Journal articles on the topic 'Liberal revival'
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1
Reynolds, Paul. "A Liberal Revival in Brisbane?" Queensland Review 4, no. 1 (April 1997): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600001318.
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The paper takes as its point of departure the proposition that for the Liberals to return as a significant electoral force in Queensland state politics they need to be far more successful in metropolitan electorates than in the 1983–92 period.The extent of the electoral advancement in the greater metropolitan area in 1995 is examined by a classification of seat types and by voting patterns in the recent past. It is found that such success was variable, heavily dependent upon the legacy of the National urban vote (1989–92) and the propensity of erstwhile ALP voters to opt for Others, rather than the Liberals when registering their primary vote.
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Kupchan, Charles A., and Peter L. Trubowitz. "The Illusion of Liberal Internationalism's Revival." International Security 35, no. 1 (July 2010): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00004.
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Over the past two decades, political polarization has shaken the domestic foundations of U.S. grand strategy, sorely testing bipartisan support for liberal internationalism. Stephen Chaudoin, Helen Milner, and Dustin Tingley take issue with this interpretation, contending that liberal internationalism in the United States is alive and well. Their arguments, however, do not stand up to careful scrutiny. Their analysis of congressional voting and public opinion fails to demonstrate the persistence of bipartisanship on foreign policy. Indeed, the partisan gap that widened during George W. Bush's administration has continued during the presidency of Barack Obama, confirming that a structural change has taken place in the domestic bases of U.S. foreign policy. President Obama now faces the unenviable challenge of conducting U.S. statecraft during an era when consensus will be as elusive at home as it is globally.
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Lewis, Huw. "Liberalism, Language Revival and Employment." Political Studies 59, no. 4 (June 15, 2011): 1017–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00880.x.
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Do policies that seek to revive the prospects of minority languages transgress important liberal principles? The article will explore this question by focusing on one controversial aspect of language policy in Wales: the steps taken to set Welsh language requirements for some jobs in the public sector. This is a practice that has generated substantial debate, with opponents claiming that it undermines equality of opportunity in the field of employment and, in particular, transgresses the principle of appointing on the basis of merit. It will be argued here that such objections do not stand up to scrutiny. Efforts to promote a language's position in the field of employment do not undermine the principle of merit, but merely expand slightly on its meaning. Therefore, liberals should, in principle, be willing to endorse policies similar to those adopted in Wales in recent years. Nevertheless, the fact that these policies can be endorsed in principle does not mean that liberals would wish to exclude them completely from criticism. Rather, as will also be argued, the background conditions against which they are implemented and the degree to which these can influence an individual's linguistic ability should also be considered, and in the Welsh context, at least, this is an issue that may call for further attention.
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Byrne, James M. "A Reasonable Passion: The Revival of Liberal Theology." Reviews in Religion and Theology 10, no. 1 (February 2003): 6–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9418.00169.
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Chandrasekhar, C. P. "Neo-Liberal Reform and Industrial Growth: Towards Revival or Recession." Social Scientist 31, no. 11/12 (November 2003): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3517947.
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Davies, Steve. "Think-tanks, policy formation, and the ‘revival’ of classical liberal economics." Review of Austrian Economics 33, no. 4 (May 2, 2019): 465–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11138-019-00451-2.
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Wirls, Stephen H. "The Moral Imperative." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 1 (1996): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199681/23.
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This essay explores the relationship between moral community and the principles and practices of liberal individualism. Insofar as these principles afford the widest latitude to the individual's judgment concerning the government of his life, they have contributed to a decay in the rigor and authority of moral and civic codes. Moreover, they and the way of life they foster seem to militate against any political or social solutions to problems of morality and civility, reflecting a disparity between liberal regime principles and the moral preconditions of a decent society. A moral revival may thus have to be founded on the recognition that healthy liberal democracies require policies and practices in tension with liberal principles.
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Wirls, Stephen H. "The Moral Imperative." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 1 (1996): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199681/23.
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This essay explores the relationship between moral community and the principles and practices of liberal individualism. Insofar as these principles afford the widest latitude to the individual's judgment concerning the government of his life, they have contributed to a decay in the rigor and authority of moral and civic codes. Moreover, they and the way of life they foster seem to militate against any political or social solutions to problems of morality and civility, reflecting a disparity between liberal regime principles and the moral preconditions of a decent society. A moral revival may thus have to be founded on the recognition that healthy liberal democracies require policies and practices in tension with liberal principles.
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Herzog, Dagmar. "Anti-Judaism in Intra-Christian Conflict: Catholics and Liberals in Baden in the 1840s." Central European History 27, no. 3 (September 1994): 267–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900010220.
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This essay examines the paradoxical relationship between Jewish emancipation and the revival of Catholic neoorthodoxy in the years preceding the revolutions of 1848/49. My focus is on the Grand Duchy of Baden, renowned as the most liberal of all the nineteenth-century German states. The rise of neoorthodoxy in Baden provoked political liberals to rethink the relationship between church and state and, consequently, through a conjunction of circumstance, to make Jewish emancipation a central plank in their political platfrom. The Jewish emancipation implemented by the liberals in the revolutionary years, however, would be heavily burdened from its inception by the manner in which the new Catholic “religious right” deployed anti-Jewish rhetoric in its struggle for religious and political influence.
