Academic literature on the topic 'Liberal thought. Ethics. Education'
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Journal articles on the topic "Liberal thought. Ethics. Education"
1
Berger, Chris. "Making Liberal Democracy Ethical: Aristotle on the Unity of Ethics and Politics." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 3, no. 1 (February 21, 2013): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora19041.
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Contemporary liberal democracy recognizes a fundamental distinction between matters of “public” and “private” domain that amounts to a separation of ethics from politics. Such a distinction is, however, a recent one insofar as the history of political thought is concerned. Political and ethical matters can and in fact have been thought of and practiced as a single project. Aristotle is one philosopher who has approached ethics and politics not as two distinct subjects but as a single unified project: the project of living well. This essay examines Aristotle’s ethical-political project and engages with contemporary thinkers who have grappled with Aristotle’s political philosophy as a possible remedy for the problems currently confronting liberal democratic politics. It argues that the best remedy for the ills of liberal democracy that arise out of the continued prevalence of relativism in liberal democratic discourse is a re-thinking of liberal education that unites ethical and political considerations. The author contends that Aristotle’s political philosophy offers us a vantage point from which this unity may be perceived and, hopefully, implemented.
2
Augst, Thomas. "The Commerce of Thought: Professional Authority and Business Ethics in 19th-Century America." Prospects 27 (October 2002): 49–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300001137.
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This essay explores the ways that professions seek to claim social distinction by investing particular ways of knowing with moral authority. Through close analysis of popular representations of merchants in conduct books, business manuals, periodicals such asHunt's Merchant's Magazine, and biographical sketches, it describes a pervasive campaign to define business as a form of mental work. Representing the marketplace as a distinctively American school for character, merchants and their advocates sought to appropriate the moral authority traditionally associated with the learned professions of the ministry, the law, and medicine. Developing a critique of elitist pedagogy based on solitary reading, this campaign sought to identity expert knowledge with the practical experience of business. Redefining the relation between study and professional authority, the rhetoric of business helped to alter the symbolic value of education and to transform the nature of ethical reflection for liberal capitalism.
3
Ruderman, Richard S., and R. Kenneth Godwin. "Liberalism and Parental Control of Education." Review of Politics 62, no. 3 (2000): 503–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467050004167x.
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Liberalism has always had a powerful concern with the education of its citizens. But who should exercise final authority over the education—parents or the state? The answer rests, in large part, on our understanding of the character of the self-rule or autonomy to be taught. For as “autonomy” comes to mean unpredetermined “choice,” it becomes ever more difficult to justify parental control of education. In fact, parental control, supported by the earliest liberals, is now thought to produce “ethical servility.” Liberal theorists—such as John Dewey, Amy Gutmann, and Eamonn Callan—break with thinkers like Locke and Mill in allowing the state to override parental preferences in the name of greater equality, preparation for autonomy, and democratic deliberation. We argue that taking educational authority away from parents and giving it to the state is anilliberalpolicy, meaning one that fails to abide by Locke's central distinction of political and parental power. This failure will lead both to greater ethical servility and to fewer reasonable alternatives from which autonomous individuals can choose.
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Braley, Alison. "Religious Rights and Québec's Ethics and Religious Culture Course." Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 3 (September 2011): 613–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423911000515.
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Abstract.Until very recently, the “orthodox” liberal view had assumed that the right to the profession and practice of one's own religious values encompassed the right to instil particular religious values in one's children. This view has been challenged by sustained analysis of the role of children within liberal theory, given the basic tenet of the equal moral worth of persons. This strand of liberal thought questions the extent to which parental rights to direct children's upbringing can include a right to form children's basic value sets. With this challenge comes a stronger basis from which to also challenge the idea that parents may legitimately oppose certain aspects of the state-mandated curriculum on the basis that such education may impinge on the values they wish to instil in their children. This paper will examine the controversy surrounding Québec's “Ethics and Religious Culture” course within a framework that seeks to put the interest of children first, as well as how the religious rights of parents and children might be understood in this context.Résumé.Naguère, l'opinion libérale voulait que le droit à la pratique et à la profession de sa propre religion et de ses valeurs comprît le droit d'inculquer ces valeurs religieuses à ses enfants. Depuis un certain temps, cette position est remise en question à la lumière d'une analyse soutenue des droits de l'enfant, vu la primauté du tenant de l'égalité morale de tous les individus dans la pensée libérale contemporaine. Selon cette analyse, il n'est pas acquis que le droit du parent de voir à la formation de l'enfant comprenne le droit de lui imposer des valeurs de base particulières. Cette remise en question donne lieu à une réévaluation plus concrète du droit des parents de s'opposer à certains aspects du programme d'études établi par le gouvernement sous prétexte que ceux-ci nuiraient à leur droit d'inculquer des valeurs particulières à leurs enfants. La controverse au sujet du cours d'éthique et de culture religieuse au Québec est revue dans un contexte qui place en priorité le droit de l'enfant. Il est question du rapport entre les droits des parents et ceux des enfants concernant la religion et l'éducation religieuse.
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Vicini, Fabio. "Rescuing the Muslim collective self: the Nur case in light of the Modern Muslim Subjectivities Project." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 75, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 811–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2020-0044.
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Abstract There is a tendency in the literature to emphasise how contemporary Islamic movements promote ways of living a pious Muslim life alternative to those proposed by secular liberal modernity. For this reason, the domains of religious and civic engagement have often been thought of as opposed to each other. In counterpoint to this tendency, the paper explores the intertwining of national views about mass education and modern citizenship with a renewed Islamic emphasis on the need for moral and ethical reform of society within the Nur movement in modern Turkey. Methodologically, the paper draws upon ethnographic material from research conducted in 2010 on the Suffa community in Istanbul, as well as on an account of the life and projects of the leader of the movement, Said Nursi, mainly drawn from secondary sources. This case is explored in light of the theories of successive modernities that inspired the analytical framework for the Modern Muslim Subjectivities Project applied in this special issue. In so doing, it illustrates the complex nexus that Nursi established between long-standing views of Islamic ethics and modern perspectives on education and civic engagement in response to the emergence of the modern nation-state in the first half of the 20th century.
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Nicolson, Donald. "Problematizing Competence in Clinical Legal Education: What do we mean by competence and how do we assess non-skill competencies?" International Journal of Clinical Legal Education 23, no. 1 (January 12, 2016): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.19164/ijcle.v23i1.491.
