Academic literature on the topic 'Liberal Religious Education Directors Association'

This study explores ALA membership among directors at small liberal arts colleges. Results show that directors at the smallest colleges are much less likely to be members of ALA and ACRL than their colleagues at larger colleges are. The study investigates trends based on the director’s level of completed education, the director’s tenure at her or his institution, and the relative size of the institutions. The discussion questions why directors at smaller colleges are less likely to be members of ALA and ACRL and examines how those associations might expand their services among these individuals.

This article demonstrates historically and statistically that conversionary Protestants (CPs) heavily influenced the rise and spread of stable democracy around the world. It argues that CPs were a crucial catalyst initiating the development and spread of religious liberty, mass education, mass printing, newspapers, voluntary organizations, and colonial reforms, thereby creating the conditions that made stable democracy more likely. Statistically, the historic prevalence of Protestant missionaries explains about half the variation in democracy in Africa, Asia, Latin America and Oceania and removes the impact of most variables that dominate current statistical research about democracy. The association between Protestant missions and democracy is consistent in different continents and subsamples, and it is robust to more than 50 controls and to instrumental variable analyses.

Many religious associations exhibit internal norms that differ from liberal norms and rules. Such norms often directly contradict the non-discrimination norms and rules that are part and parcel of the liberal democracies in which these associations operate. Religious associations often are considered, in both legal and scholarly writings, exempt from at least some of these norms and rules. This tension between broad societal non-discrimination1 rules and the norms of specific religious associations has won the attention of scholars and courts.2 In many such debates, the background assumption is that these religious groups are voluntary associations functioning within a model of separation between religion and state; that is, such associations operate through the free choices of their members and individuals are as free to leave the associations as they were to form them.3 While theorizing about non-discrimination rules and whether they apply to religious associations that are funded via the contributions of their members is of obvious importance, this article examines a distinct problem: that of discrimination within religious associations that are directly supported by democratic governments. Recent research on religion-state relations4 has pointed out that, in many democratic countries, religious associations are funded by the government to a considerable extent. The tension between non-discrimination norms and the presumed rights of the state-funded religious associations to be exempted from such rules, however, is neglected in the literature. Perhaps this is because the most prominent legal cases of this kind were tried at the European Court of Human Rights5 and the U.K. Supreme Court,6 rather than the more conspicuous U.S. Supreme Court. This article asks the following question: in what way, if at all, does receiving governmental funding change the presumed right of religious associations to be exempted from non-discrimination rules? The ‘immunity thesis’—the idea that religious associations enjoy the right to be exempted from non-discrimination rules—is not challenged here: this article argues that if there is such a right to immunity, receiving governmental funding does not necessarily eliminate it. Much depends on how each case maintains the balance between the autonomy of religious associations7 and the protection of individual citizens from discrimination that impacts important civil interests such as access to jobs or high-quality education. Of the suggested variables identified to test this balance, three are internal to the associations’ structure: the centrality of the potentially illiberal norm to the funded religious association; the kind of violation of non-discrimination rules (either internal or external discrimination, see below); and the willingness of the religious association to internalize the cost of the discrimination. Two additional variables that can be used to test the balance of competing social values are external to the association and depend on the political-legal environment in which the association functions: the quantity of funding that the government makes available to the association, and the process by which potentially competing religious associations can become eligible for recognized and funded status. A multivariable ‘test’ is required in order to determine whether and how governmental funded religious associations can still claim immunity when practicing discriminatory norms.

The Chinese ethnic minority Muslim community is a cultural entity that represents two social crisis poles. This fact motivates them to practice the informal Islamic education method while keeping their religious, social, and cultural backgrounds in mind. This article aims to comprehend and investigate the method of informal Islamic education in Yogyakarta's Chinese ethnic minority Muslim community. This study is a type of field research using a descriptive-analytical case study method. The primary data sources were the DIY (Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta) Chinese Muslim Association of Indonesia's board of directors, members, and the community. Scientific literature and organizational documents are examples of secondary data sources. This study's data collection uses in-depth interviews, observation, and documentation techniques. According to the findings of this study, education with the vision of Islam as raḥmah li al-‘ālamīn takes place in informal environment settings such as the family, community, and society. This vision is translated into various methods behind informal Islamic education in Yogyakarta's ethnic Chinese Muslim minority community.