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Laheij, Christian. "Constraints of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Natural Subject." Journal of Cognition and Culture 11, no. 3-4 (2011): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853711x591260.
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AbstractIn this paper, I take aim at the typical anthropological routine of criticizing universalist assumptions in social theory by contrasting them with non-Western emic models. I do so by following up on one recent instance of this practice, which has been heralded as a testament to what anthropology can still offer to critical social theory: Mahmood’s work on the Islamic piety movement in Egypt, and her claim that the normative subject of liberal feminist theory needs to be denaturalized, because the women involved in the piety movement hold a self-model that is incommensurable with secular-liberal assumptions about action being structured by innate desires for autonomy and freedom. By analyzing ethnographic data on Egyptian Muslim women through the lens of a combination of non-determinist cognitive theories, I show that in order to understand the lives of pious women much can be gained from keeping psychological predispositions for autonomy in mind. Simultaneously, this paper can be read as an attempt to bring cognitive material on attachment, education and epidemiology of representations into conversation with one another, and discover emerging fault lines and potentialities for mutual reinforcement.
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Deutsch, Kenneth L., and Walter Nicgorski. "Preface to this Special Issue." Review of Politics 53, no. 1 (1991): iii—x. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500050166.
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Interest in Leo Strauss has grown considerably since his death in 1973. His incisive commentaries on the great texts of the Western political tradition have contributed to the revival of scholarly attention to the quarrels between Athens and Jerusalem, poetry and philosophy, the ancients and the moderns, the philosopher and the city as well as to the crisis of liberal democracy. Strauss's teachings that bear on the problem of liberal education have encouraged many of his students and others to write and speak boldly about “the closing of the American mind.”
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Vascik, George S. "The German Peasant League and the Limits of Rural Liberalism in Wilhelmian Germany." Central European History 24, no. 2-3 (June 1991): 147–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900018914.
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To what extent was liberalism a resurgent force in the last decade of the German Empire? Considerable debate has materialized around this question. After he became chair of the National Liberal caucus in the Reichstag, the Badenese attorney Ernst Bassermann gathered around himself a coterie of young reformers (the most notable of whom was Gustav Stresemann) who were eager to rejuvenate German liberalism. While opening themselves to alliances with social democracy and the working class, these self-consciously proud members of the business and educated middle classes vigorously asserted an aggressive liberal profile and busied themselves with the creation of new organizational structures to undergird a revivified liberal movement. We know a great deal about some of these political-organizational projects, most notably the Young Liberal movement and the Hansabund. Historians have, however, neglected the rural component of this revival—the German Peasant League (Deutscher Bauernbund, or DBB)—which Bassermann recognized as equally important to the National Liberal party's future as the Hansabund.
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Jędrzejczyk-Kuliniak, Katarzyna. "Perspektywy i wyzwania demokracji na przykładzie liberalnego nurtu islamu." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 2 (November 2, 2018): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2010.15.2.5.
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The religious and cultural system of Islam is not a monolith, although it cannot be claimed that there are many Islams. After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the trend of religious fundamentalism has predominated in public opinion. However, this is only one of many forms of Islam. Its other extreme is the liberal one. These two religious interpretations are rather hostile towards one another, which finds reflection in the values each preaches. The movement of Islamic revival is connected with liberal thinking and it goes beyond the Arab countries. It can also be observed in Europe and the Muslim countries in Asia. Each movement is specific and tries to face up to different social and political issues. Given the deficit of democracy and the existence of authoritarian governments in the Middle East, the revival movement of the Arab world provides the best opportunity to scrutinize the challenges and development opportunities for democracy. This tendency is becoming an increasingly significant political force in the Middle East. Its representatives are also referred to as Muslim centrists, democrats or liberal Muslim reformers. They base their visions of political development on the social doctrine of Islam, stemming from the nahda movement, and from the ‘re-opening of the ijtihad’. The paper presents the values of liberal Islam, including the Muslim concept of democracy, social justice, sovereignty, freedom and the equality of women. The purpose of the paper is also to outline the main challenges related to the liberalization of Islam.
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Xin, Chen. "Social changes and the revival of liberal education in China since the 1990s." Asia Pacific Education Review 5, no. 1 (February 2004): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03026274.
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ROSENBLATT, HELENA. "WHY CONSTANT? A CRITICAL OVERVIEW OF THE CONSTANT REVIVAL." Modern Intellectual History 1, no. 3 (October 21, 2004): 439–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244304000253.
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Recent years have seen a remarkable renewal of interest in the thought of Benjamin Constant (1767–1830). For long recognized as the author of the literary masterpiece Adolphe, Constant is now receiving increasing attention for his political writings. Paperback editions of his major works are presently available in both French and English, helping to establish his growing reputation as a founding father of modern liberalism. Constant's stature as a seminal liberal thinker has benefited from the recent climate of opinion in the Western world and, in particular, from the return to fashion of liberalism as a social and political doctrine. Paradoxically, however, this political climate has also led to some problems, since presentist concerns have left an undeniable imprint on the image we have of Constant.
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BARTLETT, ROBERT C. "Socratic Political Philosophy and the Problem of Virtue." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 525–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402000308.