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<p align="LEFT">The special issue of this journal is about problematizing assessment. However, in this article I want to start further back and problematize what is meant by competence. I think it is fair to say that when law clinicians speak about assessing competence they usually have in mind the assessment of skills. By contrast, I will argue that competence goes well beyond skills, at least if we understand skills in the narrow sense of technical legal skills, and includes in addition a values dimension. Moreover, if this dimension is added to the notion of skills, and clinical legal education (CLE) is expanded to include an understanding of how lawyers’ skills are used, for whom and to what end, it might help reverse the traditional and still continuing antipathy in many law schools to CLE. For those like myself, who see law clinics as more about contributing to social justice than legal education, the reluctance to embrace CLE is rooted (rightly or wrongly) in a political and moral stance. But for most academics, the antipathy - or, at best, apathy - towards CLE might be more to do with its association with skills training and the consequent assumption that it is unintellectual, unfit for the lofty heights of a liberal legal education and thus best left for the grubby business of preparing lawyers for practice.</p><p align="JUSTIFY">To the extent that CLE is confined to training students in legal skills, I have some sympathy with this view, though it’s questionable whether skills training is any less intellectual than the sort of repetitive, decontextualised and atheoretical teaching of black-letter law which often passes for a liberal legal education. However, in a recent article, I joined a number of others who have argued that there is nothing necessarily anti-intellectual about a focus on practice in a liberal legal education. Thus, like Goldsmith and Bamford, I do not see engagement with practice in purely vocational or technocratic terms, but as providing opportunities for connecting the "aspirations of law students with professional ideals (justice, service, fairness) and the goals of a university-based education".</p><p align="JUSTIFY">In this article, I first flesh out this argument and justify the focus on ethical as well as skills competence in clinical legal education. I then turn from problematizing the concept of competence <em>per se</em> to problematizing its assessment. This will be done via a critical analysis of the forms of assessment used in the clinical programme offered in the University of Strathclyde Law Clinic. These include the assessment of simulated training exercises, work on actual cases, reflective essays on aspects of law, legal ethics and law’s justice and reflective diaries on all aspects of clinical experience. Drawing on my experience with these different forms of assessment, I will consider their comparative merits in contributing to the two classic goals of clinic assessment, namely reliability – whether the scores obtained from an assessment are reproducible - and validity - whether the assessment does in fact measure what it is intended to measure. Finally, drawing on the assessment regimes in the relevant clinical classes, I will seek to provide some food for thought about alternative means of assessing clinical teaching.</p>
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Sierra Merchán, Jorge. "Literatura como salvación." Revista Grafía- Cuaderno de trabajo de los profesores de la Facultad de Ciencias Humanas. Universidad Autónoma de Colombia 9 (January 15, 2012): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26564/16926250.336.
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Resumen:El presente ensayo tiene como objetivo analizar de qué manera es posible construir una utopía liberal con base en el giro narrativo que propone Rorty, indicando la importancia de la novela en la construcción de una sociedad liberal basada en el respeto a la diversidad de estilos de vida y así como mostrar algunas objeciones que tal propuesta suscita. La primera tiene que ver con la ausencia de una clara conexión entre ética y estética en la propuesta de Rorty, esto es, con la casi nula aclaración por parte de Rorty del nexo entre educación sentimental y literatura, dado que no es obvio que la narrativa asegure una sociedad más solidaria. Incluso suponiendo que sí lo hace, es importante reflexionar sobre la eficacia causal de la novela en los sentimientos morales de los agentes morales que asegure un incremento de su solidaridad, como claramente lo require la utopía liberal rortiana. La segunda objeción a la propuesta de Rorty intenta mostrar que lo que llamo la utopía detrás de la utopía de Rorty, a saber, la urgente necesidad de asegurar que la imaginación literaria es infinita (pues, sin este elemento la utopía política de Rorty no es viable) puede verse seriamente amenazada por la creciente banalidad de la literatura actual, señalada por Kundera. Palabras clave: Utopía liberal, solidaridad, tolerancia, inclusión, giro narrativo, sentimientos morales, cultura literaria, banalidad, imaginación literaria, verdad, democracia.Resumo:O presente ensaio tem como objetivo analisar de que maneira é possível construir uma utopia liberal baseada no giro narrativo que propõe Rorty, indicando a importância do romance na construção deuma sociedade liberal baseada no respeito à diversidade de estilos de vida, assim como apresentar algumas objeções que tal proposta suscita. A primeira tem a ver com a ausência de uma clara conexãoentre ética e estética na proposta de Rorty, ou seja, na quase inexistente aclaração por parte de Rorty do nexo entre educação sentimental e literatura, dado que não é obvio que a narrativa garanta uma sociedade mais solidária. Ainda supondo que assim seja, é importante refletir sobre a eficácia causal do romance nos sentimentos morais dos agentes morais que garanta um incremento da solidariedade, como claramente o requer a utopia liberal rortiana. A segunda objeção à proposta de Rorty tenta mostrar que o que chamo de utopia trás da utopia de Rorty, isto é, a urgente necessidade de garantir que a imaginação literária é infinita (dado que sem esse elemento a utopia política de Rorty não é viável) pode verse seriamente ameaçada pela crescente banalidade da literatura atual, sinalizada por Kundera. Palavras chave: Utopia liberal, solidariedade, tolerância, inclusão, giro narrativo, sentimentos morais, cultura literária, banalidade, imaginação literária, verdade, democracia.Abstract:This essay aims at analyzing in what way it is possible to construct a liberal utopia based on the narrative turn proposed by Rorty showing the importance of the novel in the construction of a liberal society that respects diversity in life styles, as well as at signaling some objection that such a proposal arises. The first objection regards the lack of a clear connection between ethics and aesthetics in Rorty’s proposal, that is, the almost null explanation of the link emotional education-literature, as it is not obvious that literature ensures more solidarity in society. Even if thought it did, it is important to reflect about the causal efficacy of the novel on moral feelings of social agents that makes sure an increase of their solidarity, as clearly the liberal Rortian utopia requires. The second objection tries to show that what I call Rorty’s utopia behind utopia, that is, the urgent need to state that literary imagination is infinite-as without it, Rorty’s political utopia is unfeasible- can be seriously threatened by today’s growing emptiness of literature highlighted by Kundera. Keywords: liberal utopia; solidarity; tolerance; inclusion; narrative turn: moral feelings; literary culture; emptiness; literary imagination; truth; democracy
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Parray, Tauseef Ahmad. "Islam, State and Modernity: Mohammed Abed al-Jabri and the Future of the Arab World." American Journal of Islam and Society 35, no. 3 (July 1, 2018): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v35i3.487.
