptions of negative liberty and positive liberty. In doing so, I utilize Aristotle’s theory of virtue to show that virtue is the best method of resolving this tension. In addition, I demonstrate that liberal virtues are best construed as virtues of intellect to be exercised in the public sphere. In particular, I show the importance of not construing liberal virtues as virtues of character (often referred to as moral virtues), because advocating such virtues is, in fact, contrary to the central tenets of liberalism. That is, I argue that it is illiberal to ask liberal citizens to develop a certain moral character, and that it is, instead, essential for said citizens to develop intellectual virtues as a method of resolving this tension within liberalism between the virtues needed to sustain liberalism and liberalism’s resistance towards promoting those virtues.
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Curry, Paul F. "Citizenship Beyond Liberal Neutrality." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23674.
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The liberal tradition has borne great fruits since the dawn of the modern era by emphasizing the value of equality and personal liberty, and by developing a theory of rights. Despite its incredible success, many authors have been pointing to fissures in the liberal structure, including practical and theoretical problems with state neutrality, with the state’s stance vis-à-vis different cultures, and with liberalism’s purported radical individualism. It is my belief that the gains of liberalism can be reconciled within a new theory that better answers to such critiques.
Citizenship Beyond Liberal Neutrality begins with an analysis of contemporary debate between liberalism and its critics. This leads to a discussion of the state’s relationship toward cultural identities, and to a discussion of the meaning of citizenship within a liberal-democratic state. What we need, I argue, is a civic identity that is both capable of judging cultural practices, and capacious enough for a citizenry characterized by reasonable pluralism. This common identity, moreover, provides a locus for attachment that is often found wanting in contemporary liberal theory. I draw on relevant insights from virtue theories, constitutional patriotism, and an ‘analogical’ understanding of public reason to inform a new, liberal-like conception of citizenship. In order to exemplify this conception, and to bolster the case for it, I consider how such a philosophy could play out with respect to two public policy areas that are central to citizenship, namely education and immigration.
Distilled to its simplest, I argue for a theory of citizenship that admits a conception of the good, that can promote virtue while respecting autonomy, and that can provide a basis for civic unity.
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Galassini, Margherita. "Religion and Liberal Legitimacy." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/204075.
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Rhyn, Heinz. "Allgemeine Bildung und liberale Gesellschaft : zur Transformation der Liberal Education in der angelsächsischen Aufklärung /." [S.l : s.n.], 1995. http://www.ub.unibe.ch/content/bibliotheken_sammlungen/sondersammlungen/dissen_bestellformular/index_ger.html.
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Cornish, Sara Elizabeth. "Imposing the Liberal Peace: State-building and Neo-liberal Development in Timor-Leste." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Language, Social and Political Sciences, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/10287.
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From the mid-1990s, the amalgamation of security, development, and humanitarian imperatives under the single umbrella of ‘state-building’ has provided a compelling justification for increasingly intrusive interventions into the political, economic, and social affairs of subject countries. Guided by the assumptions of liberal peace theory, state-building initiatives engage directly with states, seeking to achieve a reformulation of structures of government as a first step towards the implementation of wider socio-economic reforms. The state-building project is geared towards the construction of a particular form of statehood in subject states; state institutions are to be reconstructed in accordance with a liberal template, and tasked with establishing the necessary institutional environment for market-led development and the liberal peace.
Contemporary discourses of state-building and development are fundamentally interlinked, representing a unified process of neo-liberal replication in subject states, whereby fundamental transformations of social, political, and economic structures are to be implemented and sustained through the construction of liberal state institutions. Pressure to court international approval due to conditions of aid dependence curtails the potential for meaningful democracy in subject countries. Key questions of social and economic policy are subsumed as technical matters of good governance and removed from domestic democratic contestation, facilitating a transfer of formerly domestic considerations into the international sphere. These interlocking processes of state-building and neo-liberal discipline have contributed to an inversion of sovereign statehood, whereby the state serves to channel inward an externally driven agenda, rather than acting as a sovereign expression of domestic interests. This reality raises important questions regarding the nature of democracy in post-conflict environments, and in particular the impact of state-building activities on the prospects for broadly inclusive democracy in subject states.
This study will examine the evolution of state-building as a critical components of peace-building missions, its central assumptions and goals, and its implementation in practice in Timor-Leste. The state-building process in Timor-Leste has contributed to the formation of an insulated state with little basis in Timorese society. The democratic experience in Timor-Leste has been profoundly disempowering; conditions of aid dependence have constrained elected governments in key areas of social and economic policy, resulting in a loss of popular legitimacy and mounting public disenchantment. Closer examination of food and agricultural policy and management of Timorese oil reserves reveals the extent to which government policy remains constrained by international preferences. In these areas, the government’s inability to act in the interests of the Timorese public has compounded social hardships and popular discontent, contributing to the build-up of anti-government sentiment that manifested itself in the 2006 crisis.
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Bennett, Fred. "A liberal theory of borders." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/10429.
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The thesis investigates normative justifications for any particular division of the world into political units; it investigates the moral considerations which arise when changes to political frontiers are proposed. It is argued that the right of individuals to associate with whom they please is the moral factor which determines the moral legitimacy of political boundaries. Groups of individuals occupying a contiguous territory have a moral right to secede from any existing political unit for any or no reason other than the fact that the majority wishes it, unless it can be demonstrated that such an action would violate someone's rights. Such factors as culture, language, historical accident, etc., are morally irrelevant; they may account for psychological motivations but carry no moral weight. The argument would countenance the secession of Quebec from Canada, the partition of Quebec, or the expulsion of Quebec from the federation by other Canadians.