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Plato's Meno deserves careful examination today because it highlights two facets of the concern for virtue neglected or obscured by the current revival of virtue among liberal theorists: the devotion to a good that cannot simply be reduced either to individual flourishing or to communal well-being—what Plato calls “nobility” or “the noble”; and the complex relation of virtue so understood to the concern for religion or piety. If the sought-for incorporation of virtue into liberal thought and practice today fails to grapple with these profound human concerns, in the first place by recognizing their existence, the language of virtue and its attendant moral sentiments will remain a matter more of scholarly debate than of lived practice.
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Rayner, Jeremy. "Philosophy into Dogma: The Revival of Cultural Conservatism." British Journal of Political Science 16, no. 4 (October 1986): 455–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340000452x.
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The conservative revival that has taken place on both sides of the Atlantic in recent years has been an intellectual as well as a practical accomplishment. That this remarkable fact has received scant attention from political theorists can be attributed to two main causes. First, and less important, there has been an understandable tendency to focus on personalities and party politics where expediency blurs the sharp outlines of doctrine. As President Reagan confronts the problems of a second-term presidency, as Mrs Thatcher's iron grip on her party seems to weaken and as Chancellor Kohl or Mr Mulroney make their inevitable compromises and evasions, the conservative politician in office is revealed to be not dissimilar to his liberal or socialist predecessor. Now – as Elie Kedourie noted when asking the question ‘Is neo-conservatism viable?’ back in 1982 – this is only to be expected. The constraints of democratic politics will inevitably narrow ideological differences until they appear to be little more than rhetoric. If there has been a conservative revival, its significant and enduring features must be sought elsewhere.
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ALLEN, Tom. "The Revival of the Right to Property in India." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 10, no. 1 (July 2015): 23–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2015.4.
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AbstractOver the last six decades, the Supreme Court of India has created and re-created a right to property from very weak textual sources, despite constitutional declarations calling for social revolution, numerous amendments to reverse key judgments, and even, in 1978, the repeal of the core constitutional provisions guaranteeing a right to property. This article challenges the usual account of these developments. The primary contention is that the 1978 repeal is much less significant than it appears, due to the Court’s creative interpretation of other constitutional provisions. The Supreme Court has consistently advanced liberal models of constitutionalism and property, despite the influence of other models on the original constitutional design and later amendments. This article also examines whether the Court’s liberalism is compatible with the egalitarian values of theConstitution, and how its position will affect attempts to address social issues relating to the distribution of property in India.
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Nowlin, Michael E. "'Reality in America' Revisited: Modernism, the Liberal Imagination and the Revival of Henry James." Canadian Review of American Studies 23, no. 3 (March 1993): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-023-03-01.
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Nieli, Russell. "The Decline and Revival of Liberal Learning at Duke: The Focus and Gerst Programs." Academic Questions 20, no. 3 (November 17, 2007): 177–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12129-007-9020-z.
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Wells, Naomi. "The linguistic capital of contested languages." Language Problems and Language Planning 35, no. 2 (October 12, 2011): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.35.2.02wel.
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Political debate concerning the recognition of regional and minority languages has been the subject of much study in recent years. However, with the focus on separatist and/or nationalist forces, the centre-left has often been overlooked in such studies. In both Asturias in Spain and the Veneto in Italy, centre-left parties have taken a particularly ambivalent approach towards language revival policies, and the ideologies behind this approach merit further study. Drawing particularly on Bourdieu’s work, the author will consider how linguistic hierarchies and linguistic capital are reflected in centre-left discourse and actions concerning the respective local languages. This will shed light on the ambiguous role of the centre-left concerning language policy, and provide further insight into the compatibility of liberal and progressive politics with language revival policies.
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Sussman, Gerald. "Reheating the Cold War: us, Russia, and the Revival of Rollback." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 16, no. 6 (December 6, 2017): 736–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341459.
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Abstract A neoconservative coalition of oppositional forces, comprised of the Clinton wing of the Democratic Party and their allies in the Republican Party, the liberal mainstream media, and the deep state have promoted a new Cold War against Russia. This is intended as a mobilizing strategy to overturn the Trump presidency, weaken the Russian state, and reconstruct state legitimacy following years of decline in the quality of life and democracy in America. The coalition reconstructed the Cold War as an ideological tool in the interest of continuing to pursue domestic and global neoliberal policies and dealing with a fractious public disenchanted with government, its elected officials, the mainstream media, and a failing democracy.
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Neshitoy, A. S. "THE ROLE OF THE HIGH-TECHNOLOGICAL SECTOR IN RUSSIA’S REVIVAL (MACRO-MESO-LEVEL APPROACH TO THE REGULATION)." Federalism, no. 1 (July 29, 2019): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2073-1051-2019-1-135-146.
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The results of Russia’s economic activity over the years of its reform, the indicators of economic development of the regions allow us to conclude that the liberal market approach to economic management has completely discredited itself. The current state of the Russian economy requires a revision of the previously established model of its reforming. A new model should be primarily focused on the new industrialization, the priority revival of the high-technological sector of the economy as the main goal of industrial policy. The author proves that the revival of the industrial potential of the country should be provided on the basis of scientific-based Strategy of innovative development and system-dialectical approach to economic management, which is based on the strengthening of economic and social functions of the state, on the usage of planning and economic mechanisms of state regulation.
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Dagger, Richard. "The Sandelian Republic and the Encumbered Self." Review of Politics 61, no. 2 (1999): 181–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500051950.