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Mohammed Abed al-Jabri (1935-2010) is one of the most original Arab philosophers, thinkers, and social theorist of recent times. Al-Jabri, who held the post of Professor of Philosophy at University of Rabat (Moroc- co), is the author of over 30 books—mostly on Arab Islamic thought—of which the best-known are works like Critique of Arab Reason (1984-2001, 4 vols.), Arab Political Reason (1990), An Introduction to the Noble Qur’an (2006), and Democracy, Human Rights and Law in Islamic Thought (2009). Though al-Jabri is “one of the most original and multifaceted philosophers and intellectuals of our time” (p. xii), commands considerable influence on the Arab world, and is regarded as significant and influential as the Irani- an Abdolkarim Soroush, the Egyptian Hasan Hanafi, and the French Mo- hammed Arkoun, he has remained insufficiently recognized in the West or Euro-American scholarship. The volume under review, first of its kind in English, is thus dedicated to exploring and highlighting varied aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and impact. Edited by Zaid Eyadat (University of Jordan), Francesca M. Corrao, and Mohammed Hashas (both from LUISS, University of Rome), this work analyzes and highlights “how al-Jabri has been a fertile intellectual force in the contemporary Arab world” (15). The volume consists of fourteen chapters divided into two parts: Part I is titled ‘Al-Jabri’s Reconstruction of Arab-Islamic Thought’ (Chapters 2-8), and Part II is titled ‘Politics, Ethics, and the Future of the State in the Arab World’ (Chapters 9-14). These are bookended by a foreword (ix-xiii) by Abdou-Filali Ansary and a biograph- ical appendix. The work acts as an “introductory volume for more future work” to be done in the English language “on this far-sighted Arab-Muslim philosopher” (15). What follows below is a survey of some selected chapters from each part of the book, so as to get an impression of what is contained, discussed, and explored in this volume. In the introduction (Chapter 1), the editors situate and contextual- ize the philosophy and legacy of al-Jabri within the broader perspective of contemporary Arab thought. They argue that the volume is focused on an aspect of Arab philosophy, dealing “with a philosophical project that classifies Arab intellectual history and contributes to contemporary Arab political philosophy” (8). Massimo Companini (Chapter 2) explores the work of al-Jabri and Hasan Hanafi vis-à-vis Ibn Khaldun and Ibn Rushd, and tries to find a “Path to Modernity” (41). His main argument is that al-Jabri contends for the “Averroistic” interpretation of the “future of Arab-Islamic culture”, which is both “rationalistic and democratic” (25) and thus fits aptly within the present political trend. Abdul Karim Barghout et al. (Chapter 3) focus on the Syrian thinker George Tarabishi’s (d. 2016) Critique of the Critique of Arab Reason (1996), by expounding their disagreements on Arab history. The differences between al-Jabri and Tabarishi remain over the theoretical frameworks or methodological grounds, not on historical substance. These and other chapters of this part revolve mostly around al-Jabri’s Critique. However, Mariangela Laviano (Chapter 6) provides a “preliminary overview of al-Jabri’s introductory work on the Qur’an” (2006), in which al- Jabri “gives a systematic rereading of the Qur’an and its phenomenon” and provides a “chronological order of decent of revelation (tartīb al-nuzūl), and not the common order/ sequence, i.e., tartīb al-tilāwa/ tartīb al-muṣḥaf” (114). For Laviano, al-Jabri considers the Qur’an a Text which needs to be “studied in its context, but at the same time taking into consideration its sa- credness” (114-115); such a “rational approach helps the reader to look at some Qura’nic verses,…, in the light of historical context” and thus gives “more attention to human rights and rebuilding the Arab world” (120). Part II of this volume is concentrated on exploring “the question of politics and ethics in a-Jabri’s examination of the history of ideas of the Arab-Islamic world.” It highlights his significance and relevance in the pre and post-Arab Spring eras in MENA as well as considers his thought’s pos- sible influence on the “future of the Arab state” (17). Mohsine El Ahmadi (Chapter 9) reflects on the aspects of al-Jabri’s political thought by focusing on the question of state and religion through an exposition of his Critique of Arab Political Reason (1984) and Religion, State, and Implementation of Shari‘a (1996). It clearly reveals al-Jabri’s “intellectual position on Islam and political power” (173), which is mainly “decisive in the reconstruction of modern thought based on the reason and democracy” (172). Ahmadi also focuses on “specific critique of Islamic historicity” (176), and concludes that “Historicity, epistemology, and secularism are dialectical foundations of al-Jabri’s views on Arab-Islamic reform” and thus represent a “major de- velopment in the transformation of Arab-Islamic political thought” (180). Zaid Eyadat and Hanadi Riyad (Chapter 12) focus on al-Jabri’s “effort and his contribution to Arab intellectual thought” by analyzing, critically, his Arab Ethical Reason (2006)—a work yet-untranslated and so unavail- able to an English audience. This chapter aims to introduce it to the West- ern reader while suggesting a “way forward from al-Jabri’s work towards a more creative and peaceful Arab Reason”. The last chapter, “The Arab Possible State: From al-Tahtawi to al- Jabri,” by Mohammed Hashas (Chapter 14), reinvigorates the possibility of a “modern Arab state” based on “Arab-Islamic tradition”, despite various “obstacles encountering its realization”, as manifested, most recently, in the Arab Spring (272). Hashas deliberates on “three Arab political discourse levels”, viz. ‘Arab Renaissance avant-gardists’, ‘Arab Nationhood Discourse’, and ‘State Discourse Around Arab Spring’. Later, he elaborates the state concept in al-Jabri’s thought, concluding that al-Jabri calls for a “democrat- ic modern state”, neither secular nor liberal, which will be based on the three principles of “human rights, the rule of law and rationality” (290). Written by specialists at various stages of their careers, and keeping in view the richness and diversity of topics, Islam, State and Modernity is a significant contribution to exploring the various aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and legacy for a wider readership, on topics ranging from Arab–Islamic thought to the state, politics, ethics, education, and the Qur’an phenomenon. It will prove helpful to students and scholars in a wide range of disciplines, ranging from Middle East Studies to Philosophy.
Tauseef Ahmad ParrayAssistant Professor, Islamic Studies, Higher Education DepartmentJammu & Kashmir, India
9
Parray, Tauseef Ahmad. "Islam, State and Modernity: Mohammed Abed al-Jabri and the Future of the Arab World." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 35, no. 3 (July 1, 2018): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v35i3.487.