When it comes to the integration of spirituality and religion within mental health training, standards remain ambiguous, particularly in non-religious affiliated institutions and individual practitioners. The aim of this study sought to examine the competence levels of mental health graduate students utilizing the Revised Spiritual Competence Scale II (SCS-R-II) and the Spiritual and Religious Competency Assessment (SARCA). Participants were recruited by contacting over 68 program directors of both Christian and secular accredited counseling, psychology, and social work schools in the United States and through the Counselor Education and Supervision Network Listserv and American Psychological Association of Graduate Students directory. 125 students with varying degrees of professed religious affiliation, completed the survey. Counselor trainees scored highest on both measures, yet without statistical significance. Students with very strong personal religious affiliation and attendees of Christian affiliated schools scored statistically higher on both measures. Findings indicated Christian institutions and trainees who professed very high Christian affiliation seemed to possess greater competence at integrating spiritual and religious constructs within mental health counseling. However, the results are limited due to sample size. Further, results pointed to convergent validity for the SCS-R-II and SARCA. Implications and future recommendations for behavior science educators and clinicians are discussed.

AbstractFocusing particularly on the Madras College of Physical Education opened in 1919, this article reconstructs the role of the United States of America-dominated Indian Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) in the spread of physical-education schemes in South Asia between the beginning of the century and the outbreak of the Second World War. American YMCA secretaries stressed the scientific, liberal, and egalitarian character of their ‘physical programme’ aiming at the training of responsible and self-controlled citizens and therefore supposedly offering an alternative to British imperial sports. The study demonstrates that the Y indeed exercised a considerable influence by acting as adviser to provincial and ‘princely’ governments as well as through the graduates of the Madras College of Physical Education (MCPE), many of whom became physical directors in educational institutions in India, Burma, Ceylon and other Asian countries. At the same time, it also makes clear that North American models could not be transplanted in a simple or straightforward manner to South Asian contexts. For one, in spite of its representation as a ‘school for democracy’, the Y's supposedly inclusive and emancipatory discourses and practices of physical fitness remained over-determined by the powerful influences of the colonial discourse of race, and the programme of the Indian Y continued to be rife with the imperial tropes ofsomatic Orientalismpredicated on the idea of fundamental difference between Westerners and South Asians. Likewise, the Y's sports mission turned out to be lessAmericanthan its advocates had hoped: ‘sportified’ versions of local games and physical exercises played an ever-increasing role in the numerous institutions of the Y in South Asia, leading eventually to a thorough ‘pidginization’ of its fitness regime.

Abstract Numerous studies have shown that the number of nonreligious people in the World is increasing and that people without religious affiliation demonstrate more liberal attitudes on controversial issues than affiliated people. Research suggests these differences may arise from the higher education level of the nonreligious and/or cultural context. To further explore the effects of culture on the attitudes of nonreligious, I analyze data from The Global Attitudes Project-Spring (2013). The data were downloaded from the Association of Religion Data Archives, www.TheARDA.com and were collected by Pew Research Center. When the data were analyzed, 6746 of the participants (18.2%) were found to be nonreligious. Three of the countries with the highest rate of nonreligious are from Western Europe (Czechia=69.5%, Britain=44.4%, Germany=35.3%) and three of them are from Far East (China=83.4%, Japan=45.4%, South Korea=42.6%). I compared attitudes of nonreligious from these countries (N=4581) towards abortion, contraception use, and homosexuality. The results indicate that nonreligious people living in the Far East find abortion, contraceptive use, and homosexuality more “morally unacceptable” than Western Europeans. This suggests that attitudes among the nonreligious are not homogenous, and that cultural factors are important variables to consider in future research.