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InDemocracy's Discontent, Michael Sandel argues for a revival of the republican tradition in order to counteract the pernicious effects of contemporary liberalism. As in his earlier work, Sandel charges that liberals who embrace the ideals of political neutrality and the unencumbered self are engaged in a self–subverting enterprise, for no society that lives by these ideals can sustain itself. Sandel is right to endorse the republican emphasis on forming citizens and cultivating civic virtues. By opposing liberalism as vigorously as he does, however, he engages in a self–subverting enterprise of his own. That is, Sandel is in danger of undercutting his position by threatening the liberal principles upon which he implicitly relies. This danger is greatest when he presses his case against the unencumbered self, when he appeals to the obligations of membership, and when he treats republicanism and liberalism as adversaries rather than allies.
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Morel, Laurence. "Referendums and the evolution of party government in liberal democracies." European Review 6, no. 2 (May 1998): 203–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003239.
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An analysis of the motivations behind the present revival of referendum ballots in liberal democracies shows that referendums launched by governments, often politically motivated, and those launched by popular initiatives are linked to a demand for new legislation, and both illustrate the crisis of representative governments that is currently affecting these democracies. The pursuit of the increase of referendums will depend however on whether popular initiatives will or will not be introduced in the Constitutions of countries, since the great majority do not provide for it. In spite of similarities between the present political situation in Western Europe and the contexts in which popular initiatives were introduced in some countries, there is no serious ground to predict that such institutional reforms will take place in the near future. The directness of democracy is maybe more likely to increase under the effect not of referendums, but of other factors like the growing interference of polls, or the decline of intermediaries, especially parties, in the daily practice of government.
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Gutorov, Vladimir. "On some Actual Aspects of the Interpretation of the Liberal Tradition in Russia." Politeja 16, no. 5(62) (December 31, 2019): 209–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.62.12.
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On some Actual Aspects of the Interpretation of the Liberal Tradition in Russia
The article examines the key moments of the transformation of liberal tradition in Russia in the context of analysis of the main directions of the transformation of liberal ideological discourse and liberal culture in Western Europe and the United States. The need for such an analysis is primarily determined by the fact that since the early 1990s Western liberal stereotypes have become an ideological basis of the new Russian political elite and the dominant trend in state propaganda. However, the following main fact is often overlooked: in the 20th century,Russian liberalism was compromised twice, so in the short-term the hopes for the revival of the liberal ideas are gone. In the West, the liberal tradition has also been in the state of crisis: Western liberalism has been undergoing a very significant transformation that has far-reaching cultural and political implications. In particular, at the turn of the 21st c., a more active role in Western public discourse was taken by the radical neo-conservative versions of an ideology that combined a conservative program of political reforms with a strong libertarian (neoliberal) rhetoric. This ideology is actively used by the ruling circles of the US and Western Europe to influence ideologically the political elites of Russia – as it happened in Central and Eastern Europe during the so-called “velvet revolutions”. At the same time, what increasingly clearly and sharply came to the fore in the late twentieth century is anti-liberal thought and criticism that has always evolved in parallel with liberalism itself and that almost never ceases to exist.
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Cho, Hee‐Yeon. "‘Second death’, or revival of the ‘third world’ in the context of neo‐liberal globalization." Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 6, no. 4 (December 2005): 497–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649370500316760.
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Turner, Simon. "'These Young Men Show No Respect for Local Customs'—Globalisation and Islamic Revival in Zanzibar." Journal of Religion in Africa 39, no. 3 (2009): 237–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002242009x12447135279538.
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AbstractLike elsewhere in Africa, local forms of Islam are being challenged by a number of new reformist and revivalist forms of Islam, influenced to some degree by a global Islamic revival but shaped by particular local histories and politics. This has caused some friction, especially as the regime in place seeks to manipulate these tensions for political benefit. Central to this struggle are the young men who have studied Islam abroad and who challenge the established truths of the traditional religious authorities; these authorities in turn accuse 'the youth' of bringing foreign, 'Arab' ideas and politics to Zanzibar. However, the kind of Islamic revival taking place in Zanzibar is far from radical or violent, and it is not appropriate to pose the present situation in terms of global Salafism versus local Sufism. In fact, Islamic revivalists often coin their critique of the state in terms of human rights and good governance and provide an alternative modernity that simultaneously challenges and articulates secular, liberal forms of modernity. Islamic revival critiques what is perceived as society's moral disorder and the state's inability to deal with new global challenges. Hence the present paper explores how global trends in Islam—but also global discourses on human rights and good governance—influence the current modes of Islamic revival in Zanzibar. With a heavily restricted political field, Islam can be a means of critiquing society without getting involved in politics. However, the government and the traditional religious authorities perceive this revivalism as a threat to the status quo and attempt therefore to politicise the struggle, accusing Islamic movements of fundamentalism and terrorism. It is within this political environment that Islamic revival must navigate.
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Smith, Steven B. "Hegel's Critique of Liberalism." American Political Science Review 80, no. 1 (March 1986): 121–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1957087.