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Zamboni, Fausto José da Fonseca [UNESP]. "Literatura, ensino e educação liberal." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103630.
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zamboni_fjf_dr_assis.pdf: 916721 bytes, checksum: d41937b99a032bd0c579d93a4223f032 (MD5)L’educazione letteraria, nelle scuole e università, si trova ad affrontare oggi innumerevoli difficoltà, soprattutto a causa di un grande contingente di alunni senza interesse negli studi. Ortega y Gasset credeva che ogni studio non motivato da un interesse vitale fosse una falsità, e questo è il caso di molti alunni della scuola di massa che, negli ultimi secoli, si è trasformata profondamente, diffondendosi ampiamente e proponendosi come valido ausilio per la formazione professionale e l’Ingegneria Sociale. Le scienze umane, dall’altra parte, sono state fortemente influenzate da un’ondata di studi critici che hanno messo in difficoltà l’autorità della Tradizione e dei valori fondanti della nostra civiltà. La crisi dell’educazione è, in fondo, il risultato di una crisi ancor maggiore, dentro la quale l’uomo ha perduto la fede nei valori, su cui ha edificato la propria cultura. Ora il suo compito è trovare una propria centralità in questo universo confuso in cui riconoscere se stesso e poter ordinare l’ammasso di informazioni e conoscenze che la nostra epoca continua a produrre abbondantemente. Non ci sono alternative che non emergano direttamente dalla Tradizione, anzi diciamo pure dalle tradizioni che la Tradizione stessa ci offre. Dobbiamo conoscerle per poter scegliere quelle che ci servono, per realizzare “l’esame del moderno in faccia all’eterno” (CARPEAUX, 1999, p. 203). Questo è l’obiettivo dell’Educazione Liberale, basata sullo studio dei classici – specialmente delle opere letterarie – poiché la letteratura è la base su cui si edificano le culture e tutti i tipi di discorsi e conoscenze umane. Essa può aiutarci a vincere le deficienze di un’educazione utilitaristica, guidandoci nella ricerca del Sapere e del senso della vita; insomma, di un nuovo stile di esistenza
A educação literária, nas escolas e universidades, enfrenta inúmeros problemas, e o principal é a falta de motivação profunda dos alunos. Ortega y Gasset dizia que todo estudo que não se funda num interesse vital é uma falsidade, e essa é a situação geral do ensino massificado da nossa época. A escola e a universidade se transformaram enormemente nos últimos séculos, passando a atender outros propósitos, como a preparação profissional e a modelagem de atitudes e mentalidades em vista de objetivos políticos. As humanidades, por sua vez, foram tomadas por uma onda de estudos críticos que combatem a autoridade da Tradição e dos valores que fundaram a nossa civilização. A crise da educação é, no fundo, uma crise muito maior, na qual o homem perdeu a fé nos valores que edificaram o Ocidente, sem que pudesse encontrar um centro em que reconhecesse a si mesmo e pudesse ordenar a massa de informações e conhecimentos que a nossa época produz em abundância. Não há, porém, alternativas que não emerjam diretamente da Tradição, ou melhor, das tradições que a Tradição oferece. Devemos conhecê-las para escolher aquelas que nos servem, para fazer “o exame do moderno em face do eterno” (CARPEAUX, 1999, p. 203). É nisso que consiste a Educação Liberal, que se baseia no estudo dos clássicos – especialmente as obras literárias – pois a literatura é a base na qual se fundam as culturas e os outros tipos de conhecimentos. Ela pode nos auxiliar a suprir as deficiências de uma educação utilitarista, guiando-nos na busca da sabedoria e da realização do sentido da vida; em suma, de um novo estilo humano de existência
10
Bernstein, Steven Franklin. "The compromise of liberal environmentalism." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ27604.pdf.
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Lloyd, Mark Andrew. "Shaftesbury's liberal critique of Locke." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0002/NQ41216.pdf.
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Khan, Mohammad O. "Secular Foundations of Liberal Multiculturalism." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/philosophy_theses/100.
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In pursuit of a just political order, Will Kymlicka has defended a liberal conception of multiculturalism. The persuasive appeal of his argument, like that of secular-liberalism more generally, is due to presenting liberalism as a neutral and universal political project. Utilizing Charles Taylor’s genealogy of ‘exclusive humanism’ in A Secular Age, this thesis attempts to re-read Kymlicka in order to make certain theological commitments in his work explicit. Here I argue that Kymlicka, in order to make his conception of multiculturalism plausible, relies on a theologically-thick and controversial humanism operating under secular conditions of belief. By committing himself to a particular conception of the human and specific conditions of belief, Kymlicka’s liberal multiculturalism is rendered provincially incoherent because it fails to treat in a neutral manner certain theological commitments.
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Kymlicka, W. "Liberal equality and cultural community." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234294.
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Duffy, Hugh. "Liberal education and Catholic theology." Thesis, University of Hull, 1989. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5719.
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The purpose of this thesis is to analyse and explain the intimate connection that exists between liberal education and Catholic theology. This is done by analysing the changing patterns of interconnections in the historical and on-going relationship between both. The thesis comprises nine chapters. The first two chapters outline the general principles governing the study. The next two chapters deal with the history of the relationship between liberal education and Catholic theology, beginning with the early apologists via Augustine and culminating in Aquinas' scholastic synthesis. This part of the study describes the synthesis which took place from early Christianity until the fifteenth century. The second part of the thesis deals with the separation of liberal education and Catholic theology, which began during the Reformation, and is discussed in Chapters Five and Six. The consequences of this separation which led to the establishment of a secular system of liberal education, divorced from theology, during the Enlightenment, is analysed in Chapter Seven. The final two chapters of the thesis (Chapters Eight and Nine) deal with the 'Catholic Reaction' to the reformed rational system of liberal education, and the 'Rediscovery' of the comprehensive tradition of liberal education, brought about by the historic revival of Catholic scholarship, initiated by Pope Leo XIII.