Purpose - Drawing on relational institutional theory, we explored how demographic similarity between board members of a firm and newly emerged political elites led to firms’ increased financial resource acquisition such as leverage ratio and decreased export intensity amidst the Asian financial crisis. We also studied how a firm’s leverage ratio and export intensity can further affect firm profitability and financial credit rating. Design/methodology - We revisited and explored a unique, unprecedented crisis that affected most Korean firms: the Asian financial crisis that coincided with a governmental shift from a conservative to a liberal party. We collected demographic information from 432 listed Korean firms’ board members and 43 political elites of the Blue House from 1998-2000 to create a demographic similarity measurement. We collected firms’ financial information, built panel data, and used ordinary least squares regression to test our theory. Findings - Our results showed that demographic similarity between a firm’s directors and newly emerged politicians had a positive association with a firm’s leverage ratio but a negative association with a firm’s export intensity. A firm’s leverage ratio had a negative relationship with firm performance measured by firm profitability and financial credit rating. A firm’s export intensity showed a positive effect on firm performance. Originality/value - We highlighted that during an economic crisis that coincided with a governmental shift and change of leading political actors, firms exerted efforts to survey the environment and build new external stakeholder relationships to cope with the changing landscape. We proposed that in an emerging market like Korea where low levels of trust and favoritism are prevalent across society, one of the relational institutional strategies that firms can employ is the selection of directors with similar demographic characteristics to political elites based on factors including birthplace and school affiliations. We examined the efforts of firms to build political networks with newly empowered political elites during a financial crisis, and the consequences of establishing such networks. We highlighted that during a financial crisis, the demographic similarity between a firm’s board members and newly emerged politicians can provide firms with access to financial resources but can also result in poor management and reduced effort to enhance its international competitiveness.

THE SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT OF AMERICAN HUMANISM by Stephen P. Weldon. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2020. 285 pages. Hardcover; $49.95. ISBN: 9781421438580. *The Scientific Spirit of American Humanism by Stephen Weldon recounts with approval the rise of non-theistic, and even antitheistic, thought in modern science. At the outset, I will confess to being a biased reviewer (perhaps, even, an antireviewer). If I were to tell this story, I would lament, rather than celebrate, the seemingly antireligious stance lauded in this history. I must also confess to being an active participant in this history, both as an amateur student in the fundamentalist/modernist controversy in the Presbyterian churches and in my own active involvement in faith-science discussions among evangelicals in the American Scientific Affiliation (ASA). No historical account is objective--it will always reflect its author's perspective. This is true of this book and of this review. *Weldon tells the history episodically highlighting key people who contributed to this story. He begins in chapter 1, "Liberal Christianity and the Frontiers of American Belief," with Unitarians (theists/deists who reject the deity of Christ), liberal Protestants, and atheistic freethinkers. After a few chapters, he turns to a largely secular story dominated by philosophers rather than ministers. Chapter 12 presents charts that show how the 1933 Humanist Manifesto had 50% signatories who were liberal and Unitarian ministers, while the 1973 Humanist Manifesto II had only 21%. By the end of book, humanism becomes secular/atheistic humanism. Weldon describes humanism as "a view of the world that emphasizes human dignity, democracy as the ideal form of government, universal education, and scientific rationality" (p. 5). While not explicitly mentioned, but likely included in the phrase "scientific rationality," is atheism. The 1973 Humanist Manifest II begins with this theme in its opening article about religion: "We find insufficient evidence for belief in the existence of a supernatural; it is either meaningless or irrelevant to the question of survival and fulfillment of the human