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A recent and perhaps surprising development in political theory has been the revival of neo-Kantian liberalism, with its doctrines of the neutral state and equal concern and respect. Critics of liberalism have suggested, however, that Kantian notions of rights and rationality are too thin a foundation on which to build satisfactory forms of community and political life. In this paper I examine the critique of rights-based liberalism by returning to the philosophy of Hegel. Hegel's position, I suggest, provides us with a much needed middle ground between liberalism and its contemporary critics. Like the modern communitarians he is critical of the individualistic and ahistorical conceptions of rights underlying the liberal polity, but like many liberals he is skeptical of the claims to recreate a democratic, participatory Gemeinschaft that would leave citizens defenseless before their particular communities. I conclude that like Montesquieu before him and Tocqueville after, Hegel looked to the “corporations” or intermediary associations to skirt the extremes of the market place and civic virtue.
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Welker, Michael. "Habermas and Ratzinger on the Future of Religion." Scottish Journal of Theology 63, no. 4 (September 3, 2010): 456–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930610000517.
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AbstractThe article investigates the encounter between Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger and Jürgen Habermas in Munich 2004. The event was widely regarded as a conversation about the topic ‘The Pre-Political Moral Foundations of a Liberal State’. It was praised as a dialogue between the ‘personification of the Catholic faith’ and ‘the personification of liberal, individual and secular thought’ with far-reaching consequences. A close analysis of the texts, however, shows that Ratzinger and Habermas think in quite incompatible frameworks with very different concerns. They both share a sceptical attitude towards scientific ideology and they both show a remarkable lack of cultural and political realism. Habermas assumes that civil-societal elites will transform moral concerns into political and legal power. Ratzinger hopes for a revival of natural law tradition which would overcome the ‘pathologies of reason’ and political and religious fanaticism.
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Lawrence, Jon. "Popular Radicalism and the Socialist Revival in Britain." Journal of British Studies 31, no. 2 (April 1992): 163–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386002.
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The twentieth century has not been kind to the “Whig interpretation of history” with its emphasis on the inexorable triumph of reason and progress. Mortally wounded on the battlefields of Flanders, the liberal certainties that underpinned it were finally laid to rest in the shadow of the Holocaust. With the Whig interpretation died the tradition of seeing nineteenth-century politics in terms of the gradual, but uninterrupted, evolution of democratic principles and institutions. In its place emerged a new orthodoxy that stressed the discontinuities of popular politics during the nineteenth century and argued for three distinct phases of political development. The first, a phase of militant, semirevolutionary politics, coincided with the “industrial revolution” and led up to the defeat of Chartism in the late 1840s. This, it was argued, was followed by a period of stabilization during the mid-Victorian decades characterized by relative prosperity and political docility among the working classes. The final phase began with the economic downturn of the late 1870s and was said to have witnessed the reemergence of working-class militancy and socialist politics and to have culminated in the formation of the class-based Labour party.This three-phase model emerged in embryonic form between the wars in the agitprop histories of Marxist writers such as Theodore Rothstein and T. A. Jackson and in the more influential works of G. D. H. Cole and the Hammonds. At the same time, many of the reductionist assumptions that underpinned it were simultaneously finding favor within Britain's emergent school of economic historians.
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Muñoz Sempere, Daniel. "The Spanish Bastille? Mariano José de Larra and the Death of the Inquisition." Comparative Critical Studies 15, no. 2 (June 2018): 247–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2018.0291.
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This article explores the background to Mariano Jose de Larra's ‘Día de Difuntos de 1836’ (‘All Souls’ Day, 1836'). In particular, it considers Larra's mockery of the symbolic death of the Spanish Inquisition as a belated, timid gesture, a reminder of the troubled and meandering course of the Spanish Liberal Revolution. By examining the symbolic dimension of the Inquisition during the Spanish revolutionary cycle, but also post-revolutionary allusions to the Tribunal and its possible revival, we aim to enrich our understanding of Larra's satire and its engagement with historical change.
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Copsey, Nigel. "Fascism: The Ideology of the British National Party." Politics 14, no. 3 (December 1994): 101–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1994.tb00008.x.
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The revival in interest in the British far right as a result of recent localised growth in support for the British National Party (BNP) necessitates analysis of its political ideology and objectives. This article seeks to demonstrate that the BNP is virulently hostile to liberal democracy and that this hostility derives from its revolutionary, fascist agenda. The point that the BNP is a fascist organisation is significant and cannot be ignored. At the very least, it raises important questions about the place of the BNP in contemporary British politics.
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Pelkmans, Mathijs. "PARADOXES OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOMANDREPRESSION IN (POST-)SOVIET CONTEXTS." Journal of Law and Religion 29, no. 3 (September 23, 2014): 436–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2014.23.
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AbstractThe religious revival that followed the collapse of the USSR provides an excellent opportunity to compare the dynamics of projects of religious freedom with those of religious repression. Based on extensive ethnographic fieldwork in Georgia and Kyrgyzstan, this article documents the contradictory effects that both repressive and liberal policies and laws have on religious expression. Thus, while Soviet anti-religious policies undeniably caused much suffering and hardship, religious repression also contributed to an intensification of religious experience among certain Muslim and evangelical groups. And while religious freedom laws expanded the scope for public religious organization and expression, they also produced new inequalities between religious groups, as the cases of Georgia and Kyrgyzstan demonstrate. Ultimately, the article shows that the effects of liberal and repressive laws are far from straightforward and need to be analyzed in relation to the social context in which they are applied.
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GAMARRA, YOLANDA. "Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406): A Precursor of Intercivilizational Discourse." Leiden Journal of International Law 28, no. 3 (July 30, 2015): 441–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156515000217.
