Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Liberal Party of Australia'
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Williams, Paul Douglas. "A liberal decline: an analysis of the electoral collapse of the Liberal Party of Australia, 1966-69 /." St. Lucia, Qld, 2003. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe17471.pdf.
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Abjorensen, Norman. "Leadership in the Liberal Party : Bolte, Askin and the post-war ascendancy /." View thesis entry in Australian Digital Theses Program, 2004. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20070320.122842/index.html.
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Abjorensen, Norman, and norman abjorensen@anu edu au. "Leadership in the Liberal Party: Bolte, Askin and the Post-War Ascendancy." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2005. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20070320.122842.
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The formation of the Liberal Party of Australia in the mid-1940s heralded a new effort to stem the tide of government regulation that had grown with Labor Party rule in the latter years of World War II and immediately after. It was not until 1949 that the party gained office at Federal level, beginning what was to be a record unbroken term of 23 years, but its efforts faltered at State level in Victoria, where the party was divided, and in New South Wales, where Labor was seemingly entrenched. The fortunes were reversed with the rise to leadership of men who bore a different stamp to their predecessors, and were in many ways atypical Liberals: Henry Bolte in Victoria and Robin Askin in New South Wales. Bolte, a farmer, and Askin, a bank officer, had served as non-commissioned officers in World War II and rose to lead parties whose members who had served in the war were predominantly of the officer class. In each case, their man management skills put an end to division and destabilisation in their parties, and they went on to serve record terms as Liberal leaders in their respective States, Bolte 1955-72 and Askin 1965-75. Neither was ever challenged in their leadership and each chose the time and nature of his departure from politics, a rarity among Australian political leaders. Their careers are traced here in the context of the Liberal revival and the heightened expectations of the post-war years when the Liberal Party reached an ascendancy, governing for a brief time in 1969-70 in all Australian States as well as the Commonwealth. Their leadership is also examined in the broader context of leadership in the Liberal Party, and also in the ways in which the new party sought to engage with and appeal to a wider range of voters than had traditionally been attracted to the non-Labor parties.
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Mule, Rosa. "Governing parties and income inequality in Australia (1981-1990), the United Kingdom (1979-1986) and Canada (1971-1981) : rational policy-making in party organizations." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2845/.
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This study examines the impact of governing parties in changing patterns of income inequality in three liberal democracies with 'Westminster' systems - Australia (1981-1990), the United Kingdom (1979-1986) and Canada (1971-1981). Extensive analysis of the Luxembourg Income Study datasets for these countries and periods suggests that structural factors, such as changes in the market sphere or alterations in the demographic profiles, can account for only a part of the overall inequality trends in these periods. By using income decomposition analyses, this study indicates that government redistributive policies played an important role in changing inequality trends. Governments in all three countries are single-party operations, and policy responds strongly to partisan processes and considerations. The main question involved in assessing policy changes is therefore why party actors may be willing to increase or decrease income inequality. Applying conventional 'unitary' models of party behaviour (such as the median voter convergence hypothesis) to try and explain decision-making on income inequality also cannot explain these examples. It seems that redistributive policies can only be understood by taking account of the bargaining processes which take place within the organization of the party in power. Explanations of how parties intervene on income inequality should explicitly incorporate the organizational dimension as a key to their behaviour.
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Rose, Sophie. "PASSING BY: THE LEGACY OF ROBERT MENZIES IN THE LIBERAL PARTY OF AUSTRALIA A study of John Gorton, Malcolm Fraser and John Howard." Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8836.
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This thesis considers the legacy of Robert Menzies in the Liberal Party of Australia, as articulated by Liberal party prime ministers, John Gorton, Malcolm Fraser and John Howard. It challenges the prevailing assumption in Australian historiography that Liberals have suffered from collective amnesia and have therefore not been successful in writing their own history, particularly in regards to their founder, Robert Menzies. It demonstrates that circumstances were key in shaping the way in which each prime minister thought and spoke about Menzies. It discusses how new nationalism hindered Gorton’s efforts; how liberalism inspired Fraser’s efforts; and how Howard’s belief in the importance of history drove his articulation of Menzies’ legacy.
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Margulies, William Benjamin. "Liberal parties and party systems." Thesis, University of Essex, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.654481.
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Nagel and Wlezien (2010) found that the Liberal Democrats in Britain tended to gain votes when the Conservatives moved to the right on the left-right spectrum, and the Labour Party moved to the left. They also found that, as the Liberal Democrats gained votes, they pushed the Conservatives to the right, but not Labour. Nagel and Wlezien took their left-right measurements from the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP) This thesis studies whether these phenomena occur cross-nationally across other advanced democracies. Using a dataset of 26 established wealthy democracies, mainly long-term members of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, this work measures whether increased distance between conservative and social democratic parties benefits parties in the liberal party family. The thesis finds that the dynamics that Nagel and Wlezien observed in Great Britain appear in other democracies more generally. It also finds that liberal party strength pushes conservatives farther to the right (which Nagel and Wlezien found in Britain) and social democrats farther to the left (which was not the case in Britain). The work also tests how more general measures of polarization impact liberal parties, finding either no impact or an unexpected negative association. Finally, the work concluded with an examination of the role of some liberal parties as players in the postmaterialist arena, and provides a qualitative study of some new parties which are being or which may be classified as liberal.