Full textAbstract:
Mohammed Abed al-Jabri (1935-2010) is one of the most original Arab philosophers, thinkers, and social theorist of recent times. Al-Jabri, who held the post of Professor of Philosophy at University of Rabat (Moroc- co), is the author of over 30 books—mostly on Arab Islamic thought—of which the best-known are works like Critique of Arab Reason (1984-2001, 4 vols.), Arab Political Reason (1990), An Introduction to the Noble Qur’an (2006), and Democracy, Human Rights and Law in Islamic Thought (2009). Though al-Jabri is “one of the most original and multifaceted philosophers and intellectuals of our time” (p. xii), commands considerable influence on the Arab world, and is regarded as significant and influential as the Irani- an Abdolkarim Soroush, the Egyptian Hasan Hanafi, and the French Mo- hammed Arkoun, he has remained insufficiently recognized in the West or Euro-American scholarship. The volume under review, first of its kind in English, is thus dedicated to exploring and highlighting varied aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and impact. Edited by Zaid Eyadat (University of Jordan), Francesca M. Corrao, and Mohammed Hashas (both from LUISS, University of Rome), this work analyzes and highlights “how al-Jabri has been a fertile intellectual force in the contemporary Arab world” (15). The volume consists of fourteen chapters divided into two parts: Part I is titled ‘Al-Jabri’s Reconstruction of Arab-Islamic Thought’ (Chapters 2-8), and Part II is titled ‘Politics, Ethics, and the Future of the State in the Arab World’ (Chapters 9-14). These are bookended by a foreword (ix-xiii) by Abdou-Filali Ansary and a biograph- ical appendix. The work acts as an “introductory volume for more future work” to be done in the English language “on this far-sighted Arab-Muslim philosopher” (15). What follows below is a survey of some selected chapters from each part of the book, so as to get an impression of what is contained, discussed, and explored in this volume. In the introduction (Chapter 1), the editors situate and contextual- ize the philosophy and legacy of al-Jabri within the broader perspective of contemporary Arab thought. They argue that the volume is focused on an aspect of Arab philosophy, dealing “with a philosophical project that classifies Arab intellectual history and contributes to contemporary Arab political philosophy” (8). Massimo Companini (Chapter 2) explores the work of al-Jabri and Hasan Hanafi vis-à-vis Ibn Khaldun and Ibn Rushd, and tries to find a “Path to Modernity” (41). His main argument is that al-Jabri contends for the “Averroistic” interpretation of the “future of Arab-Islamic culture”, which is both “rationalistic and democratic” (25) and thus fits aptly within the present political trend. Abdul Karim Barghout et al. (Chapter 3) focus on the Syrian thinker George Tarabishi’s (d. 2016) Critique of the Critique of Arab Reason (1996), by expounding their disagreements on Arab history. The differences between al-Jabri and Tabarishi remain over the theoretical frameworks or methodological grounds, not on historical substance. These and other chapters of this part revolve mostly around al-Jabri’s Critique. However, Mariangela Laviano (Chapter 6) provides a “preliminary overview of al-Jabri’s introductory work on the Qur’an” (2006), in which al- Jabri “gives a systematic rereading of the Qur’an and its phenomenon” and provides a “chronological order of decent of revelation (tartīb al-nuzūl), and not the common order/ sequence, i.e., tartīb al-tilāwa/ tartīb al-muṣḥaf” (114). For Laviano, al-Jabri considers the Qur’an a Text which needs to be “studied in its context, but at the same time taking into consideration its sa- credness” (114-115); such a “rational approach helps the reader to look at some Qura’nic verses,…, in the light of historical context” and thus gives “more attention to human rights and rebuilding the Arab world” (120). Part II of this volume is concentrated on exploring “the question of politics and ethics in a-Jabri’s examination of the history of ideas of the Arab-Islamic world.” It highlights his significance and relevance in the pre and post-Arab Spring eras in MENA as well as considers his thought’s pos- sible influence on the “future of the Arab state” (17). Mohsine El Ahmadi (Chapter 9) reflects on the aspects of al-Jabri’s political thought by focusing on the question of state and religion through an exposition of his Critique of Arab Political Reason (1984) and Religion, State, and Implementation of Shari‘a (1996). It clearly reveals al-Jabri’s “intellectual position on Islam and political power” (173), which is mainly “decisive in the reconstruction of modern thought based on the reason and democracy” (172). Ahmadi also focuses on “specific critique of Islamic historicity” (176), and concludes that “Historicity, epistemology, and secularism are dialectical foundations of al-Jabri’s views on Arab-Islamic reform” and thus represent a “major de- velopment in the transformation of Arab-Islamic political thought” (180). Zaid Eyadat and Hanadi Riyad (Chapter 12) focus on al-Jabri’s “effort and his contribution to Arab intellectual thought” by analyzing, critically, his Arab Ethical Reason (2006)—a work yet-untranslated and so unavail- able to an English audience. This chapter aims to introduce it to the West- ern reader while suggesting a “way forward from al-Jabri’s work towards a more creative and peaceful Arab Reason”. The last chapter, “The Arab Possible State: From al-Tahtawi to al- Jabri,” by Mohammed Hashas (Chapter 14), reinvigorates the possibility of a “modern Arab state” based on “Arab-Islamic tradition”, despite various “obstacles encountering its realization”, as manifested, most recently, in the Arab Spring (272). Hashas deliberates on “three Arab political discourse levels”, viz. ‘Arab Renaissance avant-gardists’, ‘Arab Nationhood Discourse’, and ‘State Discourse Around Arab Spring’. Later, he elaborates the state concept in al-Jabri’s thought, concluding that al-Jabri calls for a “democrat- ic modern state”, neither secular nor liberal, which will be based on the three principles of “human rights, the rule of law and rationality” (290). Written by specialists at various stages of their careers, and keeping in view the richness and diversity of topics, Islam, State and Modernity is a significant contribution to exploring the various aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and legacy for a wider readership, on topics ranging from Arab–Islamic thought to the state, politics, ethics, education, and the Qur’an phenomenon. It will prove helpful to students and scholars in a wide range of disciplines, ranging from Middle East Studies to Philosophy.
Tauseef Ahmad ParrayAssistant Professor, Islamic Studies, Higher Education DepartmentJammu & Kashmir, India
10
Curry, Tommy J. "Back to the Woodshop: Black Education, Imperial Pedagogy, and Post-Racial Mythology under the Reign of Obama." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 117, no. 14 (November 2015): 27–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146811511701401.
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For centuries, European thinkers, and their contemporary white followers, have run rampant in the halls of academia prematurely championing the success of liberalism to speak to the experience of those historical groups of people excluded from modernity, while simultaneously celebrating the universal embrace by the supple bosom of whites’ anthropologically specific ideas of reason and humanity. This philosophical impetus has solidified the political regime of integration as not only the most desirable but also the most realizable condition of Black (co)existence in America. The education of Black Americans has been collapsed into a single ideological goal, namely, how to mold these Blacks into more functional and productive members of American society under the idea of equality established by Brown v. Board of Education. Unfortunately, however, such a commitment elevates the ethical appeals made by Brown, which focused on higher ideals of reason and humanity found in liberal political thought and the eventual transcendence of racial identity, to moral code. This ideology, instead of attending to what Blacks should learn or the knowledge Blacks need to have in order to thrive as Blacks in America, forces Blacks to abide by the social motives that aim to create good Negro citizens. When responding to the great debate over Negro education and Negro labor in the United States, Du Bois remarked: My thoughts, the thoughts of Washington, Trotter, Oswald Garrison Villard were the expression of social forces more than of our own minds. These forces or ideologies embraced more than reasoned acts. They included physical, biological and psychological habits, conventions and enactments. Opposed to these came natural reaction; the physical recoil of the victims, the unconscious and irrational urges, as well as reasoned complaints and acts. The total result was the history of our day. That history may be epitomize in one word—Empire; the domination of white Europe over [B]lack Africa and yellow Asia, through political power built on the economic control of labor, income and idea. The echo of this industrial imperialism in America was the expulsion of [B]lack men from American democracy, their subjection to caste control and wage slavery. (W. E. B. Du Bois— A Soliloquy on Viewing My Life from the Last Decade of its First Century: The Autobiography of W.E.B. DuBois—1968)
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Liberal thought. Ethics. Education"
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Brogan, Frank. "Map-making with MacIntyre : the self and education in question." Thesis, University of York, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.263861.
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Hilton, Adrian. "Free schools : the role of Conservative and Liberal political thought in shaping the policy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:961415dd-a137-4f0d-b8e7-1b1927835053.