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AbstractThis article shows how the political, historical, sociological, and economic narrative of Ibn Khaldun influenced the conjunction of elements that were essential to the civilizing language promoted by European and American liberals in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The ‘standard of civilization’ has experienced a revival among critical legal scholars. These authors have reconstructed a historical process of ‘rise, fall, and rise’ of the ‘standard of civilization’, identifying its reappearance in an era of globalization and global governance with the current existence of a (neo-)colonial paradigm in international law and a (neo-)liberal global economy. This study is divided into three parts intended to examine in depth the precursory role of this Islamic thinker in the shaping of civilizing language. The first part examines Ibn Khaldun's life as a way of understanding his thinking on civilization. The second part explores the influence of Ibn Khaldun's work on the discourse surrounding the standard of civilization, by reintroducing the interpretation of Rafael Altamira (1866–1951). The third starts with Ibn Khaldun's writings on economic science and Joseph Spengler's (1902–1991) approach to his works. Several Islamic economic institutions and their influence on the state and concept of international society are examined. The revival of Ibn Khaldun's thinking is partly intended to fill an existing gap in the studies of medieval Islamic theorists. By examining his ideas about the socio-political and economic viability of a dynasty (or a civilization or a state), this article attempts to shed light on the intercultural origins of international law.
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ENGLERT, GIANNA. "USURPATION AND “THE SOCIAL” IN BENJAMIN CONSTANT'S COMMENTAIRE." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 1 (June 13, 2018): 55–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000197.
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As part of Benjamin Constant's academic “revival,” scholars have revisited the political and religious elements of his thought, but conclude that he remained uninterested in the nineteenth century's major social and economic questions. This article examines Constant's response to what would later become known as “the social question” in his Commentary on Filangieri's Work, and argues that his claims about poverty and its alleviation highlight central elements of his political liberalism, especially on the practice of citizenship in the modern age. By interpreting social issues through his original political lens of “usurpation,” Constant encouraged skepticism of social legislation and identified the political implications of a “disinherited” poor class. The lens of usurpation ultimately limited the scope of Constant's solutions to poverty. But his attention to social and economic issues prompts us to reexamine the category of “the social” and its uses in the history of liberal thought, particularly the place of class concerns in the French liberal tradition.
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Græger, Nina. "Illiberalism, geopolitics, and middle power security: Lessons from the Norwegian case." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 1 (March 2019): 84–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019834982.
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Middle powers have played a key role in supporting global governance, a rules-based order, and human rights norms. Apart from conveying and effectuating global solidarity and responsibility, multilateral cooperation has been an arena where middle powers seek protection and leverage relatively modest power to greater effect, sometimes as “helpful fixers” to great powers. This article argues that geopolitical revival and the contestation of the liberal order are challenging middle powers' traditional sheltering policies, based on empirical evidence from the Norwegian case. First, the weakening of multilateral organizations is making middle powers more vulnerable to great power rivalry and geopolitics, and Norway's relationship with Russia is particularly pointed. Second, existing shelters such as NATO and bilateral cooperation with the US are negatively affected by the latter's anti-liberal foreign policies, making looser sheltering frameworks important supplements. While Norway's and other middle powers' traditional policies within the “soft power” belt may continue, “doing good” may become less prioritized, due to the need for security.
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Fones-Wolf, Elizabeth, and Ken Fones-Wolf. "Managers and Ministers: Instilling Christian Free Enterprise in the Postwar Workplace." Business History Review 89, no. 1 (2015): 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680515000070.
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This article examines the early industrial chaplain movement. In the midst of a postwar religious revival, companies, primarily in the South, hired Protestant ministers to care for their workers' spiritual needs. Many were motivated by both religious convictions and the desire to build a productive, loyal workforce. The opposition of unions and liberal Protestantism slowed the movement's growth, although over the last three decades thousands of employers have rediscovered the benefits of faith-based workplace programs. This article illuminates important postwar trends such as the persistence of paternalism and the importance of religion in managerial strategies.
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Taylor, Lance. "Editorial: The revival of the liberal creed — the IMF and the World Bank in a globalized economy." World Development 25, no. 2 (February 1997): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0305-750x(96)00117-9.
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Stronach, Ian, and Heather Piper. "Can Liberal Education Make a Comeback? The Case of “Relational Touch” at Summerhill School." American Educational Research Journal 45, no. 1 (March 2008): 6–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0002831207311585.
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This article draws on data from a single element of a larger project 1 which focused on the issue of “touching” between education and child care professionals and children in a number of settings. This case study looks at a school once internationally renowned as the exemplar of “free” schooling. The authors consider how the school works as a community, how it impacts on its students, and how it copes with the strictures of the audit culture in relation to “risk” and “safety.” The authors’ experiences led them to the realization that physical “touch” was an irrelevant focus in this school, and they developed the notion of “relational touch.” Summerhill works in ways that approximate an inversion of the audit culture. The authors argue that progressive and critical conceptions of education continue to have much to learn from concrete examples like Summerhill and conclude that a revival of such values in education is long overdue.
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Mulyoto. "NATIONAL INTEGRATION AND ITS PROCESS IN INDONESIA." Historia: Jurnal Pendidik dan Peneliti Sejarah 12, no. 1 (July 23, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/historia.v12i1.12113.