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Margulies, William Benjamin. "Liberal parties and party systems." Thesis, University of Essex, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.654481.
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Nagel and Wlezien (2010) found that the Liberal Democrats in Britain tended to gain votes when the Conservatives moved to the right on the left-right spectrum, and the Labour Party moved to the left. They also found that, as the Liberal Democrats gained votes, they pushed the Conservatives to the right, but not Labour. Nagel and Wlezien took their left-right measurements from the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP) This thesis studies whether these phenomena occur cross-nationally across other advanced democracies. Using a dataset of 26 established wealthy democracies, mainly long-term members of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, this work measures whether increased distance between conservative and social democratic parties benefits parties in the liberal party family. The thesis finds that the dynamics that Nagel and Wlezien observed in Great Britain appear in other democracies more generally. It also finds that liberal party strength pushes conservatives farther to the right (which Nagel and Wlezien found in Britain) and social democrats farther to the left (which was not the case in Britain). The work also tests how more general measures of polarization impact liberal parties, finding either no impact or an unexpected negative association. Finally, the work concluded with an examination of the role of some liberal parties as players in the postmaterialist arena, and provides a qualitative study of some new parties which are being or which may be classified as liberal.
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Bayefsky, Rachel. "Humiliation and liberal democratic politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b381b972-6838-401a-97a2-bffd2c1bcd6b.
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The concept of humiliation has not received much attention from political theorists, despite the fact that themes related to dignity, respect, and honour have become more prominent in recent years. Contributions to the literature in political theory and related disciplines that do focus on humiliation tend to cast humiliation in one particular mould: as a violation of human dignity or equality, or as the emotional response to such a violation. Writers who take this view of humiliation often conclude that liberal democratic states and other actors committed to liberal democratic principles should not engage in humiliation. In this thesis, I provide an in-depth examination of the concept of humiliation, clarifying certain features of humiliation that are presented ambiguously in the current literature. I emphasise the complexity of humiliation and the variety of forms it can take, beyond the violation of human dignity or equality. Humiliation can, for instance, consist of damage to the images of relatively powerful individuals or groups. I then argue that normative conclusions about the responsibilities of actors committed to liberal democratic principles vis-à-vis humiliation ought to be more nuanced than the conclusions found in much of the current literature. In some circumstances, these actors may legitimately engage in action that constitutes and/or leads to humiliation in order to uphold liberal democratic principles. But I also endorse certain concerns regarding this kind of action. Decisions about the proper approach to humiliation on the part of actors committed to liberal democratic principles should be made, I argue, with sensitivity to the particular political context.
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Oliveira, Laís. "Paulo Francis, um conservador-liberal." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2017. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/5710.
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Este estudo analisa uma parte do material produzido pelo jornalista Paulo Francis (Franz Paul Trannin da Matta Heilborn) no período de sua entrada para o jornal Folha de São Paulo (1975), passando por sua transferência para O Estado de São Paulo (1991) até o ano de sua morte em 1997. A escolha deste material se deu pelas opiniões emitidas pelo jornalista em torno de temas relacionados ao conservadorismo-liberal como liberdade, igualdade, meritocracia, propriedade privada, democracia e direitos às minorias. Constatou-se que, através de um deslocamento ideológico a partir da década de 1990, sobretudo, o jornalista se tornou um liberal em termos econômicos e políticos, mas conservador em termos éticos e sociais. Além disto, o aspecto conservador liberal de Paulo Francis é mostrado em três momentos da carreira do jornalista: 1 - na polêmica com atriz Tônia Carrero no final dos anos 1950, II - no período da redemocratização do Brasil (1979-1989) que é coincidente com a chegada das ideias neoliberais por aqui e, III - nos finais da década de 1990, período em que o jornalista sofreu a iminência de ser processado pelos diretores da Petrobrás.
This study analyzes a part of the material produced by journalist Paulo Francis (Franz Paul Trannin of Matta Heilborn) in the period of his entry for the newspaper Folha de São Paulo (1975), and his transfer to O Estado de São Paulo (1991) untill the year of his death in 1997. The choice of this material was based on the opinions expressed by the journalist on issues related to liberal conservatism such as freedom, equality, meritocracy, private property, democracy and minority rights. It was reported that through an ideological shift from the 1990s, above all, the journalist became a liberal in economic and political terms, but conservative in ethical and social terms. In addition, the conservative-liberal aspect of Paulo Francis is shown in three moments of the journalist's career: 1 - in the controversy with actress Tonia Carrero in the late 1950s, II - in the period of the redemocratization of Brazil (19791989) that is coinciding with the arrival of neoliberal ideas around here, and III - in the late 1990s, when the journalist suffered the imminence of being sued by the directors of Petrobrás.
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Zamboni, Fausto José da Fonseca. "Literatura, ensino e educação liberal /." Assis : [s.n.], 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103630.