race. As non-theists, we begin with humans not God, nature not deity." *Chapter 2, "The Birth of Religious Humanism," tells the early 1900s story of ministers John Dietrich, Curtis Reese, and philosopher Roy Wood Sellers, all who were or became Unitarians. "'God-talk' was no longer useful." Unitarianism ends up being a haven for religious humanists, even for those who have eliminated traditional religious language. These are the roots of today's secular humanism. *In many ways, this era is the other side of the religious history of America that this journal's readers may know. The ASA has roots in the more conservative and traditional end of American Protestantism. The old Princeton Presbyterians, Charles Hodge, A. A. Hodge, and B. B. Warfield, represent a strictly orthodox Christianity, but one open to the advances of modern science. One did not have to be theologically liberal to be proscience. The phenomenon of young-earth creationism is a relatively recent development. Conservative Protestants were not as opposed to conventional science as Weldon's treatment suggests. *The Humanist Manifesto (1933) is the subject of chapter 3, "Manifesto for an Age of Science." It was written by Unitarian Roy Wood Sellers and spearheaded by people associated with Meadville Theological School, a small Unitarian seminary, originally in Pennsylvania; after relocating, it had a close association with the University of Chicago. The Manifesto begins with the words, "The time has come for widespread recognition of the radical changes in religious beliefs throughout the modern world. The time is past for mere revision of traditional attitudes." The first affirmation is "Religious humanists regard the universe as self-existing and not created." *"Philosophers in the Pulpit" (chap. 4) highlights the University of Columbia philosophy department and John Dewey, in particular. Dewey was one of the more prominent signers of the Humanist Manifesto and a leading advocate of philosophical pragmatism. This chapter also tells the story of Felix Adler, also associated with Columbia, and the founder of Ethical Culture, an organization with nontheistic, Jewish roots. *"Humanists at War" (chap. 5) and "Scientists on the World Stage" (chap. 6) recount the increased secularization of humanism. Humanists in the 1940s increasingly struggled with the religious character of humanism. Should the category of religion be used at all? During this era, natural scientists, such as evolutionary biologist Julian Huxley and Drosophila geneticist Hermann Muller, rather than philosophers, led the most prominent forms of humanism. This humanism was increasingly secular, scientific, and even atheistic. *Weldon is not hesitant to expose the foibles of this movement. Chapter 7, "Eugenics and the Question of Race," traces how selective population control became part of the conversation. In addition to Huxley and Muller, Margaret Sanger is also part of this story. Philosopher Paul Kurtz makes his first appearance in this chapter and continues to be a significant player in the rest of the book. He was the editor of the Humanist Manifesto and used its pages to explore the question of race and IQ. *Chapter 8, entitled "Inside the Humanist Counter'culture," describes a period dominated by questions of human sexuality and psychology. Weldon's use of the word "counterculture" is apt. In the 1960s, the feminist Patricia Robertson and lawyer/activist Tolbert McCarroll expressed the zeitgeist of the sexual revolution. The psychology of Carl Rogers, Erich Fromm, and Abraham Maslow moved humanism from a more objective/scientific focus to a more experiential one. They are representatives of the third force (or humanistic) school of psychology, in contrast to Freudian psychoanalysis or Skinnerian behaviorism. Although agreement was rare, by the end of the decade, under Paul Kurtz (influenced by B. F. Skinner), the public face of humanism returned to a more scientific leaning. *Chapter 9, "Skeptics in the Age of Aquarius," is one chapter where I found myself, as a traditional evangelical, to be in nearly complete agreement. This chapter describes how New Age beliefs, along with an ascending occultism, came under fire from the scientific humanists under the leadership of Paul Kurtz. Weldon even cites a Christianity Today article that makes common cause with the secular humanists in their resistance to the growing occultism of western culture. I found this chapter to be a useful critique of New Age thinking. *"The Fundamentalist Challenge" (chap. 10) and "Battling Creationism and Christian Pseudoscience" (chap. 11) recount the clash between secular evolutionists and fundamentalist creationists, especially