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Sayers, Anthony Michael. "Liberal party activists in British Columbia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28278.
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The purpose of this thesis is to describe and analyze the nature and role of Liberal Party activists in the political life of British Columbia. As activists are at the central core of political parties, describing these activists is essential for understanding parties and the political process in general.
The description and analysis are based on the results of a survey of the 1987 Liberal leadership Convention conducted by several members of the Political Science Department at the University of British Columbia, including the author. The resulting information was collated and analyzed then compared with the accepted wisdom concerning Liberal supporters in British Columbia.
This thesis reveals the Liberal Party activists in British Columbia to be quite typical of activists found in other parties in Canada. As a result of the party's centre position in the polarized politics of this province, it does tend to attract activists disenchanted with this style of politics. This results in a heterogeneous collection of beliefs amongst activists. The success of the federal Liberal Party and the importance of many federal issues for Liberal Party sympathizers encourages provincial activists to adopt a federal oriented perspective on politics. This is at odds with the two major parties in British Columbia.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Henry, Colin, and edu au jillj@deakin edu au mikewood@deakin edu au wildol@deakin edu au kimg@deakin. "CASE STUDIES IN HUMAN RIGHTS EDUCATION AND CRITICAL EDUCATIONAL SCIENCE." Deakin University. School of Education, 1995. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20041214.144057.
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This thesis offers an account of the history and effects of three curriculum projects sponsored by the Australian Human Rights Commission between 1983 and 1986. Each project attempted to improve observance of human rights in and through Australian schools through participatory research (or critical educational science). That is, the research included, as a conscious feature, the effort to develop new forms of curriculum work which more adequately respect the personal and professional rights of teachers, especially their entitlement as persons and professionals to participate in planning, conducting and controlling the curriculum development, evaluation and implementation that constitutes their work. In more specific terms, the Australian Human Rights Commission's three curriculum projects represented an attempt to improve the practice and theory of human rights education by engaging teachers in the practical work of evaluating, researching, and developing a human rights curriculum.
While the account of the Australian Human Rights Commission curriculum project is substantially an account of teachers1 work, it is a story which ranges well beyond the boundaries of schools and classrooms. It encompasses a history of episodes and events which illustrate how educational initiatives and their fate will often have to set within the broad framework of political, social, and cultural contestation if they are to be understood. More exactly, although the Human Rights Commission's work with schools was instrumental in showing how teachers might contribute to the challenging task of improving human rights education, the project was brought to a premature halt during the debate in the Australian Senate on the Bill of Rights in late 1985 and early 1986. At this point in time, the Government was confronted with such opposition from the Liberal/National Party Coalition that it was obliged to withdraw its Bill of Rights Legislation, close down the original Human Rights Commission, and abandon the attempt to develop a nationwide program in human rights education. The research presents an explanation of why it has been difficult for the Australian Government to live up to its international obligations to improve respect for human rights through education. More positively, however, it shows how human rights education, human rights related areas of education, and social education might be transformed if teachers (and other members of schools communities) were given opportunities to contribute to that task. Such opportunities, moreover, also represent what might be called the practice of democracy in everyday life. They thus exemplify, as well as prefigure, what it might mean to live in a more authentically democratic society.
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Koop, Royce Abraham James. "Multi-level party politics : the Liberal Party from the ground up." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/2796.
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The organizations of national and provincial parties in Canada are understood to be separated from one another. However, it is not known whether this separation extends to the constituency-level organizations of those parties. In order to provide a better understanding of how national and provincial parties are linked at the local level (if at all), this thesis describes and accounts for the local organizations of the national Liberal Party and the provincial Liberal parties in sixteen national constituencies selected from the provinces of British Columbia, Ontario, and New Brunswick.
Information from interviews with local party activists and participant observation in the ridings is used to develop a continuum of constituency-level party organizations. Descriptions of the activist bases, constituency associations, and local campaigns in each riding allow for each local organization to be placed along this continuum between integrated local organizations, which share important linkages between the national and provincial levels, and differentiated local organizations, where no such linkages exist. The placement of local organizations along this continuum is accounted for by (1) similarities or differences between the national and provincial party systems in the three provinces studied; (2) the actions of incumbent members of the national Parliament and provincial legislatures; and (3) characteristics of the constituencies. The patterns identified lead to a classification of four types of local organizations – One Political World, Interconnected Political Worlds, Distinctive Political Worlds, and Two Political Worlds – that illuminate the different forms of linkages between national and provincial parties that exist at the constituency level.