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Orientador: Benedito AntunesBanca: Paulo Elias Allane Franchetti
Banca: Maria do Rosário Longo Mortatti
Banca: Odil José de Oliveira Filho
Banca: João Luís Cardoso Tápias Ceccantini
Resumo: A educação literária, nas escolas e universidades, enfrenta inúmeros problemas, e o principal é a falta de motivação profunda dos alunos. Ortega y Gasset dizia que todo estudo que não se funda num interesse vital é uma falsidade, e essa é a situação geral do ensino massificado da nossa época. A escola e a universidade se transformaram enormemente nos últimos séculos, passando a atender outros propósitos, como a preparação profissional e a modelagem de atitudes e mentalidades em vista de objetivos políticos. As humanidades, por sua vez, foram tomadas por uma onda de estudos críticos que combatem a autoridade da Tradição e dos valores que fundaram a nossa civilização. A crise da educação é, no fundo, uma crise muito maior, na qual o homem perdeu a fé nos valores que edificaram o Ocidente, sem que pudesse encontrar um centro em que reconhecesse a si mesmo e pudesse ordenar a massa de informações e conhecimentos que a nossa época produz em abundância. Não há, porém, alternativas que não emerjam diretamente da Tradição, ou melhor, das tradições que a Tradição oferece. Devemos conhecê-las para escolher aquelas que nos servem, para fazer "o exame do moderno em face do eterno" (CARPEAUX, 1999, p. 203). É nisso que consiste a Educação Liberal, que se baseia no estudo dos clássicos - especialmente as obras literárias - pois a literatura é a base na qual se fundam as culturas e os outros tipos de conhecimentos. Ela pode nos auxiliar a suprir as deficiências de uma educação utilitarista, guiando-nos na busca da sabedoria e da realização do sentido da vida; em suma, de um novo estilo humano de existência
Astratto: L'educazione letteraria, nelle scuole e università, si trova ad affrontare oggi innumerevoli difficoltà, soprattutto a causa di un grande contingente di alunni senza interesse negli studi. Ortega y Gasset credeva che ogni studio non motivato da un interesse vitale fosse una falsità, e questo è il caso di molti alunni della scuola di massa che, negli ultimi secoli, si è trasformata profondamente, diffondendosi ampiamente e proponendosi come valido ausilio per la formazione professionale e l'Ingegneria Sociale. Le scienze umane, dall'altra parte, sono state fortemente influenzate da un'ondata di studi critici che hanno messo in difficoltà l'autorità della Tradizione e dei valori fondanti della nostra civiltà. La crisi dell'educazione è, in fondo, il risultato di una crisi ancor maggiore, dentro la quale l'uomo ha perduto la fede nei valori, su cui ha edificato la propria cultura. Ora il suo compito è trovare una propria centralità in questo universo confuso in cui riconoscere se stesso e poter ordinare l'ammasso di informazioni e conoscenze che la nostra epoca continua a produrre abbondantemente. Non ci sono alternative che non emergano direttamente dalla Tradizione, anzi diciamo pure dalle tradizioni che la Tradizione stessa ci offre. Dobbiamo conoscerle per poter scegliere quelle che ci servono, per realizzare "l'esame del moderno in faccia all'eterno" (CARPEAUX, 1999, p. 203). Questo è l'obiettivo dell'Educazione Liberale, basata sullo studio dei classici - specialmente delle opere letterarie - poiché la letteratura è la base su cui si edificano le culture e tutti i tipi di discorsi e conoscenze umane. Essa può aiutarci a vincere le deficienze di un'educazione utilitaristica, guidandoci nella ricerca del Sapere e del senso della vita; insomma, di un nuovo stile di esistenza
Doutor
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Pereira, Gustavo. "Sujeto liberal y patologías sociales." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú - Departamento de Humanidades, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/112939.
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Liberal Subject and Social Pathologies”. This work presents thelimits of the idealization of the liberal subject. Its distinctive characteristics, which make this subject one that is scarcely vulnerable to circumstances and assume the possibility to evaluate ends and preferences, limit the awareness of phenomena of colonization of the world of life. Only by modifying such idealizationthrough deep self-reflection shall these colonizing phenomena be overcome. On the other hand, this new type of subject shall be able to participate in the relevance of personal behaviour as regards consumerism and the applicability of principles of justice.En este trabajo se presentan las limitaciones de la idealización del sujeto liberal. Sus características distintivas, que lo colocan como un sujeto escasamente vulnerable a las circunstancias a la vez que aseguran la posibilidad de evaluación de los fines y preferencias, limitan la posibilidad de percepción de los fenómenos de colonización del mundo de la vida. Solamente una modificación detal idealización a través de la incorporación de la autorreflexión profunda podrá enfrentar los fenómenos colonizadores. A su vez, esta nueva edición del sujeto será capaz de incidir en la relevancia que tiene el comportamiento personal en el consumismo y la aplicabilidad de los principios de justicia.
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Erbeznik, Katherine Elaine. "Liberal Cosmopolitanism and Economic Justice." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1222640684.
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Berteaux, John A. "Race and the liberal tradition /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9963648.
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Moreno, Luzón Javier. "Romanones : caciquismo y política liberal /." Madrid : Alianza ed, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37707464k.
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Souza, Martha Júlia Martins de. "Advertising in (neo) liberal times." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2016. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/174699.