regarding the public-school science curriculum and the teaching of evolution. Here the author clearly demonstrates his prosecularist/anti-fundamentalist inclinations. On a more personal note, the mention of Francis Schaeffer, R. J. Rushdoony, and Cornelius Van Til, strikes at my own history. While some elements of this conservative Presbyterianism were clearly anti-evolutionist, others in the conservative Reformed camp were open to the proscience (including evolutionary biology) views of Warfield and Hodge, even in the early days of anti-evolutionism among fundamentalists. While some in the ASA would count themselves among young-earth creationists or flood geologists, the majority are open to old-earth geology and even to evolutionary biology. The reaction of Weldon himself, and other critics of this era, seems more akin to a religious fundamentalism of its own--albeit a fundamentalism of naturalism. Fundamentalists are not the only ones engaging in a culture war. My own view is that old-earth geology, old universe (big bang) cosmology, and evolutionary biology should be taught as the mainstream scientific consensus even in private religious schools. But dissent and disagreement should be allowed among teachers and students alike. Sometimes it seems to me that these fundamentalist creationists and atheistic evolutionists are all more interested in indoctrination than education. *Embedded in chapter 10 is the history of the Humanist Manifesto II (coauthored by Paul Kurtz). It clearly espouses positions antithetical to traditional Christian orthodoxy, especially in the explicit anti-theistic and prosexual revolution statements. But it is striking to me how much agreement I can find with people who so strongly disagree with traditional Christian faith. This tells me two things: while fundamental religious differences may exist between people, there is something about being human in this world that brings Christians and non-Christians together on many very fundamental questions such as liberty, human dignity, friendship, and peaceful co-existence. Such values are not the unique provenance of humanists or Christians or other religious groups. The second thing is that we are much better at emphasizing differences and seeking to force others to conform to our way than we are at tolerating differences and persuading those who disagree. *The opening of chapter 12, "The Humanist Ethos of Science and Modern America," brought me once again to a personal reflection that is relevant in reviewing this book. My own love of the natural sciences can be traced to Sagan, Asimov, Clarke, Gould, Dawkins, and others who brought the wonder of science to the broader public. Without denying their a-religious, and even antireligious posture, it is noteworthy that the truths about the natural world are independent of who discovered them or communicates them. And they are wondrous whether or not you acknowledge the hand of God in creating them. The process of science works whether the world was created by God or is the result of properties of the universe that just are. It is interesting to me that a brief discussion of post-modernism appears in this chapter. Postmodernism's undermining of the objectivity of natural science leads one to wonder whether this undermines the whole book by hinting that a postmodernist perspective is the consistent non'religious/atheist view. In contrast, the ASA's faith statement states: "We believe that in creating and preserving the universe God has endowed it with contingent order and intelligibility, the basis of scientific investigation." According to Christians, natural science is possible because creation is orderly and intelligible. Atheists and skeptics simply assert the world's orderliness and intelligibility. *Like myself, readers of this journal are likely to have a different perspective on the events traced in Weldon's book. Nevertheless, the history recounted here helps us to see why there is such a divide between science and those who continue to be influenced by more conservative religious views. As such, it is a worthwhile read and of interest to those who follow the science-faith literature. *Reviewed by Terry Gray, Instructor in Chemistry, Colorado State University, Fort Collins, CO 80523.

