Journal articles on the topic 'Liberal Party of Australia'
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1
Williams, Paul D. "How Did They Do It? Explaining Queensland Labor's Second Electoral Hegemony." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.112.
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Australia's entrenched liberal democratic traditions of a free media, fair and frequent elections and robust public debate might encourage outside observers to assume Australia is subject to frequent changes in government. The reality is very different: Australian politics have instead been ‘largely unchanged’ since the beginning of our bipolar party system in 1910 (Aitkin 1977, p. 1), with Australians re-electing incumbents on numerous occasions for decades on end. The obvious federal example is the 23-year dominance of the Liberal-Country Party Coalition, first elected in 1949 and re-endorsed at the following eight House of Representatives elections. Even more protracted electoral hegemonies have been found at state level, including Labor's control of Tasmania (1934–82, except for 1969–72) and New South Wales (1941–65), and the Liberals' hold on Victoria (1952–82) and South Australia (1938–65, most unusually under one Premier, Thomas Playford). It is therefore not a question of whether parties can enjoy excessively long hegemonies in Australia; it is instead one of how they achieve it.
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Filus, Adam. "Stosunek rządu Australii do nielegalnej migracji w latach 1996–2018." Poliarchia 6, no. 1(10) (September 26, 2019): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/poliarchia.06.2018.10.03.
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Australian Governments’ Stance on Illegal Immigration in 1996–2018
Australia is well known for its strict immigration policy. It results from the country’s constant struggle with the flow of illegal migrants, brought to Australian shores through human smuggling. The author analyses immigration policies of five Prime Ministers representing two major Australian parties: the Liberal Party of Australia and the Australian Labor Party. Starting with the premiership of John Howard (1996–2007), and ending with Malcolm Turnbull’s era (2015– –2018), the author examines the situation of illegal immigrants in Australia and changes in immigration and asylum policies.
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Bernatskyi, Bohdan, and Marina Gorbatiuc. "Protecting Australian democracy: From attempting to ban the Communist Party to resisting foreign interference." Australian and New Zealand Journal of European Studies 15, no. 2 (December 29, 2023): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.30722/anzjes.vol15.iss2.17977.
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The article analyses the shift of the limits of democratic tolerance in Australia. In 1950, the Australian Parliament passed an Act under which the activities of the Australian Communist Party were outlawed, and the party had to be dissolved. One year later, the High Court of Australia struck down the Dissolution Act and indicated that the "militant democracy" concept had never been a part of the Commonwealth Constitutional architecture. Thus, the interpretation of the judicial system of Australia went contrary to the findings, for instance, of the German Federal Constitutional Court, which dissolved the Communist Party of Germany in 1956. The latest developments in Oceania, such as a ban on foreign donations and the threat of foreign interference through political parties, require a new examination of the status quo of the limits of democratic tolerance in Australia and whether it has been subject to changes since the establishment of a highly liberal pathway to democratic competition.
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Zernetsky, Pavlo, and Olena Kucherova. "Cognitive maps of discourses of British conservative and Australian liberal political manifestos." Language: classic - modern - postmodern, no. 7 (November 24, 2021): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/lcmp2522-9281.2021.7.35-49.
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The research endeavors to study and determine the influence of cognitive maps on production of political manifestos discourse. The research has been conducted in the framework of Sociocognitive Discourse Studies. The results show that discourse cognitive structure of British Conservative Party and Australian Liberal Party manifestos is characterized by different sets of cognitive maps on the level of communicative strategies and somewhat similar sets of cognitive schemas on the level of communicative tactics. Applying the method of interpropositional semantic analysis, the communicative strategy and communicative tactic of comparison was identified in Australian Liberal Party manifesto. Despite the close affinity between political discourses of the UK and Australia, there are significant differences in patterns of information organization in online manifestos of the ruling parties to engage the community and enhance persuasion.
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McAllister, Ian, and Anthony Mughan. "Party commitment, vote switching and liberal decline in Australia." Politics 22, no. 1 (May 1987): 75–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323268708402016.
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Comyn, Arabella. ""Bound to be responsible": the Tasmanian Greens' and the 1996-1998 Liberal minority government." Open Review 6 (November 26, 2020): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.47967/gvgv8121.
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This paper presents a case study of minority government in the Australian state of Tasmania in 1996-1998. The minority government was led by the conservative Liberal Party of Australia and supported, without a formal agreement or formal arrangements, by the newly formed Tasmanian Green Party. This type of minority government is not very common in Australia and was adopted as a result of the specific context within which the government was formed. Two of the Green members elected to the Tasmanian parliament participated in extensive interviews which provide the primary basis for this case study. The case study will show how the negativity ascribed to the Tasmanian Greens and minority government prevented the possibility of a written agreement for minority government. It will also outline how the unity-distinctiveness dilemma was experienced by the Tasmanian Greens and how it played a role in the government’s early end. The case shows that the Tasmanian Greens displayed a high commitment to stability and cooperative politics, but that this was not enough to prevent the governing Liberal Party from calling an early election and breaking a promise. The participating ex-Greens did however find the experience to be ‘worth it’.
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Eather, Warwick. "The Liberal Party of Australia and the Australian Women's Movement Against Socialisation 1947-54." Australian Journal of Politics and History 44, no. 2 (June 1998): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00011.
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Bean, Clive, and Anthony Mughan. "Leadership Effects in Parliamentary Elections in Australia and Britain." American Political Science Review 83, no. 4 (December 1989): 1165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961663.