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Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Comunicação e Expressão, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Inglês: Estudos Linguísticos e Literários, Florianópolis, 2016.Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-11T04:15:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 344853.pdf: 5854805 bytes, checksum: 048ec85ce38ee4a018fc758178b1353b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016
Abstract : This investigation addresses a semiotic investigation of advertisements at Avenida Paulista and subway stations in São Paulo in the context of a liquid modernity society influenced by the effects of neoliberalism. In this context, the present work investigates visual and textual elements of ads collected from three subway stations at Avenida Paulista (Brigadeiro, Trianon-Masp and Consolação), in order to reveal the meanings and values behind the process of text production. The analysis carried out here is based on the critical lenses of Systemic Functional Linguistics (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004) and Social Semiotics (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006) that will examine the aspects of Mood and Modality present in the texts. Moreover, the perspective of social theories (Bauman, 2000, 2007-1, 2007-2; Harvey, 2005; 2012), tackles and expands the relation between text and social context. The objectives pursued by this study was to: 1) to identify and describe possible interferences of the neoliberal ideology, 2) to interpret the visual and verbal meanings according to the discussion proposed by the authors used in the neoliberalism/liquid modernity society debate; and 3) to reflect on how the neoliberal discourse encourages a consumerist attitude on individuals. At a more descriptive level, results show that: i) there is a predominance of neoliberal characteristics on the ads, such as interconnectivity, cult of personality, meritocracy, just to mention a few ii) certain individuals are excluded from the ads representation, while others are put in evidence; iii) the representation of women is still related to beauty and cosmetics while men embody a more professional/serious role; iv) ads at Avenida Paulista are more up-to-dated, dynamic and interactive, while ads from the stations were less varied and traditional when comes to format; v) language exchange focused more on declarative sentences (50%), followed by imperatives (27%), nominal clauses (21%) and interrogatives (2%), which indicates that ad producers are more interested in convincing potential consumers by being assertive rather than impose an authoritative discourse. At a more interpretative level, individuals are not only lead to an unceasing pursuit for commodities, but they are also encouraged to behave differently in terms of lifestyle and social relations.
Esta investigação aborda uma análise semiótica da publicidade na Avenida Paulista e estações de metrô em São Paulo, no contexto da sociedade líquida moderna, influenciada pelos efeitos do neoliberalismo. Nesse contexto, o presente trabalho investiga elementos visuais e textuais dos anúncios coletados de três estações de metrô na Avenida Paulista (Brigadeiro, Trianon-Masp e Consolação), com o intuito de revelar os significados e valores por trás do processo de produção textual. A análise conduzida aqui é baseada na visão crítica da Linguística Sistêmica Funcional (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004), Semiótica Social (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006), que irão examinar aspectos de Modo e Modalidade presente nos textos. Além disso, a perspectiva das teorias sociais (Bauman, 2000, 2007-1, 2007-2; Harvey, 2005; 2012), abordam e expandem a relação entre texto e contexto social. Os objetivos buscados nesse estudo foram: 1) identificar e descrever possíveis interferências da ideologia neoliberal, 2) interpretar os significados visuais e verbais de acordo com a discussão proposta pelos autores usados no debate sobre neoliberalismo / sociedade líquido-moderna, e 3) refletir sobre como o discurso neoliberal encoraja uma atitude consumista nos indivíduos. Em nível mais descritivo, os resultados mostram que: i) há predominância de características neoliberais nos anúncios, como a interconectividade, culto à personalidade, meritocracia, apenas para citar alguns, ii) alguns indivíduos são excluídos da representação dos anúncios, enquanto outros são colocados em evidência; iii) a representação da mulher ainda está relacionada a beleza e cosméticos, enquanto homens incorporam um papel mais profissional/ sério, iv) os anúncios na Avenida Paulista são mais atualizados e interativos enquanto anúncios das estações são menos variados e tradicionais no que diz respeito a formato; v) o intercâmbio linguístico focaliza mais em sentenças declarativas (50%), seguidas por imperativos (27%), orações nominais (21%) e interrogativas (2%), o que indica que os produtores dos anúncios estão mais interessados em convencer os compradores em potencial por ser assertivo do que impor um discurso autoritário. Em nível interpretative, os indivíduos não apenas são levados a uma incessante busca por produtos, mas eles são também encorajados a comportarem-se diferentemente no que diz respeito a estilo de vida e relações sociais.
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Gibb, Winna. "Informed consent : a liberal perspective." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1998.
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Ault, John Anthony. "'Culture, character or campaigns?' : assessing the electoral performance of the Liberals and Liberal Democrats in Cornwall 1945-2010." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/15973.