Resumo: Autor de uma obra filosófica abrangente, Alasdair MacIntyre manifesta um interesse profundo pelo tema da educação, tendo refletido, em particular, seriamente sobre a universidade. Sua concepção de universidade é fortemente influenciada por aquela defendida por John Henry Newman no século XIX, e se relaciona intimamente, tanto quanto para Newman, com a sua compreensão sobre a filosofia. Partindo de tal concepção, é possível refletir sistematicamente sobre a questão do ensino de filosofia, tanto no interior da vida universitária quanto nas relações desta última com a sociedade e a cultura em geral, inclusive com um foco particular sobre a realidade brasileira. Palavras-chave: Alasdair MacIntyre (1929-). John Henry Newman (1801-1890). Universidade. Ensino de filosofia. Abstract: Authoring a comprehensive philosophical oeuvre, Alasdair MacIntyre manifests a profound interest on the subject of education, having produced in particular a serious reflection on the theme of the university. His conception of a university is strongly influenced by that of John Henry Newman in the 19th century, and is intimately related, as much as with Newman’s, to his understanding of philosophy. Beginning with such a conception, it is possible to systematically meditate on the matter of the teaching of philosophy, within the university walls as well as at its general cultural and social boundaries, including a particular focus on Brazilian reality. Keywords: Alasdair MacIntyre (1929-). John Henry Newman (1801-1890). University. Philosophy teaching. REFERÊNCIAS ARRIOLA, Claudia Ruiz. Tradición, Universidad y Virtud: Filosofia de la Educacion Superior en Alasdair MacIntyre. Pamplona: EUNSA, 2000. ARISTÓTELES. Ethica Nicomachea. In: MCKEON, Richard (Org.). The Basic Works of Aristotle. New York: The Modern Library, 2001. ARTIGAS, Mariano. Mind of the Universe: Understanding Science and Religion. Philadelphia: Templeton Foundation, 1999. BISHOP, Jeffrey P. Waiting for St. Benedict among the Ruins: MacIntyre and Medical Practice. Journal of Medicine and Philosophy, 36 (2011), p. 107-113. BRASIL. Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional. Lei nº 9.394, 20 dez. 1996. Brasília: Diário Oficial da União, 1996. BRASIL. Lei nº 13.415, 16 fev. 2017. Brasília: Diário Oficial da União, 2017. BREWER, Kathryn Balstad. Management as a Practice: A Response to Alasdair MacIntyre. Journal of Business Ethics, 16 (1997), p. 825-833. CAVANAUGH, William T. The Myth of Religious Violence: Secular Ideology and the Roots of Modern Conflict. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009. CERLETTI, Alejandro. O ensino de filosofia como problema filosófico. Trad. Ingrid Müller Xavier. Belo Horizonte: Autêntica, 2009. CROSS, Bryan R. MacIntyre on the Practice of Philosophy and the University. American Catholic Philosophical Quaterly, 88, 4 (2014), p. 751-766. CUNHA, Luiz Antonio. A universidade temporã: o ensino superior, da Colônia à era Vargas. 3. ed. São Paulo: Ed. UNESP, 2007. DUNNE, Joseph. Arguing for Teaching as a Practice: A Reply to Alasdair MacIntyre. Journal of Philosophy of Education, 37, 2 (2003), p. 353-369. DUNNE, Joseph. Newman Now: Re-Examining the Concepts of ‘Philosophical’ and ‘Liberal’ in The Idea of a University. British Journal of Educational Studies, 54, 4 (2006), p. 412-428. DEINA, Wanderley José. Filosofia no ensino médio: considerações sobre a reforma educacional brasileira a partir do pensamento de Theodor Adorno. Sofia, 6, 3 (2017), pp. 5-25. FÓRUM NACIONAL PERMANENTE DO ENSINO RELIGIOSO. Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais para o Ensino Religioso. 3. ed. São Paulo: Ave Maria, 1997. GALLO, Sílvio. A filosofia e seu ensino: conceito e transversalidade. Ethica, 13, 1 (2006), p. 17-35. GOMES, Laécio de Almeida. Filosofia como educação moral: a filosofia da educação em Alasdair MacIntyre. Saberes, 1, 6 (2011), p. 65-76. GOMES, Roberto. Crítica da razão tupiniquim. 11. ed. São Paulo: FTD, 1994. GONTIJO, Pedro. O ensino da filosofia no Brasil: algumas notas sobre avanços e desafios. Perspectivas, 2, 1 (2017), p. 3-17. GOVERNO DO ESTADO DO PARANÁ. Diretrizes Curriculares da Educação Básica – Ensino Religioso. Curitiba: Secretaria de Estado da Educação do Paraná, 2008. HALDANE, John. MacIntyre’s Thomist revival: What’s next? In: HALDANE, John. Faithful Reason: Essays Catholic and Philosophical. London: Routledge, 2004, p. 15-30. KERR, Clark. The Uses of a University. 5. ed. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001. LAMBETH, Edmond B. Waiting for a New St. Benedict: Alasdair MacIntyre and the Theory and Practice of Journalism. Journal of Mass Media Ethics, 5, 2 (1990), p. 75-87. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. The Idea of an Educated Public. In: HAYDON, Graham (Org.). Education and Values: The Richard Peters Lectures. London: University of London Press, 1987, p. 15-35. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. Three Rival Versions of Moral Enquiry: Encyclopaedia, Genealogy, and Tradition. Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1990a. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. First Principles, Final Ends and Contemporary Philosophical Issues. Milwaukee: Marquette University, 1990b. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. Justiça de quem? Qual racionalidade? Trad. Marcelo Pimenta Marques. São Paulo: Loyola, 1991. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. Dependent Rational Animals: Why Human Beings Need the Virtues. Peru (Il): Open Court, 1999. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. Depois da virtude: um estudo em teoria moral. Trad. Jussara Simões. Bauru (SP): EDUSC, 2001. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. Moral Philosophy and Contemporary Social Practice: What Holds Them Apart? In: MACINTYRE, Alasdair. The Tasks of Philosophy: Selected Essays, Volume I. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006, p. 104-122. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. God, Philosophy, Universities: A Selective History of the Catholic Philosophical Tradition. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefields, 2009a. MACINTYRE, Alasdair. The Very Idea of a University: Aristotle, Newman and Us. The New Blackfriars, 91, 1031 (2010), p. 4-19 (2010a) MACINTYRE, Alasdair. On Not Knowing Where You Are Going. Proceedings and Addresses of the American Philosophical Association, 84, 2 (2010), p. 61-74. (2010b) MACINTYRE, Alasdair; DUNNE, Joseph. Alasdair MacIntyre on Education: In Dialogue with Joseph Dunne. Journal of Philosophy of Education, 36, 1 (2002), p. 1-19. MADARIAGA CÉZAR, Manuel García de. La educación en Alasdair MacIntyre: contextos y proyectos. Tese de doutorado. 2009. Pamplona. Facultad Eclesiástica de Filosofía. Universidad de Navarra. MICHEL, Andrew A. Psychiatry After Virtue: A Modern Practice in the Ruins. Journal of Medicine and Philosophy, 36 (2011), p. 170-186. NEWMAN, John Henry. Prefácio. In: TURNER, Frank M. (Org.). Newman e a idéia de uma universidade. Trad. Gilson César Cardoso de Sousa. Bauru (SP): EDUSC, 2001a, p. 59-71. NEWMAN, John Henry. Introdutório. In: TURNER, Frank M. (Org.). Newman e a idéia de uma universidade. Trad. Gilson César Cardoso de Sousa. Bauru (SP): EDUSC, 2001b, p. 59-71. NEWMAN, John Henry. Teologia, ramo do conhecimento. In: TURNER, Frank M. (Org.). Newman e a idéia de uma universidade. Trad. Gilson César Cardoso de Sousa. Bauru (SP): EDUSC, 2001c, p. 73-89. NEWMAN, John Henry. Relação da teologia com outros ramos do conhecimento. In: TURNER, Frank M. (Org.). Newman e a idéia de uma universidade. Trad. Gilson César Cardoso de Sousa. Bauru (SP): EDUSC, 2001d, p. 91-110. NEWMAN, John Henry. Relação dos outros ramos do conhecimento com a teologia. In: TURNER, Frank M. (Org.). Newman e a idéia de uma universidade. Trad. Gilson César Cardoso de Sousa. Bauru (SP): EDUSC, 2001e, p. 111-130. NEWMAN, John Henry. Conhecimento, fim em si mesmo. In: TURNER, Frank M. (Org.). Newman e a idéia de uma universidade. Trad. 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Teaching Moral Sex is the first comprehensive study to focus on the role of religion in the history of public sex education in the United States. It examines religious contributions to national sex education organizations from the late nineteenth century to the early twenty-first century, highlighting issues of public health, public education, family, and the role of the state. It details how public sex education was created through the collaboration of religious sex educators—primarily liberal Protestants, along with some Catholics and Reform Jews—with “men of science,” namely, physicians, biology professors, and social scientists. Slominski argues that the work of early religious sex educators laid foundations for both sides of contemporary controversies regarding comprehensive sexuality education and abstinence-only education. In other words, instead of casting religion as merely an opponent of sex education, this research shows how deeply embedded religion has been in sex education history and how this legacy has shaped terms of current debates. By focusing on religion, this book introduces a new cast of characters into sex education history, including Quaker and Unitarian social purity reformers, the Young Men’s Christian Association, military chaplains, the Federal Council of Churches, and the National Council of Churches. These religious sex educators made sex education more acceptable to the public and created the groundwork for recent debates through their strategic combination of progressive and restrictive approaches to sexuality. Their contributions helped to spread sex education and influenced major shifts within the movement, including the mid-century embrace of family life education.