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Political party leaders are an increasingly influential electoral force in contemporary liberal democracies. We test the hypothesis that their appeal is idiosyncratic, that is, that their electoral effect is a function of the leadership qualities voters perceive individual candidates as possessing. Thus, the less similar their personality profiles, the more the characteristics influencing the vote should differ from one leader to another. A comparison of Australia and Britain finds the opposite to be the case. Despite the divergent profiles of party leaders, the precise characteristics influencing the vote are remarkably similar in the two countries. This does not mean, however, that variation in the distribution of these characteristics is unimportant. It can affect the balance of the party vote and may even have been the difference between victory and defeat for the Australian Labor party in the closely fought 1987 election.
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Hilliard, David. "The Ties That Used to Bind: A Fresh Look at the History of Australian Anglicanism." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 11, no. 3 (October 1998): 265–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x9801100303.
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This article questions the widely accepted idea that the history of Anglicanism in Australia has been dominated by warfare between three church parties: Anglo-Catholic (high), evangelical (low) and liberal (broad). In fact, among lay Anglicans and at the parish level party strife was much less important than is often assumed. Until recently Australian Anglicans shared a number of common institutions, attitudes and social characteristics, and there was a large body of “moderate” Anglicans — exemplified in this article by the Rev R. P. Hewgill of Adelaide — who did not identify with any particular party.
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Leutenecker, Gerd. "Dean Jaensch (1994): The Liberals and Gerard Henderson (1994): Menzie’s Child. The Liberal Party of Australia." Zeitschrift für Australienstudien / Australian Studies Journal 09 (1995): 102–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.35515/zfa/asj.09/1995.15.
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McAllister, Ian. "Australia: 11 July—Consolidating the Hawke Ascendancy." Government and Opposition 22, no. 4 (October 1, 1987): 435–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00066.x.
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ON 11 JULY 1987 THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY (ALP) WAS returned, with an increased majority, to an unprecedented third term in federal government. The election result was doubly remarkable. First, the ALP has traditionally been unable to gain more than two terms in office. Schisms and factional conflict have generally ruined Labor's chances of a third period in office, as in 1949, when Ben Chifley failed to gain a third term, and in 1975, when the same fate befell Gough Whitlam, following a constitutional crisis. Secondly, the party retained office during a period of economic crisis unprecedented in Australia's modern history, a crisis which might have been expected to sweep the opposition Liberal–National coalition to power.
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Stegman, Trevor. "“Jobsback” and the Future of Wages Policy." Economic and Labour Relations Review 4, no. 1 (June 1993): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530469300400103.
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The implications of the Liberal-National Party Coalition's policy with regard to wage determination in Australia are assessed in relation to appropriate goals for wages policy. Although the current Accord-based system has shifted its focus over the last decade, from generally applied wage determination principles aimed at inflation control to an enterprise based system aimed at productivity enhancement, the Coalition's policy should not be seen as merely an extension of the current system. This is because, in pursuit of faster productivity gains, the Coalition policy aims at the permanent exclusion from the wage determination process of the two institutional elements which provide the scope for an anti-inflation incomes policy in Australia — the Industrial Relations Commission and the Australian Council of Trade Unions.
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Saunders, Malcolm, and Neil Lloyd. "Holding Australia to Ransom: The Colston Affair, 1996–2003." Queensland Review 17, no. 1 (January 2010): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600005262.
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Probably no one who has entered either federal or state Parliament in Australia departed from it as loathed and despised as Malcolm Arthur Colston. A Labor senator from Queensland between 1975 and 1996, he is remembered by that party as a ‘rat’ who betrayed it for the sake of personal advancement. Whereas many Labor parliamentarians – most notably Prime Minister ‘Billy’ Hughes in 1917 have left the party because they strongly disagreed with it over a major policy issue or a matter of principle, in the winter of 1996 Colston unashamedly left it to secure the deputy presidency of the Senate and the status, income and several other perquisites that went with it. Labor's bitterness towards Colston stems not merely from the fact that he showed extraordinary ingratitude towards a party that had allowed him a parliamentary career but more especially because, between his defection from the party in August 1996 and his retirement from Parliament in June 1999, his vote allowed the Liberal-National Party government led by John Howard to pass legislation through the Senate that might otherwise have been rejected.
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Tranter, Bruce. "Climate Change Knowledge and Political Identity in Australia." SAGE Open 11, no. 3 (July 2021): 215824402110326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440211032673.
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National data from the 2018 Australian Survey of Social Attitudes show that knowledge of climate change is positively associated with the scientific consensus position on anthropogenic climate change. Responses to factual quiz questions that include climate trigger terms such as “greenhouse gas” or reference to increased ocean temperature and acidification are influenced by one’s political party identification, with Liberal and National party identifiers tending to score lower than Labor partisans on climate knowledge scales. Yet, responses to climate-related factual questions sans trigger terms are not influenced by political partisanship. Climate skeptics tend to score lower on climate knowledge scales than those who accept anthropogenic climate change, although skeptics also tend to have inflated confidence in their factual knowledge of climate change.
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Griffen-Foley, Bridget. "The Press Proprietor and the Politician: Sir Frank Packer and Sir Robert Menzies." Media International Australia 99, no. 1 (May 2001): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0109900106.
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This article surveys the relationship between Australian's longest serving prime minister. Sir Robert Menzies, and the controversial media proprietor Sir Frank Packer. It begins by briefly discussing the progressive liberalism that characterised the Daily and Sunday Telegraphs in the 1930s and 1940s. It then considers Packer's flirtations with the affairs of the United Australia Party and the Liberal Party in the 1940s, and the way in which Menzies, as leader of the opposition, viewed the press proprietor. The main part of the article explores the value that the prime minister and the Liberal Party placed on the support of the Packer media outlets, and the form that this support took. The article goes some way to describing how media tycoons and political correspondents interacted with politicians in the days before press releases and professional lobbyists became highly sophisticated news management devices.