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Politics in Cornwall in the twentieth century was dominated by the rivalry of two major parties: the Conservatives and the Liberals. Unlike much of the rest of Britain Cornwall retained a different political paradigm in which Labour did not replace the old left, with socialism, and until the modern day this localised duopoly has persisted. This thesis looks at the potentially different reasons why this divergence persists and identifies three possible explanations for this phenomenon: culture, character and campaigns. In Part I of the thesis, there is a comparison of politicians from the past and the attributes that these politicians possessed which are compared with modern day politicians to evaluate their relative strengths. The thesis also assesses historic campaigning as a cause of Liberal success as well as the different nature of Cornwall, with its distance from Westminster and its Celtic and Methodist background, which set it apart from much of the rest of England. Then in Part II, using modern day voter surveys conducted by telephone, this thesis identifies particular peculiarities in Cornwall which would seem to suggest that although there have been traditional cultural ties to Liberalism, mainly through the pre-dominant faith, Methodism, this cleavage towards the modern day Liberal Democrats has changed in nature as cultural reasons have become less significant. It also identifies the importance of so-called personality politics, in the Cornish context, as a key aspect of maintaining and then augmenting support for the party. As such major personalities from historic Cornish politics, such as Isaac Foot and David Penhaligon, are compared to modern day politicians to assess their relative significance. However, the significant majority of the original research conducted across Cornwall, and other parts of the country, attempts to identify whether the resurgence of the Liberal Democrats in the 1997 election, and subsequently, is linked to the campaigning the party conducts rather than these traditional assumptions for their electoral success. Conducting telephone surveys across thirteen parliamentary constituencies, before and after the 2010 general election, from the Highlands of Scotland to West Cornwall, this research identifies that grassroots campaigning, commonly referred to as Rennardism in the most recent past, but more accurately described as Community Politics, is the primary reason for the success of the Liberal Democrats in Cornwall between 1997 and 2010. By assessing not just seats in which the Liberal Democrats have been successful in recent years in Cornwall but also in similar, and different, regions of Britain a better assessment of the value of the party’s successes and failures can be evaluated both in Cornwall and comparatively. The research compares different potential reasons for voters supporting the party but the evidence would seem to suggest that in the period under discussion the party had built substantial levels of campaigning capacity in the target areas for the party and this helped to win all the seats in Cornwall for the Liberal Democrats in 2005. Surveys were conducted before and after the 2010 election and there is also evidence that as the party became a less effective campaigning machine it began to lose support in Cornwall and this helps to explain why the party lost seats in Cornwall in 2010. This thesis adds to the increasing awareness, amongst political scientists, of the significance of local constituency campaigning, in British politics, which has been the subject of debate in this field in recent years. Historically scholars have debated the significance of national swing, with early political scientists, like David Butler and Robert Mackenzie, favouring this explanation to electoral success assessing the general election campaign as being essentially a national one. However, as three and now arguably four or even five party politics is the norm academics such as David Denver, Dennis Kavanagh and Philip Cowley have identified that constituency campaigning matters much more to those parties breaking into the post-war duopoly, than early political scientists have suggested. This thesis evaluates, not just whether there is a local campaign factor in the Liberal Democrats’ success, but whether the volume and penetration of this local campaign matters and, as such, this research is original and forms a unique contribution to academic debate in this field.
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Haggrot, Marcus Carlsen. "Nomads in the liberal state : liberal approaches to the problem of Roma and traveller itinerancy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:dc6e022b-3f39-44d4-ad44-8a6362a2b0c4.
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May the state, from a liberal point of view, operate laws and institutions that impede the mobile lifestyle of nomadic Roma and Travellers, or should the state take steps to accommodate their nomadic way of life? This is the essence of the problem of Roma and Traveller itinerancy and the question that is at the heart of this three-partite dissertation. The first part of the dissertation looks at public policy in France and the United Kingdom and describes the six public policy problems that constitute the problem of Roma and Traveller itinerancy. These problems concern the education of children, the French travel permits system, the legal conditions for voter registration and for GP registration, the housing benefits system, and the public provision of halting sites. The second part looks at liberal political theory. It suggests that contemporary liberalism divides into two strands that take different views on the entitlements of cultural and religious minorities, and it provides a detailed outline of the prime articulations of each approach, namely the multiculturalist liberalism of Kymlicka and the classic neutrality liberalism of Barry. The third part investigates what the two said liberalisms imply for the six policy problems from part 1. These analyses suggest that the two liberalisms have slightly diverging implications for the halting sites problem, the housing benefits problem and the problem of GP registration. They suggest furthermore that the two accounts converge on the question of voter registration and agree that the voter registration system must accommodate nomads, and may not make the possession of a fixed residence an absolute condition for voter registration. And the analyses suggest finally that the two liberalisms also converge over the education question and the travel permits question, but here support polices that are potentially inimical to Roma and Traveller itinerancy. The broader implications of these findings are that liberalism is potentially, but not necessarily and not intrinsically, inimical to Roma and Traveller nomadism, and that the disagreement between classic neutrality liberalism and multiculturalist liberalism is weak insofar as public policy is concerned.
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Skorupska, Julia. "Recovering the On-Going Conversation : A Comparision of Political Liberal and New Liberal Responses to Disagreement." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504013.
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Sundar, Divya. "Saving “America’s Iconic Liberal City”: The Late Liberal Biopolitics of Anti-Gentrification Discourses in San Francisco." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1406289984.
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Haury, David A. "The origins of the Liberal party and liberal imperialism : the career of Charles Buller, 1806-1848 /." New York ; London : Garland publ, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb374120163.
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DE, WAARD Jacob Marinus. "John Morley and the liberal imagination : the uses of history in English liberal culture, 1867-1914." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6997.
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Defence date: 26 June 2007Examining Board: Prof. Martin van Gelderen, (EUI) ; Prof. Ann Rigney, (Utrecht University) ; Prof. Arfon Rees, (EUI) ; Prof. Norman Vance, (University of Sussex)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The aim of the present study is to offer a new understanding of the ‘uses of history’ in English liberal culture between the passing of the Second Reform Act of 1867 and Britain’s entrance in the First World War in August 1914. Culturally as well as politically, this period is commonly recognised as having a distinctive character for which the epithet ‘liberal’ offers an apposite shorthand. Although the period saw long spells of conservative administration (under Derby, Disraeli, Salisbury, and Balfour) as well as the liberal ministries of Gladstone, Rosebery, Campbell-Bannerman, and Asquith, it is often called a liberal age, or construed as the heyday of English liberal politics, because liberal values and the memory of an exceptional liberal heritage pervaded political life and the organisation of society. Just to sum up: the years from 1867 to 1914 saw the extension of the franchise to almost all the male population (in the Reform Acts of 1867 and 1884), diminishing property qualifications, disestablishment of the Church in Ireland and Wales, political consensus in regard to free trade up until the late 1890s, and the last days and slow demise of the Gladstonian minimal state with its reliance on subsidiarity, voluntarism, self-help, and a spirit of civic duty. In comparison to the heavily centralised states of the European continent, England continued to have a ‘minimally centralised system of governance’ until the end of the nineteenth century, a system in which citizens saw a source of national pride and proof of England’s superior, vanguard role in the world as the cradle of parliamentary government and civic liberties.