Chapter 1 examines the liberal Protestant roots of the American Social Hygiene Association (ASHA), a clearinghouse for the early sex education movement. ASHA emerged from the combination of two distinct movements: social purity and social hygiene. Liberal Protestantism came to influence sex education through the merging of these strands and the collective realization that scientific information was not enough to influence sexual behavior. This chapter locates the roots of ASHA in social purity groups of the 1870s, many of which were led by Unitarians and Quakers and focused on ridding society of prostitution. The chapter explores their evolving relationship with the physician-dominated social hygiene movement that began in the early twentieth century, demonstrating that liberal religious concerns about sexual morality impacted sex education through the dynamic interactions between purity reformers and social hygienists. ASHA became the organization within which both groups developed a joint strategy for teaching the moral side of sex.

After ASHA’s incorporation in 1914, it turned its attention to programs to carry out its vision. Chapter 2 examines the emergence of the Young Men’s Christian Association and chaplains as ASHA’s partners in providing sex education to young men within colleges, YMCAs, and the military. This chapter demonstrates how Christian sex educators used the framework of moral education to justify national sex education programs and to bridge religious and scientific interests. Their positioning of sex education as an integral part of moral education was further influenced by two trends within Protestantism: the social gospel and muscular Christianity. Through these interactions, sex education became a liberal Protestant version of muscular Christianity that sought to reform society. For sex educators within the YMCA and chaplaincy, restoration of moral and social order required instruction that could channel uncontrolled male sexual energy into recreational activities, service to the country, and monogamous, heterosexual marriages.

THE CIRCUMSTANCES of the building of the New Synagogue are described fully in Carol Krinsky’s article. Here it should be stressed that there was a single Jewish Communal Body (Gemeinde) in Poznań, which included both those who would now be described as Orthodox and more progressive and Reform Jews. The Neue Synagoge would today be seen as a modern Orthodox house of worship. Rabbi Wolf Feilchenfeld, whose address forms the core of the pamphlet describing the dedication, was born in Glogau, Silesia in 1827. He obtained his doctorate from the University of Berlin in 1849 with a prize-winning dissertation on the ethics of the Stoics and was ordained in 1854. He studied rabbinics with Rabbi Michel Landsberg of Berlin, Rabbi Israel Lipschutz of Danzig, the author of a commentary on the Mishnah, and Rabbi Mordechai Michael Jaffe of Hamburg. Feilchenfeld’s first rabbinic post was in Düsseldorf (1855). His correspondence reveals that he found his congregation too liberal for his views and soon started to look elsewhere, without success. In 1872 he finally obtained a post more to his taste when he was appointed rabbi in Poznań, a post he held for over forty years and where his views were in harmony with the conservative and largely orthodox opinions of his congregants. He had a lifelong interest in Jewish education and while in Düsseldorf had established a Jewish teachers’ seminary, which later moved to Cologne. He was refused governmental permission to create a similar body in Prussian Poland and had to be satisfied with an institute for training Jewish communal workers for small communities, where it was necessary to combine the function of teacher with that of cantor and ritual slaughterer. He also created an association, ‘Leshon Limudim’, to encourage religious study among young people. From 1876 to 1911 he was a member of the Central Board of the Alliance Israélite Universelle and a founder of the world Orthodox union Agudas Israel. His rabbinic rulings commanded wide respect and he was also a fine pulpit speaker, as can be seen in the address reprinted here....