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Quirk, Victor. "The light on the hill and the ‘right to work’." Economic and Labour Relations Review 29, no. 4 (December 2018): 459–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304618817413.
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In 1945 the Curtin Labor Government declared it had the capacity and responsibility to permanently eliminate the blight of unemployment from the lives of Australians in its White Paper ‘Full Employment in Australia’. This was the culmination of a century of struggle to establish the ‘right to work’, once a key objective of the 19th century labour movement. Deeply resented and long resisted by employer groups, the policy was abandoned in the mid-1970s, without an electoral mandate. Although the Australian Labor Party and union movement urged public vigilance to preserve full employment during 23 years of Liberal rule, after 1978 they quietly dropped the policy as the Australian Labor Party turned increasingly to corporate donors for the money they needed to stay electorally competitive. While few leading lights of today’s Labor movement care to discuss it, it is right that Australians celebrate this bold statement of our right to work, and the 30 years of full employment it heralded. JEL Codes: P16, P35, N37
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Craig, Lyn, Killian Mullan, and Megan Blaxland. "Parenthood, policy and work-family time in Australia 1992—2006." Work, Employment and Society 24, no. 1 (March 2010): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017009353778.
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This article explores how having children impacted upon (a) paid work, domestic work and childcare (total workload) and (b) the gender division of labour in Australia over a 15-year period during which government changed from the progressive Labor Party to the socially conservative National/Liberal Party Coalition. It describes changes and continuity in government policies and rhetoric about work, family and gender issues and trends in workforce participation. Data from three successive nationally representative Time Use Surveys (1992, 1997 and 2006), N=3846, are analysed. The difference between parents’ and non-parents’ total workload grew substantially under both governments, especially for women. In households with children there was a nascent trend to gender convergence in paid and unpaid work under Labor, which reversed under the Coalition.
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Raskall, Phil. "The Liberal-National Party Fightback! Package: A Distributional Analysis." Economic and Labour Relations Review 3, no. 1 (June 1992): 48–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530469200300104.
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This paper examines the distributional analysis of the impact of the Fightback! package on Australian households. The paper examines the veracity of both the results presented and the analysis undertaken by the Opposition. The critique by the Treasury is investigated, as are omissions by both Treasury and the Opposition. Some attempt to measure the direction and significance of these excluded impacts is also analysed.
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Austin, Denise A., David Perry, and Stephen Fogarty. "Politics and Pentecostalism in Australia." Pneuma 44, no. 1 (March 21, 2022): 100–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-bja10009.
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Abstract Pentecostalism and politics are, for better or worse, no strangers. In 2018, Scott Morrison became the first pentecostal prime minister in the history of Australia and, possibly, in the English-speaking world. He then led the Liberal Party to a resounding election victory in 2019. As a result, Morrison was dubbed the “Miracle Man” after his acceptance speech referred to divine intervention in the electoral results. Since then, there has been regular, negative speculation on links between Morrison’s pentecostal faith and policy positions. This article provides a counterposition that several elements of the pentecostal worldview have the potential for positive impact in politics and may explain aspects of Morrison’s electoral success. We argue that Morrison effectively leveraged his pentecostal experience and convictions to advantage through strong leadership, practical pragmatism, marketing acumen, and a narrative of hope. Here, in a morass of indecision and “policy-free” political elites, was someone who believed in something.
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McMenamin, Iain. "If Money Talks, What Does It Say? Varieties of Capitalism and Business Financing of Parties." World Politics 64, no. 1 (December 20, 2011): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388711100027x.
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Do business contributions to political parties convey different messages in different countries, and, if so, why? This article presents a pioneering cross-national study of firm behavior in political finance. It argues that motivations for contributions to parties are either ideological or pragmatic. The author infers motivation by quantitatively relating the payments of 960 firms to various political parties in Australia, Canada, and Germany over periods of between seven and seventeen years. In coordinated market economy Germany, a small number of firms made ideological payments; in liberal market economy Australia and Canada, large numbers of firms made pragmatic payments. Australia's left-right party system creates an awareness of policy risk, which motivated ideological payments, but in Canada's unusually nonideological party system no ideological bias in business financing of politics was found. The statistical analysis is supplemented by a qualitative investigation of discrete and reciprocal exchanges between businesses and political parties.
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Mendes, Philip. "From Keynes to Hayek: The Social Welfare Philosophy of the Liberal Party of Australia, 1983–1997." Policy, Organisation and Society 15, no. 1 (June 1998): 65–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10349952.1998.11876679.
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Ali, Jan A. "Muslims as Archetypal Suspect Citizens in Australia." Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 5, no. 2 (September 27, 2020): 98–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v5i2.309.
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Muslims as archetypal suspect citizens in Australia is a product of Australian state approach to manage a section of supposedly “rogue population.” Muslims have been increasingly framed as a security problem and, therefore, their securitisation. The horrendous atrocities of the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States followed by a new period of similar attacks in various parts of particularly the Western world provided a new stage for an extensive range of discourses involving politicians, public intellectuals, academics, and journalists swiftly securitised Islam as an existential threat to Australian liberal democracy. This paper probes the politics of Muslim suspect and how securitizing and “othering” of Australian Muslims in the name of managing security threat to Australian national order are rendered Australian Muslims archetypal suspect citizens. It suggests that the politics of suspect and securitizing and “othering” of Muslims in Australia transforms security from the problem of producing national order to making Muslims feel unwelcome citizens.