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Page, Homer Lee Wigger John H. "Francis Wayland Christian America-liberal America /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri--Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/7198.
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Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on February 24, 2010). The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file. Dissertation advisor: Dr. John Wigger. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
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Naylor, Joseph Alan. "Liberal equality rights : Ronald Dworkin’s jurisprudence." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25476.
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Ronald Dworkin has achieved prominence in the field of jurisprudence through his book, Taking Rights Seriously, (hereafter TRS) his many articles in the "New York Review of Books," and other publications that pursue a coherent philosophy for liberals. In response to criticism of his earlier work, Dworkin has expanded and clarified his liberal position on equality rights. This thesis will address how Dworkin's later writings attempt to fill in gaps that occur in Dworkin's first arguments for a hierarchical, principled picture of the law. It will be argued here that Dworkin's views require an unusual perspective on the concept of an individual, and this renders his rights-based political morality seriously deficient.
The nature of Dworkin's theory is first indicated by an attack on the "ruling theory of law" which he characterizes as positivistic when asked what the law is, and utilitarian when required to decide what the law should be. His central criticism charges that legal arguments are incomplete without principles which refer to or are implications of rights. Dworkin's liberal political morality is founded on rights to equal respect and concern. The elaboration of what these rights mean is sustained throughout Dworkin's publications. He maintains that his liberal rights-thesis is the theoretical articulation of the constitutional right to equality. Applying Dworkin's rights-theory to the Regents of the University of California v. Bakke2 case illuminates many of the more abstract aspects of his views. This thesis will argue against Dworkin by focusing on the too-narrow conception of individuals implied by his theory of rights. The ideal Dworkin employs of a right to 'equality of resources' justifies an aggressive redistributional scheme, unchecked by a fuller conception of what is an individual. Dworkin is only able to hold his ideal of a right to 'equality of resources' together with his notion of individual rights by accepting a diminished concept of the individual. This argument suggests that a fuller conception of an individual recognizes the connection between merit and entitlement. Dworkin's scepticism regarding the feasibility of merit being protected by individual rights is undercut by introducing a distinction between merit and success. Leaving key aspects of an individual, such as merit and its related features, out of official deliberation about rights, conceptually inhibits the extent of individualizability in a rights theory. If we wish to maintain such features, and value their protection and cultivation by a political order, adopting Dworkin's rights-thesis and its consequences is impossible.Arts, Faculty of
Philosophy, Department of
Graduate
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Sayers, Anthony Michael. "Liberal party activists in British Columbia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28278.
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The purpose of this thesis is to describe and analyze the nature and role of Liberal Party activists in the political life of British Columbia. As activists are at the central core of political parties, describing these activists is essential for understanding parties and the political process in general.
The description and analysis are based on the results of a survey of the 1987 Liberal leadership Convention conducted by several members of the Political Science Department at the University of British Columbia, including the author. The resulting information was collated and analyzed then compared with the accepted wisdom concerning Liberal supporters in British Columbia.
This thesis reveals the Liberal Party activists in British Columbia to be quite typical of activists found in other parties in Canada. As a result of the party's centre position in the polarized politics of this province, it does tend to attract activists disenchanted with this style of politics. This results in a heterogeneous collection of beliefs amongst activists. The success of the federal Liberal Party and the importance of many federal issues for Liberal Party sympathizers encourages provincial activists to adopt a federal oriented perspective on politics. This is at odds with the two major parties in British Columbia.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Iheagwara, Anayochukwu. "The Philosophical Anthropology of Liberal Cosmopolitanism." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/36860.
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This thesis fills a gap in the political philosophy of liberalism by elaborating the conceptions of the human subject implicit in a central ideal of liberalism. The essence of that ideal is that fortuitous facts about an individual – one’s race, gender, religion, nationality, sexual orientation – ought not to determine one’s life chances. This ideal, I maintain, presupposes a philosophical anthropology. Tacit but essential in this presupposition is that contingency and vulnerability are ineliminable features of the human condition. One of the central aspirations of liberalism is to construct a world in which fortuitous facts about an individual do not determine the individual’s prospects of having a flourishing and dignified life.
This thesis argues that a close scrutiny of leading theories of liberal justice reveals that the indisputable fact of human vulnerability is regularly depicted as peripheral. I contend that the marginal depiction of vulnerability in liberalism constitutes a basic problem in the philosophical anthropology implicit in liberalism. I demonstrate this claim by analysing three broad models of philosophical anthropology that can be uncovered in liberal theories and that are the subjects of this study: the Economic Model, as exemplified in Rawls among others, the Sociological Model, exemplified in Will Kymlicka and theorists focusing on cultural concerns, and the Integrationist Model, occurring in at least two somewhat contrasting versions, one by Martha Nussbaum and one by Kwame Anthony Appiah.
I argue that the Economic and Sociological Models are in some ways inconsistent with the motifs of contingency and human vulnerability. Unlike the two other models, the Integrationist Model, I argue, is compatible with the motifs of the ideal of liberalism insofar as this Model portrays human beings as vulnerable subjects, as a consequence of universal features of humanity but also of specific features associated with a legitimate degree of local rootedness and partiality. The thesis thus argues by way of the Integrationist Model that liberal cosmopolitanism furnishes liberalism with a matching philosophical anthropology.