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'The landscape of schooling in England has been transformed over the last five years' (House of Commons Education Committee, 2015:3). More than half of secondary schools in England have become academies, independent of local authorities and funded directly by central government. The programme was begun by New Labour in 2002, and by the time they left office at the 2010 General Election 203 academies had been established. The policy was considerably extended between 2010-2015 by the Conservative and Liberal Democrat coalition, and 'Free Schools' were introduced by Education Secretary Michael Gove: that is, schools 'set up in response to what local people say they want and need in order to improve education for children in their community' (DfE, 2013/2015). By the time of the 2015 general election, there were 4,674 newly-sponsored or converter academies and 252 'Free Schools', representing 64% of secondary school students (47% of all state school students), and 51% of secondary schools (32% of all state schools). This research argues the hypothesis that there is a high degree of philosophical continuity on this policy across the main political parties in England. It also analyses the extent to which the policy-makers invoke historical expressions of conservatism and/or liberalism in their articulation of that convergence. Drawing on past associations with politicians, the principal expositors and key architects of the 'Free Schools' policy were interviewed, and these transcripts have given insight into how the themes of policy are conceptualised and understood. The data suggests that there are convergent philosophical views across the main political parties, and agreement on the course of history of the policy. There are, however, ethical concerns about the pace of reform, the primacy of the 'market', and the extent to which democratic public goods are consistent with schools that are 'free'.
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Welch, James Stewart. "Developing Ethical Leadership: An Analysis of Business Ethics Education in National Liberal Arts Colleges in the United States." Scholar Commons, 2016. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6426.
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This study was designed to survey and compare current undergraduate business ethics curricular strategies and preferences among national liberal arts colleges in the United States. There are 180 national liberal arts colleges as classified by the U.S. News and World Report Rankings with a significant percentage of these liberal arts colleges offering economics and/or business administration majors. The primary purpose of the study was to examine the survey responses of business school administrators (and/or professors) who work with undergraduate business education in national liberal arts colleges regarding undergraduate business ethics education.
The three research questions address curriculum approaches for undergraduate business ethics education currently in use in the national liberal arts colleges, preferences regarding specific instructional approaches to undergraduate business ethics education and preferences for the measurement of learning outcomes in business ethics education. The study utilized an online survey and resulted in a 30.55% response rate (55 responses). Results of the study indicate differences in terms of the curricular strategies (standalone business ethics courses, ethics integration throughout the curriculum, or a combination) currently being used in the national liberal arts colleges, but also that there are very similar preferences for instructional methods (case study, lecture, online, face-to-face), business ethics faculty and the measurement of learning outcomes in teaching business ethics at the undergraduate level.
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Warnke, Jeffery H. "Civic Education in an Age of Ecological Crisis: A Rawlsian Political Liberal Conception." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1461802361.
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Källström, Dan. "Learning from Matthew Arnold’s Thought on Moral Education and Literature." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Engelska, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-24060.
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Wareham, Ruth Oswald. "Prohibition, accommodation or transformation? : a philosophical investigation into the moral permissibility of faith schools in liberal democratic societies." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7946/.
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This thesis concerns the ethics of faith schooling. More precisely, it asks whether faith schools constitute legitimate (that is, morally permissible) institutions for liberal democratic societies. I begin by examining five senses in which the term ‘faith school’ might be used and the possible objections that each of these might motivate. Since, as traditionally conceived, faith schools teach for religious belief, I pay particular attention to the criticism that such institutions are indoctrinatory. Via an examination of recent work in the philosophy of psychiatry, I illuminate the concept of indoctrination and propose two reasons why it is morally unacceptable: first, it results in a mind-set where, like delusion, beliefs are held separate from reason and, second, it involves a violation of autonomy. Drawing on a conception of autonomy proposed by Ben Colburn (2010), I go on to argue that, because the development of autonomy is a fundamental aim of the educational enterprise, this gives us strong grounds to avoid both indoctrination and other autonomy violating practices (particularly “Comprehensive Enrolment” (Clayton, 2006)). However, while traditional accounts of the legitimacy of faith schooling have correctly identified that confessional faith schools are indoctrinatory, much less has been said about religiously distinctive pedagogies which fall short of indoctrination. For this reason, the final part of the thesis addresses these ‘priming pedagogies’ and suggests ways in which they may be adapted to provide a morally permissible form of liberal faith-based schooling.
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Banks, Troylin Lavon. "Where am I?Intersections between Ethnic Minorities and Liberal Arts Writing-Intensive Programs." University of Findlay / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=findlay1462266182.
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Calheiros, Alline dos Santos Ferreira. "Uma aposta na constituição de alguéns: relações entre educação escolar e formação moral à luz do pensamento de Hannah Arendt." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-30032017-162459/.
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Com o objetivo de investigar as condições de possibilidade de a experiência escolar se comprometer com a formação moral de seus alunos, este trabalho retoma, em alguma medida, a pergunta socrática direcionada a Protágoras no diálogo platônico de mesmo nome: A virtude pode ser ensinada? A questão é abordada, sobretudo, à luz do pensamento de Hannah Arendt, sendo mobilizadas tanto suas considerações a respeito da educação quanto aquelas relativas à filosofia moral. Arendt apresenta-nos uma concepção de moralidade que não se baseia na relação com os outros, mas que depende, fundamentalmente, do relacionamento do homem consigo mesmo e da sua escolha em relação àqueles junto aos quais deseja viver. Ao refletir sobre o colapso moral que acometeu a Europa a partir da ascensão dos regimes totalitários, a autora conclui que a conduta moral não está associada à simples assimilação de padrões e regras objetivas de comportamento que direcionam a ação perante os outros. Tomando alguns escritos de Kant e a figura de Sócrates como suas principais inspirações, Arendt elabora um conceito de ética que vincula a conservação da integridade moral à manutenção da capacidade de falar consigo mesmo por meio da atividade do pensamento e de ser digno de conviver com aqueles a se quem escolhe como companhia o que pressupõe o exercício do juízo. Para a autora, então, a ética pode ser compreendida como uma questão individual, que se ancora nas faculdades do pensamento e do juízo consideradas por ela como prerrogativas de todo e qualquer ser humano. É a partir da disposição para pensar e julgar, portanto, que os indivíduos constituem-se como pessoas, alguéns ou personalidades morais. Sob tal perspectiva, uma educação que pretenda comprometer-se com a formação moral de seus alunos deve ultrapassar a mera assimilação e conformação às regras de conduta e aos valores e hábitos morais então vigentes sobre os quais, inclusive, já não se tem mais clareza e alimentar o exercício das atividades do pensamento e do juízo. Destarte, para refletir sobre tal possibilidade, recorre-se, prioritariamente, aos escritos de Masschelein e Simons, que tratam da forma escolar enquanto skolé, e ao pensamento de Oakeshott sobre educação, em especial suas concepções de linguagem e aprendizagem. Na intersecção das perspectivas desses autores com o pensamento arendtiano, propõe-se olhar para a escola como um lugar de experiências, ou seja, de encontros com os outros, com o mundo e com a pluralidade de olhares que existe sobre ele; onde podem ser oferecidos aos alunos um tempo e um espaço para experimentar, apropriar-se e criar vínculos com o mundo; e no qual os estudantes serão constantemente convidados a olhar para as coisas desse mundo e a falar sobre elas, seja com os outros ou consigo mesmos. A escola, assim, aparece como um espaço-tempo que possibilita a vivência de uma diversidade de experiências de caráter formativo, especialmente para a personalidade moral, uma vez que tal instituição parece se configurar como um dos poucos lugares onde ainda é possível compartilhar o mundo e atribuir a ele algum sentido comum.This thesis analyses the conjunction of possibilities that may allow school