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Tavan, Gwenda. "The Limits of Discretion: The Role of the Liberal Party in the Dismantling of the White Australia Policy1." Australian Journal of Politics and History 51, no. 3 (September 2005): 418–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2005.0383a.x.
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Johnson, Carol. "The 2019 Australian election." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, no. 1 (November 6, 2019): 38–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891119886053.
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Opinion polls suggested that Australia’s Coalition (Liberal and National Party) government was likely to be replaced by a Labor government at the 2019 election. However, in fact the government was returned. Key issues in the 2019 election centred around managing the economy, including levels of taxation and issues of inequality; around spending on government services such as health and education; and around issues of climate change. There were elements of populism in both major parties’ campaigns, and two minor populist parties played a significant role in preference distribution. There were also some simmering issues that reflect the broader geopolitical and geo-economic changes that are impacting upon Australia. These include not only challenges for Australia’s economy and identity in the ‘Asian Century’, but also issues of Australia’s relationship with China.
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Law, Kate. "Liberal Women in Rhodesia: A Report on the Mitchell Papers, University of Cape Town." History in Africa 37 (2010): 389–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0029.
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The Mitchell collection at the Manuscripts and Archives Department of The University of Cape Town (UCT) consists of the papers of Diana Mary Mitchell, a leading white Rhodesian liberal in the 1960s and 1970s as well as private papers of some other politically active Rhodesians, such as Morris Hirsch, Pat Bashford and Allan Savory. This report presents the Mitchell collection as an instrument to investigate issues of agency by liberal White Rhodesian women in the period 1950-1980, thus aiming to counter some dominant trends in the historiography of Rhodesia and Zimbabwe.Diana Mitchell was born in Salisbury, Rhodesia, in 1932. Her father was a merchant marine officer and her mother was originally from Australia. She attended Eveline High School in Bulawayo and with financial help from her mother she completed a BA in History at Cape Town University in 1953. Before entering formal party politics, Mitchell ran a “backyard school” which provided schooling for African children who otherwise would have had no access to education. After the announcement of the illegal Declaration of Independence (UDI), in 1965 the Rhodesian Front (RF) closed such schools and Mitchell charges this move as being “the key to my activism.” While Mitchell acknowledges that she “worked voluntarily because I could afford to, my husband was the breadwinner […] so I could afford to be this so called ‘liberal’ because of my standard of living,” she became heavily involved in parliamentary politics and was one of the founding members of the Centre Party (CP).
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Harris, Bede. "Human Rights and the Same-Sex Marriage Debate in Australia." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 4 (August 30, 2017): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n4p60.
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Australia is currently confronting the issue of whether to legalise same-sex marriage. Thus far debate has been conducted with little reference to human rights theory. This article draws on the theories of John Rawls and John Stuart Mill and analyses whether, by confining the right to marry to heterosexual couples, the law infringes the right to privacy and, conversely, whether the legalisation of same-sex marriage would infringe religious rights of those who are unwilling to provide goods and services to same-sex couples. In so doing, the article adopts a comparative approach, drawing on case law from the United States. The article examines the way in which political debate on the issue has been conducted by the major parties in Australia, and concludes that both the Liberal-National coalition and the Labor party have been motivated by a desire to appease the religious right within their ranks, at the expense of human rights principles.
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Briggs, Chris. "The Return of Lockouts Down Under in Comparative Perspective." Comparative Political Studies 39, no. 7 (September 2006): 855–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414005277825.
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Virtually unheard of since the Great Depression, lockouts have reemerged strongly in Australia and New Zealand just as they have all but disappeared in Germany. The decline of lockouts in Germany is convincingly attributed to the enhanced vulnerability of firms to stoppages in certain circumstances amid globalization, but the small, open economies of Australia and New Zealand are equally subject to these pressures. Using macro-and micro-level data, this article illustrates that neoliberal legislative reforms and institutional change have reconfigured the risks, costs, and payoffs associated with lockouts amid globalization. In doing so, some flaws in the varieties of capitalism/dual convergence literature are highlighted. In particular, the post hoc classification of the antipodes as liberal market economies bypasses the role of legislative reform in reconstituting employer interests and the differences in electoral, party, and state structures that impeded/facilitated the rise of neoliberal reformers in Germany and the antipodes.
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van Fossen, Anthony. "One Nation and Privatisation: Populist Ethnic Nationalism, Class and International Political Economy." Queensland Review 5, no. 2 (December 1998): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600001045.
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AbstractThe rise of ethnic nationalism (as expressed by the political ascent of Pauline Hanson and her One Nation Party) has created divisions within the Right of Australian politics and impediments to a privatisation program which had been proceeding under the aegis of the Labor Party and the Liberal-National Party Coalition over the last fifteen years. This paper focuses on how Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party has opposed privatisation of government assets on the basis that privatisation offers opportunities for subversive foreign capital to weaken national solidarity, which is conceived in ethnic and racial terms. The One Nation Party, this new anti-privatisation movement, is interpreted on two levels: 1as one of a growing number of ethnic nationalist movements across the globe which are recurrent outcomes of hegemonic decline and increasing multipolarity in the world-system (e.g., the current situation of declining American hegemony being similar to the crisis of British hegemony in the interwar period of the early twentieth century)2as the outcome of neo-liberal policies (including privatisation) which have failed to produce full employment or to arrest the decline of the petite bourgeoisie, which forms the primary basis of the support for Hanson and her One Nation party.
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Russell, Cherie, Mark Lawrence, Katherine Cullerton, and Phillip Baker. "The political construction of public health nutrition problems: a framing analysis of parliamentary debates on junk-food marketing to children in Australia." Public Health Nutrition 23, no. 11 (January 17, 2020): 2041–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980019003628.