The overall aim of the thesis is to counter the tendency in an array of liberal theorists to ignore or deny the need for an underlying philosophical anthropology and ultimately to elaborate the essentials of the requisite conception.
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Stockden, Eric W. A. "Democracy, civic virtue and liberal education." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape7/PQDD_0032/NQ38509.pdf.
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Otto, Russell W. "John Wesley Hoyt Wyoming liberal Republican /." 24-page ProQuest preview, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=6&did=1390327391&SrchMode=1&sid=6&Fmt=14&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1220042036&clientId=10355.
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Rea, B. "Rights and the English liberal tradition." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.375983.
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Brady, Britain. "A positive theory of liberal law." Thesis, University of York, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.516509.
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Machin, Dean James. "Liberal-Egalitarian Justice, Democracy and Legitimacy." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.525439.
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Evans, Elizabeth. "Women's representation and the liberal democrats." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.514199.
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Smith, Michael James Edward. "Liberal and competing conceptions of headship." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391533.
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Kuyurtar, Erol. "Multicultural citizenship in a liberal society." Thesis, University of Hull, 2002. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:7020.
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Taylor, Sam Lorraine. "The liberal state and cultural diversity." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285366.
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Hwang, Kyu-ho. "Liberal education in a multicultural society." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338483.
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Allman, Anne. "The Lost Legacy of Liberal Feminism." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1600441468583534.
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Lamont, Stephen Peter. "Robert Wilmot Horton and Liberal Toryism." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2015. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/30676/.
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This thesis examines aspects of the political career of Robert Wilmot Horton (1784-1841), a junior minister in the Tory governments of the 1820s and an advocate of state-aided emigration to the British colonies. It considers how far Wilmot conforms to existing conceptualisations of 'liberal Toryism', which are summarized in Chapter 1. Chapter 2 finds both ambition and principle in Wilmot's choice of party, while identifying fundamental aspects of his political make-up, in particular his devotion to political economy and his hostility to political radicalism. Chapters 3 to 5 explore his economic thinking. Chapter 3 charts Wilmot's gradual move away from a Malthusian approach to the problem of pauperism, and the resulting changes in his view of the role of emigration as a means of relief. Chapter 4 shows how his specific plan of colonization addressed broader considerations of imperial strategy and economic development. Chapter 5, exploring the wider context of economic debate, reveals Wilmot as an advocate of governmental activism in social policy, a critic of 'economical reform', and a moderate protectionist in the short term. Chapter 6 suggests that Wilmot, and the ministry as a whole, were driven by pragmatic rather than ideological considerations in their approach to the amelioration of slavery. Chapter 7 concludes that Wilmot's advocacy of Catholic Emancipation, on grounds of expediency, conformed to the approach normally ascribed to liberal Tories in principle if not in detail. Chapter 8 finds, in Wilmot's pamphleteering and lecturing, a striking instance of an 'outward turn' in political behaviour; and, in his support for parliamentary reform in 1831, a continuing determination to resist political radicalism. Overall, the thesis argues that Wilmot embraced political economy more in its 'secular' than its 'Christian' guise, but took interventionist positions on economic and social questions which set him apart from his colleagues. These conclusions complicate the task of retrieving a convincing ideology of liberal Toryism, if indeed there is one to be found.
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Hejazi, Omid. "Evaluating nationalism in the Liberal framework." Thesis, Kingston, Ont. : [s.n.], 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/861.
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Ochoa, Antich Nancy. "La mujer en el pensamiento liberal /." Quito : Ed. el Conejo, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37038185c.
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Csajko, Karen Diane. "Hugo Grotius and the liberal tradition." PDXScholar, 1987. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3711.
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One approach in contemporary international relations theory is the moralist position. Most moralists argue that obligations which an individual has toward the state and toward persons qua fellow citizens should not override the obligations which every individual has toward other persons qua members of humanity. Essential to a moralist approach is the idea that every individual shares some feature, such as rights, which is universal to all men and incontrovertible by any body. Many moralists base their theory upon the thought of Hugo Grotius, equating Grotius ' s thought with their own moralist approach.
This thesis argues that Grotius does not present a universal ethic and that his thought does not serve as a foundation for contemporary moralist theory. Individualist elements of Grotius's thought which do uphold a universalist ethic should not be viewed in isolation; his natural law argument includes a notion of community as well as individual rights. Grotius accommodates individualism and community in what I call a Grotian "conciliation."
To argue that Grotius's theory is one of conciliation, I analyze his discussions of society and contend that throughout his discussions Grotius identifies man as an individual with obligations to respect the rights of all others as well as a citizen with obligations to the superior rights of the sovereign. I then compare Grotius's thought to that of Immanuel Kant in order to demonstrate that the accommodation found in Grotius is not equivalent to Kant's universalist ethic. To equate his thought to Kant's thought, or to any other universalist ethic, is to attribute concerns to Grotius which are not necessarily addressed in his theory. Not only may this do an injustice to the different concerns by Grotius, but it overlooks the possibility that Grotius's conciliation may offer an alternative to, rather than a substantiation of, the moralist approach in international relations theory.
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Williams, Paul Douglas. "A liberal decline: an analysis of the electoral collapse of the Liberal Party of Australia, 1966-69 /." St. Lucia, Qld, 2003. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe17471.pdf.
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