experience to play an active role in moral education. In some extent, it reinstates the question Socrates asked Protagoras in the homonymous Platonic dialogue: Can virtue be taught? The question, here, is approached mainly through Hannah Arendts thought both on education and moral philosophy. Arendt presents a concept of morality not based on the relation between one person and the others, but fundamentally on the relation between one person and himself and on the choices regarding those this person wants to live with. Reflecting about the moral collapse that affected Europe with the ascension of the totalitarian regimes, the philosopher concludes that moral conduct is not associated to a simply assimilation of objective behavioral patterns and rules that guide actions towards others. Having some of Kants writings and the figure of Socrates as her main inspirations, Arendt constructs a concept of Ethics that binds the preservation of ones moral integrity to his sustained ability of inner dialogue and to the desire of being worthy to live with those one chose as company what presupposes the practice of judgment. So, according to Arendt, Ethics may be understood as an individual question, anchored on the faculties of thinking and judgement which she considers prerogatives of every human being. Therefore, it is through the disposition to think and judge that individuals become persons, someones or moral personalities. Finally, an education committed to the moral formation of students should overcome sheer assimilation and conformation of current behavioral rules, moral values and habits which are no longer clear and encourage thinking activities and judgment exercises. Our analysis also relies constantly on Masscheleins and Simonss writings especially their treatment of the school format as skolé and on Oakeshotts thoughts on education and on his concepts of language and learning. Intersecting these authors perspectives with the Arendts, we aim to look at the school as a place of experiences, i.e., of encounters with other people, and with the world and its plurality; a place where students are offered time and space to experiment with the world, to appropriate it and bond with it. The school is also a place where students will be constantly invited to connect with things from that world, to speak about them, with others and also with themselves. This way, the school is presented as a time-space providing diverse life character-building experiences, especially regarding morality, as that institution seems to be one of the few places where it is still possible to share the world and assign a common meaning to it.
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Worsham, Lucas. "Unearthing the Seeds of Oppression and Injustice within Education: Using Intuition, Care, and Virtue to Guide the Educative Process and Cultivate Morality." UNF Digital Commons, 2016. https://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/645.
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The emphasis of the inquiry is on the domain of education and the relationship present between the teacher and student more specifically. Essentially, the first part of the thesis outlines how the larger social-political system impacts the domain of public education, with the predominant issues of adversity becoming manifest at the level of the relationship that exists between teacher and student. The second part of the work utilizes the problems discovered and their impact on human experience to propose a virtue/care based method for approaching the relationship with the student in a way that both aligns more closely with the movement of experience, while also functioning to assist the student in shaping their own moral character. Essentially, the method being proposed is something that is meant to assist the teacher in her attempts to communicate with the student in a more personal sort of way, thus allowing for a higher degree of understanding of the unique personality of each student, with this understanding leading the teacher to form a more flexible approach that takes into account the various personalities of the students. In so doing the teacher is working to bring the experience of the student into the educative process, which should thereby increase student performance through their feeling more involved in the education being received.
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Ady, Dawn S. "The Ultimate Irony: An Information Age Without Librarians." UNF Digital Commons, 2016. https://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/634.
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In this thesis, the continuing relevance of the profession of librarianship in the digital age is explored and assessed. After defining the library as information itself, the thesis establishes that electronic formats replacing printed matter is not an indication of libraries becoming extinct. Further, various aspects of the profession of librarianship—including library ethics, information extraction skills, and information literacy instruction—are discussed. Additionally, the potential for librarians to play an important role in a largely “jobless” society (as forecast by some experts and scholars as well as in a recent Oxford University study) is evaluated. Finally, a proposal is made for librarians to actively contribute to a more participatory and deliberative democracy by using the Internet to facilitate information access in the public sphere.
Books on the topic "Liberal thought. Ethics. Education"
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The youth's liberal guide for their moral culture and religious enlightenment. Milwaukee: Trayser, 1986.
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illustrator, Sommers Dick (Illustrator), and Storey Rollo, eds. The rabbi and his famous friends: Invite you to their table ; food for thought, character and soul. Charleston, S.C.]: [BookSurge], 2016.
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Saint Cicero and the Jesuits: The influence of the liberal arts on the adoption of moral probabalism. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate Pub. Ltd., 2008.
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Reyes, Mate, ed. Filosofía de historia. Madrid: Editorial Trotta, 1993.
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Cambi, Franco, and Giovanni Mari, eds. Giulio Preti. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6655-044-0.
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In the period following the Second World War Giulio Preti was one of the leading exponents of Italian philosophy. A master of open critical thought, cultivated in the light of a rationalism that dialogued with, and integrated into his own philosophical model, many of the currents and stances of the global research scenario. Phenomenology, Marxism, pragmatism, neopositivism, transcendentalism and structuralism: in Preti all of these found an organic and original synthesis. Further, his particular brand of rationalist-critical thought touched on many aspects of philosophical knowledge: theoretical philosophy, the philosophy of science, that of language and that of art, from ethics to politics and even taking in the history of philosophy, offering authoritative contributions in every sphere. One hundred years after his birth, the University of Florence and the heir to the Faculty in which he lectured at length, the Faculty of Education, has decided to honour his memory with this anthology of studies, penned by former pupils and others and also by younger scholars, to once again focus the wealth of this thought and its, in many respects, current relevance. Even now, this particular brand of open, critical rationalism can offer a benchmark for addressing the new issues for philosophical reflection thrown up by modern society and culture.
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Psiche: Platone e Freud : desiderio, sogno, mania, eros. Firenze: Firenze University Press, 2008.
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Farnham, Nicholas H., and Adam Yarmolinsky, eds. Rethinking Liberal Education. Oxford University Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195097726.001.0001.
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Liberal education has always had its share of theorists, believers, and detractors, both inside and outside the academy. The best of these have been responsible for the development of the concept, and of its changing tradition. Drawn from a symposium jointly sponsored by the Educational Leadership program and the American Council of Learned Societies, this work looks at the requirements of liberal education for the next century and the strategies for getting there. With contributions from Leon Botstein, Ernest Boyer, Howard Gardner, Stanley Katz, Bruce Kimball, Peter Lyman, Susan Resneck Pierce, Adam Yarmolinsky and Frank Wong, Rethinking Liberal Education proposes better ways of connecting the curriculum and organization of liberal arts colleges with today's challenging economic and social realities. The authors push for greater flexibility in the organizational structure of academic departments, and argue that faculty should play a greater role in the hard discussions that shape their institutions. Through the implementation of interdisciplinary and collaborative approaches to learning, along with better integration of the curriculum with the professional and vocational aspects of the institution, this work proposes to restore vitality to the curriculum. The concept of rethinking liberal education does not mean the same thing to every educator. To one, it may mean a strategic shift in requirements, to another the reformulation of the underlying philosophy to meet changing times. Any significant reform in education needs careful thought and discussion. Rethinking Liberal Education makes a substantial contribution to such debates. It will be of interest to scholars and students, administrators, and anyone concerned with the issues of modern education.