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National Integration covers the arrangement of culture, territory, power, value and behaviour. Basically, the integration process is a horizontal change for the view of local to national or even international people and vertical change of elite group establishment having power legitimation. Integration process in Indonesia experiences up and downs and it will not enable to satisfy any and all related elements. It is started by national revival to establish the independent country, to find the fit and proper governance, to build a country to be strong in the economy field and then find the independence in liberal democracy nature. National integration is processed in accordance with the history development.
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Omelchenko, N. "PROBLEMS OF NATIONAL (POLITICAL) IDENTITY IN THE CONTEXT OF IDEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS IN THE RUSSIAN POST-OCTOBER EMIGRATION." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 10 (November 28, 2019): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2019-10-34-41.
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The author’s interpretation of the content and essence of ideological and political discussions in the Russian post-October emigration in years 1920-1930 about the causes of the revolutionary collapse of Russia, the ways and prospects of the revival of the national Russian statehood has been presented. The connection between the ideological search for Russian emigration and the central for Russian social thought, the problem of understanding the originality of the Russian political process, the features of the formation and evolution of national political identity, has been substantiated. The reasons for the widespread anti-democratic views and beliefs in the emigrant environment, the growing distrust of Western democracy and liberal institutions and values have been revealed. An analysis of the political projects and models of the future revived Russia proposed by Russian emigrants («social Christianity», a renewed monarchy), which affirmed the special path of development of Russia that distinguished its «philistine» West, – has been given. The conclusion about the importance of these projects of the ideal structure of the future of Russia for the modern state development of Russia, the search for its new identity, has been made.
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ZACHS, FRUMA, and YEHUDIT DROR. "Al-Bustānī's Approach to the Arabic Language: From Theory to Practice." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 29, no. 3 (June 6, 2019): 393–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186319000130.
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AbstractBuṭrus al-Bustānī (1819–1883) was one of the leading figures of the Nahḍa period. In most studies on the Nahḍa, his activities, work and projects are seen as having made an important contribution to the revival of the Arabic language by transforming it to meet the needs of modern times. Although his lexical contribution has been researched there is no comprehensive research on his grammatical contribution to the Arabic language. This article shows that al-Bustānī's Encyclopedia reflects a conservative approach toward grammar in that he confined himself to abridging the grammatical rules enshrined by traditional grammarians. However, he took a liberal and reformist approach to the lexicon that drew on both classical and Western sources.
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Hochstenbach, Cody, and Richard Ronald. "The unlikely revival of private renting in Amsterdam: Re-regulating a regulated housing market." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 52, no. 8 (March 13, 2020): 1622–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x20913015.
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Over the last decade, private rental sectors have been in rapid ascendance across developed societies, especially in economically liberal, English-speaking contexts. The Netherlands, and Amsterdam in particular, has also more recently experienced the reversal of a century-long decline in private renting. More unusually, the expansion of private renting in Amsterdam has been explicitly promoted by the municipal and national government, and in cooperation with social housing providers, in response to decreasing accessibility to, and affordability of, social rental and owner-occupied housing. This paper explores how and why this state-initiated revival has come about, highlighting how new growth in rent-liberalized private renting is a partial outcome of the restructuring of the urban housing market around owner occupation since the 1990s. More critically, our analysis asserts that restructuring of Amsterdam’s housing stock can be conceptualized as regulated marketization. Market forces are not being simply unleashed, but given more leeway in some regards and matched by new regulations. We also demonstrate various tensions present in this process of regulated marketization; between national and local politics, between existing housing and new construction, and between policies implemented in different time periods.
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Bowman, Matthew. "Antirevivalism and Its Discontents: Liberal Evangelicalism, the American City, and the Sunday School, 1900–1929." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 23, no. 2 (2013): 262–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2013.23.2.262.
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AbstractThis article examines the rise of antirevivalism among a certain strain of American evangelicals in the first years of the twentieth century. It argues that, influenced by the new discipline of psychology of religion and growing fear of the chaotic environment of the early twentieth-century city, these evangelicals found revivalist evangelicalism to be psychologically damaging and destructive of the process of Christian conversion. Instead, they conceived of a form of evangelicalism they called “liberal evangelicalism,” which repudiated the emotional and cathartic revivalist style of worship and, instead, insisted that evangelicalism could be rational, moderate, and targeted toward the cultivation of socially acceptable virtues. The venue they chose to pursue this form of evangelicalism was the Sunday school. Throughout the nineteenth century, liberal evangelicals feared, the Sunday school had emerged as a revival in miniature, one in which teachers were encouraged to exhort their students to come to cathartic, emotional conversion experiences— a strategy that had found its apotheosis in the “Decision Day,” a regular event in which students were subjected to emotional preaching and encouraged to confess their faith in Christ. Though the Decision Day was itself an evangelical attempt to deal with the transient nature of the city, liberal evangelicals began, in the early twentieth century, to redefine it in ways that would better facilitate the sort of gradual and developmental form of conversion in which they placed their faith. Leading the effort was George Albert Coe, a professor and Sunday school organizer who used his school to experiment with such reforms.
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Taylor, Mary N. "Intangible heritage governance, cultural diversity, ethno-nationalism." Focaal 2009, no. 55 (December 1, 2009): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2009.550104.