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AbstractObjective:Junk-food marketing contributes significantly to childhood obesity, which in turn imposes major health and economic burdens. Despite this, political priority for addressing junk-food marketing has been weak in many countries. Competing interests, worldviews and beliefs of stakeholders involved with the issue contribute to this political inertia. An integral group of actors for driving policy change are parliamentarians, who champion policy and enact legislation. However, how parliamentarians interpret and portray (i.e. frame) the causes and solutions of public health nutrition problems is poorly understood. The present study aimed to understand how Australian parliamentarians from different political parties frame the problem of junk-food marketing.Design:Framing analysis of transcripts from the Australian Government’s Parliamentary Hansard, involving development of a theoretical framework, data collection, coding transcripts and thematic synthesis of results.Settings:Australia.Participants:None.Results:Parliamentarian framing generally reflected political party ideology. Liberal parliamentarians called for minimal government regulation and greater personal responsibility, reflecting the party’s core values of liberalism and neoliberalism. Greens parliamentarians framed the issue as systemic, highlighting the need for government intervention and reflecting the core party value of social justice. Labor parliamentarians used both frames at varying times.Conclusions:Parliamentarians’ framing was generally consistent with their party ideology, though subject to changes over time. This project provides insights into the role of framing and ideology in shaping public health policy responses and may inform communication strategies for nutrition advocates. Advocates might consider using frames that resonate with the ideologies of different political parties and adapting these over time.
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Rasmussen, Amanda. "The Rise of Labor: A Chinese-Australian Participates in Bendigo Local Politics at a Formative Moment, 1904–1905." Journal of Chinese Overseas 9, no. 2 (2013): 245–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341261.
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Abstract Chinese-Australian and son of an entrepreneur, Edward Ni Gan, a successful lawyer and would-be politician, was, in 1904, the first candidate in a Bendigo municipal election to tie his campaign to the Labor Party platform. Labor had just achieved the significant victory of three months in power at a federal level, and, although Ni Gan did not win in 1904, his support for the movement was well-received in Bendigo. When he tried to stand the following year as the endorsed Labor candidate, however, he was quickly disillusioned by procedural rules and his inadequate trade union networks. His speeches as an independent candidate showed his political position recast as a radical liberal in the Deakinite mode. In both campaigns, Ni Gan’s colour was a difference which could be accommodated since he otherwise so happily embodied the young, white, “fair and square” sportsman who was an ideal progressive Bendigonian. His engagement with Labor politics in the first decade of the twentieth century shows that the drive for “White Australia” which often dominated the national conversation, could be less powerful at local levels.
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McKnight, David. "Henry Mayer Lecture 2012: The Market Populism of Rupert Murdoch." Media International Australia 144, no. 1 (August 2012): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214400103.
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Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation is the most powerful media organisation in the world. Murdoch's commercial success is obvious, but less well understood is his successful pursuit of political goals, using his news media. Murdoch himself is probably the most influential Australian of all time. He says the recent News of the World hacking scandal went ‘went against everything [he stands] for’. But how true is this? He sees himself as an anti-establishment rebel, yet his influence in Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States makes him part of a global elite. He has become one of the key promoters of neo-liberal ideology of small government and deregulation over the past 30 years. The basis of his philosophy was expressed by one of his former editors, David Montgomery, who said ‘Rupert has contempt for the rules. Contempt even for governments.’ Murdoch is also a devotee of the neo-conservative wing of the US Republican Party. The possibility of exercising power through ownership of the news media has been little studied in recent years, but Murdoch's role in English-speaking countries over the last 30 years shows that perhaps we need to look again at such media theories.
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Harisudin, M. Noor. "The Study of Australian Government Policies on Maqasid al-Sharia Perspective." Justicia Islamica 18, no. 2 (November 19, 2021): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21154/justicia.v18i2.2772.
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This article discusses the Australian government policies from the perspective of Maqasid al-Shari’a. The performance of policies focusing on the study is traffic laws, taxes, the environment, and anti-domestic violence. In several literature pieces, Maqasid al-Shari’a is defined as the purpose, objective, and secret set by Allah SWT in every Sharia law. Maqasid al-Shari’a is also defined as “something that is the goal (Shari) of Allah in making law.” In addition to being ‘ammah (general), khassah (unique), and juz’iyah (parts), in Islam, Maqasid al-Shari’a is based on five main points as follows: protecting religion, protecting the soul, protecting reason, protecting property, and protecting descendants. After conducting in-depth interviews with several informants, books, journals and tracing the laws on traffic, tax, environment, and anti-domestic violence in Australia, the conclusion is that the Australian government policies are based on Maqasid al-Shari’a in one part. However, it is not a country based on religion or Sharia in the other part. Australia is a liberal country providing freedom for its citizens to have faith or no belief. However, in several other respects, it appears that the Australian government’s policies are against the Maqasid al-Shari’a, such as the ability to drink heavily in limited spaces, the life of same-sex marriages, and so on. This article is critical in developing policy studies of the non-Islamic countries on Maqasid al-Shari’a perspective.Artikel ini membahas tentang kebijakan pemerintah Australia dalam perspektif Maqashid Syariah. Kebijakan yang menjadi fokus dalam penelitian dimaksud adalah undang-undang lalu lintas, pajak, lingkungan hidup dan anti kekerasan dalam rumah tangga. Dalam sejumlah literatur, Maqashid Sharia sendiri diartikan sebagai maksud, tujuan dan rahasia yang ditetapkan oleh Allah SWT pada setiap hukum Syariah. Maqashid Syariah juga didefinisikan sebagai "sesuatu yang menjadi tujuan (Syari) Allah dalam mensyariatkan hukum”. Selain ada yang bersifat ‘ammah (umum), khassah (khusus) dan juz’iyah (bagian-bagian), dalam Islam Maqashid Syariah didasarkan pada lima hal pokok utama sebagaimana berikut; menjaga agama, menjaga jiwa, menjaga akal, menjaga harta, dan menjaga keturunan. Setelah melakukan wawancara yang mendalam pada sejumlah informan, penelusuran pada buku, jurnal dan undang-undang lalu lintas, pajak, lingkungan hidup dan anti kekerasan dalam rumah tangga di Australia, maka diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa kebijakan pemerintah Australia secara nyata sebagian telah didasarkan pada maqashid syariah, namun pada sebagian yang lain masih belum sesuau maqasyid syariah. Australia adalah negara liberal yang memberikan kebebasan bagi warganya untuk beragama atau tidak beragama. Namun demikian, dalam beberapa hal yang lain, terlihat kebijakan pemerintah Australia yang bertentangan dengan maqasyid sharia seperti kebolehan minumuan keras pada ruang terbatas, hidupnya perkawinan sejenis, dan sebagainya. Artikel ini memberi konstribusi penting dalam studi kebijakan pemerintah Negara bukan Islam dalam perspektif maqashid syariah.