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Levine, Victoria Lindsay, and Emily Kohut. Finding a Balance. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190658397.003.0003.
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Liberal arts colleges focus on undergraduate education, emphasizing the development of critical thought, the whole person, and values consistent with ethical participation in a civil society. Liberal arts music faculty now recognize the need to remap the music major and transform how music is taught and learned in order to remain relevant in the current economic and cultural climate, but the process is challenging. This chapter explores how liberal arts music faculty are striving to meet the challenge, using data from the Internet, a survey questionnaire, and interviews to compare the music major at thirteen colleges. We conclude that finding a balance between the conservatory-style curriculum and new curricular models does not imply replacing the Western concert tradition. Rather, it involves responding proactively to broader changes in musical life and recognizing the role of music in liberal education.
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Koganzon, Rita. Liberal States, Authoritarian Families: Childhood and Education in Early Modern Thought. Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2021.
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Positive and Negative Freedom in Liberal Thought. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Liberal thought. Ethics. Education"
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Barton, Anna. "Liberal Education: Wordsworth, Clough and Arnold." In Nineteenth-Century Poetry and Liberal Thought, 83–128. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-49488-7_3.
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Dekker, Teun J. "Independence of Thought and Active Pedagogy." In Seven Democratic Virtues of Liberal Education, 51–60. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003336594-5.
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DesJardins, Joseph. "A North American Perspective: Humanizing Business Through Liberal Education." In Issues in Business Ethics, 685–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-72204-3_45.
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Donlevy, J. Kent, and Keith D. Walker. "Ethical Schools of Thought." In Working Through Ethics in Education and Leadership, 21–32. Rotterdam: SensePublishers, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6091-376-1_3.
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Martin, Christopher. "On the Educational Ethics of Outmigration: Liberal Legitimacy, Personal Autonomy, and Rural Education." In Rural Teacher Education, 99–111. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-2560-5_4.
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Mulej, Oskar. "Illiberal Forms of Non-Territorial Autonomy: The Sudeten German Party Case." In Realising Linguistic, Cultural and Educational Rights Through Non-Territorial Autonomy, 73–87. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19856-4_6.
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AbstractThe paper aims to present an illiberal variant of non-territorial autonomy (NTA) by focusing on the historical example of the autonomist proposals developed during the 1930s in Czechoslovakia by the far-right Sudeten German Party (Sudetendeutsche Partei, SdP). Known under the joint title Volksschutzgesetze (Laws for the Protection of Nationality), the six draft laws that the SdP presented to the Czechoslovak Parliament in 1937 foresaw a far-reaching re-organisation of the state along national lines and on a purely non-territorial basis. As such, the SdP’s legal demands can be treated as a clear example of NTA. At the same time, they may also be viewed as an instance of a radical nationalist and openly illiberal adaptation of the concept. Informed by contemporary völkisch sociological, legal and political thought, the bills aimed at transforming Czechoslovakia into a federation of largely autarchic ethno-national communities. This was to be done on the basis of an involuntary, binding and essentialising definition of nationality and a fundamentally illiberal conception of collective rights, in which the rights of the national group came before those of their individual members. The envisaged scope of national self-rule was furthermore meant to extend far beyond the confines of culture and education, encompassing a wide array of other spheres of life also considered to be essentially ‘national’. Lastly, the Volksschutzgesetze also effectively negated Czechoslovakia’s self-understanding as a nation-state by transposing the notion of sovereignty from the whole of its citizenry to the individual ethnic groups inhabiting it. In clear contrast to the 1925 Estonian Law on Cultural Autonomy as the model interwar example of NTA, they were thus effectively at odds with both liberal democracy and the nation-state.
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Irwin, Jones. "Existential thought between ethics and religion as related to curriculum: from Kierkegaard to Sartre." In Does Religious Education Matter?, 184–93. 1 [edition]. | New York : Routledge, 2016.: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315577883-15.
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Cowley, Benjamin Ultan, Darryl Charles, Gerit Pfuhl, and Anna-Mari Rusanen. "Artificial Intelligence in Education as a Rawlsian Massively Multiplayer Game: A Thought Experiment on AI Ethics." In AI in Learning: Designing the Future, 297–316. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-09687-7_18.
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AbstractIn this chapter, we reflect on the deployment of artificial intelligence (AI) as a pedagogical and educational instrument and the challenges that arise to ensure transparency and fairness to staff and students . We describe a thought experiment: ‘simulation of AI in education as a massively multiplayer social online game’ (AIEd-MMOG). Here, all actors (humans, institutions, AI agents and algorithms) are required to conform to the definition of a player. Models of player behaviour that ‘understand’ the game space provide an application programming interface for typical algorithms, e.g. deep learning neural nets or reinforcement learning agents, to interact with humans and the game space. The definition of ‘player’ is a role designed to maximise protection and benefit for human players during interaction with AI. The concept of benefit maximisation is formally defined as a Rawlsian justice game, played within the AIEd-MMOG to facilitate transparency and trust of the algorithms involved, without requiring algorithm-specific technical solutions to, e.g. ‘peek inside the black box’. Our thought experiment for an AIEd-MMOG simulation suggests solutions for the well-known challenges of explainable AI and distributive justice.
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Chen, Su. "How Liberal Feminism in A Doll’s House Positively Influenced the Emancipation of Women’s Thought in China After the May Fourth Movement, 1919–1949." In Proceedings of the 2022 6th International Seminar on Education, Management and Social Sciences (ISEMSS 2022), 2587–95. Paris: Atlantis Press SARL, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/978-2-494069-31-2_303.
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Omar, Hussein. "Arabic Thought in the Liberal Cage." In Islam after Liberalism, 17–46. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190851279.003.0002.
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This chapter argues that Egyptian practitioners of party politics, such as Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid and ‘Abd al-‘Aziz Jawish, articulated many of the key insights of a postcolonial critique of Eurocentric modernity in the years 1904–1922 over half a century before those critiques appeared in the academic field of postcolonial theory. These political activists repeatedly refused and refuted the charge that they were motivated by pecuniary greed or religious fanaticism, instead insisting that their thoughts and actions be recognized as political, while rejecting the restricted notion of the political as it had come to be defined by imperial hegemons. They rejected the imperial claim that the political and the ethical existed in separate domains and insisted on an alternative model wherein a political education was not, and could not be, understood separately from a moral one. Through the questions these intellectuals posed, they interrogated the very basis of the political theory upon which Lord Cromer’s rule in Egypt was derived. They would come to dismiss the immaculate sphere of “politics” posited by imperial officials as a myth, in a manner that would prefigure several later twentieth century notions of the political.
Conference papers on the topic "Liberal thought. Ethics. Education"
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Jones, Kristin. "From Critical to Transformative Pedagogy in Architectural Education." In 2019 ACSA Teachers Conference. ACSA Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.teach.2019.21.