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Since the early 1990s, language used to speak of cultural practices once thought of as "folklore" has become increasingly standardized around the term intangible heritage. Supranational intangible heritage policies promote a contradictory package that aims to preserve local identity and cultural diversity while promoting democratic values and economic development. Such efforts may contribute to the deployment of language that stresses mutual exclusivity and incommensurability, with important consequences for individual and group access to resources. This article examines these tensions with ethnographic attention to a Hungarian folk revival movement, illuminating how local histories of "heritage protection" meet with the global norm of heritage governance in complicated ways. I suggest the paradoxical predicament that both "liberal" notions of diversity and ethno-national boundaries are co-produced through a number of processes in late capitalism, most notably connected to changing relations of property and citizenship regimes.
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Schrum, Ethan. "Establishing a Democratic Religion: Metaphysics and Democracy in the Debates Over the President's Commission on Higher Education." History of Education Quarterly 47, no. 3 (August 2007): 277–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2007.00101.x.
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World War II stands as a defining moment for American higher education. During the crisis of international relations that existed by the late 1930s, American thinkers of various stripes felt compelled to mobilize the country's intellectual and educational resources in defense of democracy, thus creating “a great ideological revival of democracy that accompanied the war.” The war aims of the United States—as enunciated in the Atlantic Charter and popular portrayals of the “good war” in which the United States fought to free the world from the grips of evil dictatorships—gave tremendous legitimacy to these efforts, which built into a national discussion on the goals of higher education. Between 1943 and 1947, at least five major reports on general education or liberal education appeared, three of which explicitly treated the relation of such education to “democracy” or “free society.”
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Parker, Jane, and Ozan Alakavuklar. "Social Movement Unionism as Union-Civil Alliances: A Democratizing Force? The New Zealand Case." Relations industrielles / Industrial Relations 73, no. 4 (March 6, 2019): 784–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1056977ar.
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This exploratory study examines union-civil alliances in New Zealand (NZ). It focuses on the involvement of NZ’s peak union body, the Council of Trade Unions, in three civil group coalitions around the Living Wage Campaign, Decent Work Agenda and Environmental Agenda. It assesses how the CTU and its affiliates’ coalition involvement are informed by and seek to progress liberal (representative), participatory and/or more radical democratic principles, and what this means for organizational practice; the relations between the coalition parties; workplaces; and beyond.Through case discussions, the study finds that civil alliances involving the CTU and its affiliates do not reflect a core trait of union activity in NZ. Among the union-civil alliances that do exist, there is a prevailing sense of their utility to progress shared interests alongside, and on the union side, a more instrumental aim to encourage union revival. However, the alliances under examination reflect an engagement with various liberal and participatory democratic arrangements at different organizational levels. More radical democratic tendencies emerge in relation toad hocelements of activity and the aspirational goals of such coalitions as opposed to their usual processes and institutional configurations.In essence, what emerges is a labour centre and movement which, on the one hand, is in a survivalist mode primarily concerned with economistic matters, and on the other, in a position of relative political and bargaining weakness, reaching out to other civil groups where it can so as to challenge the neo-liberal hegemony. Based on our findings, we conclude that Laclau and Mouffe’s (2001) view of radical democracy holds promise for subsequent coalitions involving the CTU, particularly in the context of NZ workers’ diverse interests and the plurality of other civil groups and social movements’ interests. This view concernson-goingagency, change, organizing and strategy by coalitions to build inclusive (counter-) hegemony, arguing for a politic from below that challenges existing dominant neo-liberal assumptions in work and other spheres of life.
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Cau, Maurizio. "Alcide De Gasperi: a political thinker or a thinking politician?" Modern Italy 14, no. 4 (November 2009): 431–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903237516.
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Historiography has mainly focused on the pragmatic and realist character of Alcide De Gasperi's politics, whilst substantially overlooking the purely intellectual dimension of his lengthy political experience. The publication of a critical edition of his writings allows us to enrich the traditional image that has been developed of this Italian politician, whose interventions in public life were also expressed by way of significant cultural reflections. In this respect his writings from the 1930s, written during his so-called ‘internal exile’ inside the Vatican, are particularly significant. These pages bear witness to De Gasperi's close attachment to the political culture of European Catholicism. His passionate defence of Catholic constitutionalism and Catholic-Liberal goals, the revival of the political traditions of the Zentrum and the development of the Church's social doctrine in a corporativist direction testify to De Gasperi's often underestimated analytical capacity and intellectual breadth.
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Avis, Paul. "Stephen Sykes and the Essence of Christianity." Ecclesiology 15, no. 1 (February 6, 2019): 34–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455316-01501006.
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Stephen Sykes chastised English (especially Anglican) theology for its neglect of systematic and doctrinal theology and worked for its revival. He viewed the liberal tendency in English theology in the 1960s and 1970s as attributable, at least in part, to lack of doctrinal rigour and to ecclesiastical woolliness. Sykes contributed to methodological reflection on systematic theology, but his occasional forays into systematics were not his major efforts. However, one systematic theological topic to which Sykes made a significant contribution was the question of the essence of Christianity, which he pursued in critical dialogue with a galaxy of modern theologians. His account of the essence in relation to the ‘external’ and ‘internal’ aspects of Christianity is not satisfactory and his conclusion that the essence is an ‘essentially contested concept’ is disappointing. Nevertheless, his discussion sheds light on the problem and remains a stimulus and resource for further work on this topic.