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White, Ben, and Lindy Willmott. "Future of assisted dying reform in Australia." Australian Health Review 42, no. 6 (2018): 616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah18199.
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The Voluntary Assisted Dying Act 2017 (Vic) will come into force in June 2019, becoming the first law in Australia in 20 years to permit voluntary assisted dying (VAD). This paper considers how other Australian states and territories are likely to respond to this development. It analyses three key factors that suggest that law reform is likely to occur in other parts of Australia: (1) the growing international trend to permit VAD; (2) social science evidence about how VAD regimes operate; and (3) changes to the local political environment. The paper argues that these three factors, coupled with the effect of Victoria changing its law, suggest that other VAD law reform is likely to occur in Australia. It also considers the different types of laws that may be adopted, including whether other states and territories will follow the very conservative Victorian approach or adopt more liberal models. What is known about the topic? Despite sustained law reform efforts in parliaments across the country, Victoria is the first Australian jurisdiction to pass a law permitting VAD in 20 years. What does this paper add? This paper addresses likely future trends in VAD law reform in Australia. Drawing on international developments, a growing body of social science evidence about how VAD regimes work in practice, and evidence about a changing local political environment, the paper argues that other states and territories in Australia will also enact laws about VAD. What are the implications for practitioners? The legalisation of VAD has significant implications for health professionals, health administrators and health systems. Understanding how reform may occur and what legal models may be considered supports participation in the law reform process and preparation for likely change.
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Marsh, Ian. "Neo-Liberalism and the Decline of Democratic Governance in Australia: A Problem of Institutional Design?" Political Studies 53, no. 1 (March 2005): 22–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00515.x.
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This paper is a preliminary attempt to evaluate changing patterns of democratic governance, at least in Westminster-style parliamentary settings, and possibly more generally. It has two specific purposes: first, to propose a paradigm for evaluating the empirical evolution of democratic governance; and second, to illustrate the explanatory potential of this paradigm through a mini-case study of changing patterns of governance in one particular polity. The conceptual framework is drawn from March and Olsen's eponymous study (1995) from which polar (‘thick’ and ‘thin’) forms of democratic governance are derived. Four conjectures about its evolution are then explored. First, in its mass party phase, the pattern of democratic governance approximated the ‘thick’ pole. Second, the subsequent evolution of democratic politics has been in the direction of the ‘thin’ (minimalist or populist) pole. Third, the cause of this shift was a failure to adapt political institutions to changing citizen identities, which was masked by the ascendancy amongst political elites of the neo-liberal account of governance. Fourth, the paper considers the means by which democratic governance might be renewed. The approach is applied to explain changes in Australian politics over recent decades.
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Cockfield, Geoff. "The Formation of the Queensland Liberal National Party: Origins, Prospects and Implications for Australian Political Systems." Australian Journal of Politics & History 66, no. 1 (March 2020): 78–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12636.
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Lee-Koo, Katrina, and Maria Maley. "The Iron Butterfly and the Political Warrior: mobilising models of femininity in the Australian Liberal Party." Australian Journal of Political Science 52, no. 3 (June 7, 2017): 317–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2017.1336202.
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Bonilla Maldonado, Daniel. "Indígenas urbanos y derechos culturales: los límites del multiculturalismo liberal." Revista Direito GV 7, no. 2 (December 2011): 569–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1808-24322011000200009.
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En este artículo se evalúan los límites del multiculturalismo liberal para describir y evaluar la realidad de los indígenas contemporáneos. El liberalismo multicultural llena de contenido la identidad indígena haciendo uso de las siguientes cinco categorías: territorio Ancestral, territorio rural, naturaleza salvaje, prácticas culturales atávicas y economía de subsistencia. Esta forma de entender la identidad indígena, además, es la base para sustentar quiénes son titulares legítimos de los derechos culturales compatibles con el liberalismo. Sin embargo, esta descripción de la identidad indígena choca con la realidad de buena parte de los indígenas contemporáneos. La realidad de una parte muy importante de estos individuos y colectividades está estrechamente relacionada com contextos urbanos que están fuera de sus territorios ancestrales. En México, por ejemplo, aproximadamente el 30% de los indígenas vive en ciudades, en Canadá lo hace el 50 % y en Australia el 75%. Hoy en día, el 61% de los indígenas estadounidenses y el 21% de los colombianos habitan en zonas urbanas. Los indígenas contemporáneos son, en buena parte, indígenas urbanos que forman parte de la economía de mercado. No obstante, el liberalismo multicultural, con sus categorías descriptivas y normativas, no tiene la posibilidad de reconocerlos y acomodarlos apropiadamente en la comunidad política.