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Transformative pedagogy is a contemporary educational ideal intended to actively promote the transformation of the life and inner perception of the learner and his/her community. It emerged at the dawn of the 21st century from a line of counter-hegemonic thought that has been called emancipatory, liberal, radical or critical in the effort to chart a new direction for post-industrial education. This paper addresses the struggle of architectural education to maintain its aim as an emancipatory practice within an ever-evolving disciplinary culture.
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Hu, Zhiyuan, and Dexiang Zhou. "Analysis on the Ethics of Modern Network Technology from the Perspective of Marxism Ethical Thought." In 2013 the International Conference on Education Technology and Information Systems (ICETIS 2013). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icetis-13.2013.109.
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Fleischmann, Shirley T. "Educating the Citizen Engineer: Making a Case for Community Service in Engineering." In ASME 2007 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2007-42809.
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The first two fundamental principles in the ASME Code of Ethics are that” engineers uphold and advance the integrity, honor and dignity of the engineering profession by: I. Using their knowledge and skill for the advancement of human welfare; II. Being honest and impartial, and serving with fidelity the public, their employers and clients…” These principles involve the concept of “the public good” and are properly part of engineering ethics — yet it is difficult to find a good place in the curriculum to address these principles. This paper will present the idea of using community service in engineering as a context for teaching this aspect of engineering ethics. The author has considerable experience in community service projects — related to engineering courses in which project work is required and graded, and also related to projects that involve purely voluntary efforts. Specific examples of projects that have been used will be given. The projects have also been presented as part of the larger Honor Concept that the author has been instrumental in developing for the School of Engineering at Grand Valley State University. “The habit of apprehending a technology in its completeness: this is the essence of technological humanism, and this is what we should expect education in higher technology to achieve. I believe it could be achieved by making specialist studies the core around which are grouped liberal studies which are relevant to those specialist studies. But they must be relevant; the path to culture should be through a man’s specialism, not by-passing it…A student who can weave his technology into the fabric of society can claim to have a liberal education; a student who cannot weave his technology into the fabric of society cannot claim even to be a good technologist.” Lord Ashby, Technology and the Academics
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Hamidzadeh, Hamid R., and Yvonne Y. Clark. "Imperative Expectations and Impediments for a Mechanical Engineering Program." In ASME 2008 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2008-68847.
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This paper addresses indispensable values essential for students who pursue bachelor degrees in mechanical engineering. It presents topics such as the required curriculum for rigorous education of students and full implementation of the code of professional conduct and ethics by faculty and staff. In addition, this article introduces the vital steps and processes needed to assure that the students entering a program, graduate as individuals of character, sensitive to the needs of the community, competent to contribute to society, and civil in their habits of thought and action. Furthermore, significance of having ethical, knowledgeable, up-to-date, and motivated faculty members, as well as, a sound technical and well rounded program for achievement of high standards by students are discussed.
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Williams, Ian. "“A STATION ABOVE THAT OF ANGELS”: THE VISION OF ISLAMIC EDUCATION WITHIN PLURALISTIC SOCIETIES IN THE THOUGHT OF FETHULLAH GÜLEN - A STUDY OF CONTRASTS BETWEEN TURKEY AND THE UK." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/jmbu4194.
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Gülen cites ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib as saying, ‘... if a person’s intellect dominates his or her desire and ferocity, he or she rises to a station above that of angels ...’. Both historically as well as in modern contexts Muslim education is not characterised by uniformity but rather by a plurality of actors, institutions, ideas and political milieus. The two central questions are: What is required to live as a Muslim in the present world? Who is qualified to teach in this time? The debate over the nature and purpose of Islamic education is no recent phenomenon. It has been conducted for the past two centuries throughout the Islamic world: the transmission of both spiritual and empirical knowledge has always been dependent upon the support of religious, social and political authorities. Based on fieldwork in Turkey and the UK amongst schools associated with the Gülen move- ment, examination of national government policies and on readings of contemporary Muslim educationalists, this paper seeks to examine the ideals of Fethullah Gülen on contemporary Islamic and religious education. It reports critically on the contribution of these schools to social cohesion, inter-religious dialogue and common ambitions for every child and student. We should accept the fact that there is a specific way of being Muslim, which reflects the Turkish understanding and practices in those regions [which] stretch from Central Asia to the Balkans. [Ocak 1996 79] Islam, a rich and strong tradition in many diverse societies is both a living faith and in every generation has been the means of enabling Muslims to address social developments, justice, and both corporate and individual questions of identity and ethics. Drawing on the Qur’an, Hadith, Sunnah and fiqh new Islamic social movements have constantly formed fresh public spaces in which new identities and lifestyles could emerge. Some of the finest expressions of Islam have occurred in the most pluralist religio-social circumstances when intellectual dis- course, educational achievements and social harmony have flourished. Amongst contempo- rary Islamic thinkers who are professedly concerned to interpret the sources and their practice in an “Islamically correct” manner is Fethullah Gülen [b. 1938], the spiritual father of what is probably the most active Turkish-Islamic movement of the late 20th and early 21st centuries. In considering this movement however, one soon realizes that Fethullah Gülen is neither an innovator with a new and unique theology nor a revolutionary. His understanding of Islam is oriented within the conservative mainstream and his arguments are rooted in the traditional sources of Islam. They stand in a lineage represented as I shall argue through al-Ghazali, Mevlana Jalal ud-Din Rumi, Bediuzzaman Said Nursi, and in company with Muhammad Asad and Muhammad Naquib Syed Al-Attas, and Seyyed Hossein Nasr. Nonetheless, in less than thirty years his followers as Islamic activists have made significant contributions to inter-communal and national peace, inter-religious dialogue, economic development, and most certainly in the field of education out of all proportion to their numbers. Moreover, this is a de-centralised polymorphic social movement.
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Guevara, Cesar, Carlos Manuel Núñez Michuy, Diego Mauricio Bonilla Jurado, and Verónica Teresa Veloz Segura. "Pedagogical Model Based On Edgar Morín's Complex Thinking In School Management." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002407.
Full textAbstract:
The objective of this research was to propose a pedagogical model based on the complex thinking of Édgar Morín to strengthen the School Management of the Ángel Polibio Cháves Educational Unit, Ecuador. This research was of an applied type, descriptive scope, quantitative approach and non-experimental design; the non-random sample for convenience. The research technique used was the survey and the instrument a questionnaire composed of 24 closed polytomous items on a Likert scale, Cronbach's alpha consistency 0.895; Within the framework of the study variable and for each of its dimensions, the results found showed that 37% is at a low level, 60% at a medium level and 3% at a high level, from which it is inferred that the school management of The educational unit must be strengthened through the pedagogical model, which is based on the theory of complex thought and the seven necessary knowledge for the education of the future, emphasizing the principles of pertinent knowledge, teaching human understanding and the ethics of gender. What will motivate students the value of learning and the importance of knowledge, contrast concepts in search of relevance and respect the human condition.
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Vicini, Fabio. "GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.
Full textAbstract:
Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.