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Pijovic, Nikola. "The Liberal National Coalition, Australian Labor Party and Africa: two decades of partisanship in Australia’s foreign policy." Australian Journal of International Affairs 70, no. 5 (May 18, 2016): 541–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2016.1167835.
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Ames, David. "The things that batter." International Psychogeriatrics 28, no. 6 (April 27, 2016): 879. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1041610216000387.
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Over 20 years ago, the Australian Liberal/National Party Federal Opposition had a set of policies with which it hoped to persuade the Australian people to return it to government in the election due in 1996. This particular collection of proposed initiatives was called “The things that matter”. When the then leader of the opposition, Alexander Downer (later Australia's Foreign Minister 1996–2007 and now Australian High Commissioner in London), launched the Opposition's policy on family violence (the Coalition parties, like their Labor opponents, were and are against it in principle), his introductory line was: “From the things that matter to the things that batter”. Not long afterwards he lost his job as Opposition Leader, his engagement with what was and is a serious and troubling issue having been deemed too glib by half by the shapers of public opinion.
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Dawson, Emma. "The song remains the same: Media regulation a decade after the Finkelstein inquiry." Australian Journalism Review 44, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ajr_00085_7.
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This commentary draws on a keynote panel held (virtually) at the Journalism Education and Research Association of Australia’s (JEERA) annual conference, hosted by the University of Canberra between 30 November and 3 December 2021. The panel comprised four people who had been involved in the last major attempt to reform media regulation in Australia, in 2011‐12: Ray Finkelstein, who was appointed by the federal Labor government to inquire into the media and media regulation; Matthew Ricketson, then professor of journalism at the University of Canberra, who was appointed to assist Finkelstein; political scientist Rodney Tiffen who acted as a consultant to the inquiry, and Emma Dawson, who was the media policy adviser in the office of the Communications minister, Stephen Conroy. The government, which had already set up the Convergence Review, took the recommendations of both inquiries and introduced a package of bills to parliament in early 2013 that was strongly opposed by both the Liberal Party and the media industry. Most of the bills were withdrawn. The commentary summarizes the discussion and asks whether media regulation has improved in the intervening decade and if not, why not.
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Smith, Jonathan. "GENDER, ROYALTY, AND SEXUALITY IN JOHN GOULD'SBIRDS OF AUSTRALIA." Victorian Literature and Culture 35, no. 2 (June 29, 2007): 569–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150307051649.
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WHEN THE BRITISH ORNITHOLOGISTand bird illustrator John Gould launched his monumental publication onThe Birds of Australialate in 1840, the cover of the serial parts bore the image of the lyre bird (Menura superba) and a prominent dedication, “by permission,” to the young and recently-married Queen Victoria (Correspondence2: 213; see Figure 4). A few months later, issuing the part with the plate and descriptive text for the lyre bird, Gould declaredMenura superba“an emblem for Australia among its birds” (Birds of Australiavol. 3, plate 14; see Figure 5). This visual juxtaposition of Victoria and the lyre bird also reflected an association between them in Gould's mind, the lyre bird serving as emblem not only for the Australian colonies but also for their Queen. The association became more explicit and was extended to include Victoria's Consort in the decades that followed, for althoughThe Birds of Australiawas completed in 1848, Gould issued irregular supplemental installments during the 1850s and 60s and published a two-volumeHandbook to the Birds of Australiain 1865. One of the first discoveries Gould announced and figured in theSupplementwas a new species of lyre bird, which he namedMenura albertiin 1850 to acknowledge Prince Albert's “personal virtues” and “liberal support.” In 1862, in a tribute likely inspired by the recent death of the Prince, Gould dividedMenura superbainto two species and christened the newly-created oneMenura victoriae, thereby providing his grieving queen with an avian namesake to accompany Albert's.
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Webber, M. "Enter the Dragon: Lessons for Australia from Northeast Asia?" Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 26, no. 1 (January 1994): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a260071.
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The 1980s saw a conscious restructuring of economic life in Australia. The direction of that restructuring was derived partly from prescriptions about the virtues of free trade and government deregulation. Another influence has been the view that the economic success of Japan and the Asian ‘dragons’ is because of their adoption of free trade and liberal market regimes. In this paper, evidence from Korea and Taiwan is used to show that this interpretation is seriously flawed. The growth of the dragons was not driven by comparative advantage. Rather, the industries of the dragons were set up independently of their competitiveness; some became competitive by exporting. Industrialisation in the newly industrialised countries (NICs) exemplifies a variety of forms of local initiative by a state: how does it have the will and power to create industrial policy? The development of state policy depends on local class structures and perceptions of the global political and economic environment that nullify attempts simply to copy policy into different social and economic circumstances. The lessons of the economic success of the Northeast Asian NICs are improperly drawn in two respects: these are dirigiste, not free market, economies; and even if that intervention has been for the good it does not follow that similar policies could be applied, much less be successful, in the different place that is Australia. This is the geographic lesson: places differ, and so, therefore, must policies.
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Williamson, M. "TAX REFORM IN THE OIL INDUSTRY." APPEA Journal 42, no. 1 (2002): 639. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj01040.
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Following the return of the Liberal National Country Party for its second term of office under the Prime Minister, Mr John Howard, the Federal Government established a committee headed by a business executive Mr John Ralph. This Committee produced an extensive report recommending substantial changes to the Australian tax legislation. Following consideration of the report by the Federal Government, substantial amendments were proposed in September and November 1999. Many of these proposals have now been legislated and several remain in the pipeline awaiting Parliament scrutiny.This paper covers the practical aspects of the changes to the tax legislation, along with examination of particular issues associated with new developments in matters such as gas banking. Particular focus has been made on the new Uniform Capital Allowances Provisions and the deductions which will be available to the industry against upstream project development expenditures.
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Gregg, Melissa. "Toolbox for Electric Fences." Cultural Studies Review 10, no. 1 (September 13, 2013): 149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/csr.v10i1.3549.
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An affective dimension is often at work in constructions of political ‘reality’. Such a recognition might be seen to reinforce the value of certain legacies in cultural studies, particularly the role of articulation in public debate, and the renewed importance of such work in framing responses to volatile issues like the mandatory detention of asylum seekers. Revisiting the work of Stuart Hall on Thatcherism, and taking note of Judith Brett’s recent history of the Australian Liberal Party, I want to contemplate the prominent role language plays in political life, and, alongside Watson and others, question the priority the Left accords this key element of contemporary politics. In doing so, I use Hall as an example of what might be called scholarly affect: a voice of intervention that catalyses the Left in moments of crisis, and a voice that deploys cultural theory to make sense of concrete political problems.
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Macken-Horarik, Mary. "A telling symbiosis in the discourse of hatred." Australian Review of Applied Linguistics 26, no. 2 (January 1, 2003): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aral.26.2.01mac.
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This paper tackles some analytical challenges of multimodal texts as they contribute to production of racial anxiety about asylum seekers. Building on a recent article in the Australian Review of Applied Linguistics in which Michael Clyne1 discusses the lexical manifestations of increasing racial hatred towards refugees, the paper focuses on the ‘children overboard’ affair in Australian news. This affair was generated out of a false claim by Liberal Party ministers that asylum seekers threw their children overboard in an effort to coerce the Navy to offer them sanctuary. The story was front page news in October, 2001 and became a defining feature of the successful Coalition campaign for re-election in 2001 with long term effects on public discourse about refugees and border protection. The paper argues that applied linguists need ways of analysing the symbiosis of visual and verbal stories in media treatment of such issues. It presents key strategies of representation of boat people and their critics in in one exemplary news text in 2001 and the ways in which photograph and story helped to co-create the fiction. The paper investigates the complementary contribution of strategies of homogenisation, indetermination, essentialisation and negative role allocation in both image and verbiage and their combined effect on our interpretation of asylum seekers. Implications for applied linguistics of multimodal analysis of racist discourse are briefly canvassed.
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Cowen, Robert. "Re-thinking comparative education and religion: temptations, traditions, and politics." Revista Española de Educación Comparada, no. 33 (January 25, 2019): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/reec.33.2019.22229.
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This article opens by refusing some traditional ways to approach the theme of comparative education and religion-and-education. Partly, this is because some topics, in terms of religion and education, have been well covered. More generally, there is an explicit refusal of the clichéd assumption that ‘comparative education articles’ compare (e.g. education systems in Argentina and Australia, or in Brazil and Bolivia; and so on), juxtaposing narratives on any-old-topic which interests the writer, provided the narratives are about two or more different countries. Fortunately, some current changes in the ‘epistemic gaze’ of comparative education create new levels of theoretical difficulty and permit a break from the classic political equilibrium problem of the liberal secular state juggling education policy choices and juggling competing religious groups. Starting from a different axiom, a sketch of new possibilities is offered. The sketch is theoretically clumsy but it opens up a strategically different way to tell comparative education stories, of the kind which traditionally we have not tried to tell. The conclusion of the article makes a guess about why religion and education might again become a major topic in comparative education.
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Loughnane, Brian. "The Liberal Party." Australian Cultural History 27, no. 2 (October 2009): 175–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07288430903164793.
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Kluzik, Marcin. "“Niepodległość” Liberal Democratic Party." Sowiniec 26, no. 46 (June 30, 2015): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sowiniec26.2015.46.04.
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The Liberal Democratic party “Niepodległość”/“Independence” was a radically anti-communist party and its aim was to overthrow the communist regime and make Poland an independent country, for the party had no doubt that other elements of its agenda could be realised only after Poland achieved independence. Its uncompromising anti-communist stance made the party reject the agreements made at the Round Table. The LDPN advocated political and economic liberalism, combining it with an attachment to a conservative and Christian canon of values.
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SAUNDERS, CHRISTOPHER. "The Liberal Party Reassessed." South African Historical Journal 37, no. 1 (November 1997): 196–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582479708671300.
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Johnston, Richard. "Liberal Leaders and Liberal Success: The Impact of Alternation." Canadian Journal of Political Science 52, no. 3 (May 9, 2019): 423–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918001038.
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AbstractA leader from Quebec boosts the fortunes of the Liberal party in that province. This, in turn, has helped make Quebec the veto player in twentieth-century Canadian elections and the Liberals the “natural” governing party. Although Quebec is no longer as critical as before, a leader from the province still makes a big difference. Full impact from the pattern requires more than one election to unfold. Patterns outside Quebec are similar, if fainter: the Liberal party is not punished for choosing a Quebecker and may even be helped. The early success of the pattern moved the Liberals to alternate between Quebec and non-Quebec leaders, such that the party is now led by a Quebecker more often than not. Maintaining alternation has never been easy and is only getting harder.