This examination of the local organizations of the Liberal Party calls into question the academic consensus on the separation of national and provincial parties in Canada. Instead, the Liberal Party is characterized as an unevenly integrated party, where the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary parties are separated from provincial counterparts, but where the national and provincial parties on the ground are oftentimes integrated.
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Cawood, Ian James. "The lost party : Liberal Unionism, 1886-1895." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/8281.
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This thesis seeks to analyse the political philosophy, organisation and historical significance of the Liberal Unionist Party, which was created following the first Home Rule debate of 1886 and the subsequent general election in which Unionists stood against ‘Separatists.’ The Liberal Unionist Party has rarely been taken seriously as an electoral force by political historians, who see the party as a collection of peers, intellectuals and lawyers, who objected to Home Rule from a desire to maintain the supremacy of Parliament and the rule of the law in the face of the burgeoning forces of nationalism, democracy and class-based politics. Given its elitist nature, the party is perceived as having failed to build a strong electoral base among the newly enfranchised workers and to have willingly succumbed to ‘fusion’ with the Conservative Party due to the parties’ fellow-feeling on issues of imperial expansion and the fear of socialism. This thesis offers an alternative interpretation of the Liberal Unionists as a diverse group of liberals, who formed an electoral alliance with the Conservative Party largely from political necessity rather than ideological affinity. Committed to the maintenance of a political culture of strong regional identity, independence of political conscience and concepts of individual liberty, the Party only reluctantly engaged with the centralised machine politics that had begun to emerge after the electoral reforms of the 1870s and 1880s. Due to this, the Party barely escaped an electoral debacle in 1892, but reformed itself and its electioneering tactics and was perhaps the crucial force in the Unionist landslide of August 1895. The thesis also suggests why the Party swiftly declined as an independent force after this triumph and thereby came to be seen by most twentieth-century historians as a mere ‘revolt of the Whigs.’
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Millar, Gordon F. "The Liberal Party in Scotland, 1843-1868 : electoral politics and party development." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.582148.
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The Liberal party in Scotland in 1843 was. in both burghs and counties, Whig and moderate Liberal dominated. The Corn Law repeal controversy and, in Scotland of longer-lasting significance, the Disruption in the Church of Scotland changed this situation. In the counties the split in the Conservative party began a process that was to make these constituencies increasingly receptive to the Liberal party. In the late I 840s this was largely a function of Conservative weakness. The Protectionists, Free Trade and Peelite Conservatives maintained their position overall, but were no longer able to mount any challenge to the Liberals. As the Conservatives were identified with the Established Church of Scotland, the Liberals gained from Free Church support, especially in the far north of Scotland. Corn Law repeal had shown in the burghs that the Scottish Whigs, T.B. Macaulay in Edinburgh was a prominent example, were not prepared to move in step with the desires of the growing commercial and professional middle-class for further reform. This situation was made acute by the existence of the Free Church after 1843 whose membership largely came from this social group. They felt little loyalty to either Whigs or Conservatives and were Liberal out of their desire for change, by which they meant either purification or dismantling of the Establishment. Those who wanted purification tended to be moderate politically, those who wanted a dismantling were more radical. These Free Churchmen were energised by the increase in the Maynooth Grant in 1845. This provided a rallying point round which Free Church and Voluntary members could gather to exercise political influence, while forgetting their differences over the question of an Establishment. This alliance was successful in 1847 in winning significant victories in the Scottish burghs and in defeating leading figures in the Scottish Whig establishment. The election of 1852 generally confirmed what had happened five years previously. In the counties it was obvious that Protection was a dead issue. The Free Trade Conservatives had begun returning to the Derbyite fold. Significant pockets of Peelite influence remained, especially in Ayrshire and wherever the Duke of Bucc1euch was powerful. In the burghs there were some signs of strain in the Free Church/Voluntary alliance, most obviously in Edinburgh, where Duncan McLaren had to stand without Free Church support, and in Perth, where the Free Church chose to support the Whig, Arthur Kinnaird. These strains became at times outright hostility thanks to the Education issue. Between 1854 and 1856 Lord Advocate James Moncreiff tried three times to open up the parish school system in Scotland to other Presbyterian denominations and to otherwise increase the level of educational provision. He failed partly because of the expected opposition of the Established Church of Scotland and the Conservative party, but also in the end because of Voluntary opposition to proposals which appeared to give too much power to the State and to the Free Church. This made co-operation between the Free Church and especially hard-line Voluntaries impossible at the 1857 general election. The mid 1850s also witnessed the Cri mean War, the resultant collapse of the Aberdeen ministry and the coming to power of Palmerston. The demand for administrative and structural reform which arose at this time found expression in Scotland even before the disasters experienced in the Crimea. Movements such as the Scottish Rights Movement and the National Education Association appeared which expressed a wish for change in the structures of Scottish society. These were to take place within the context of improving the Union, to match those which had taken place economically and socially. Scottish Liberals were involved in these organisations and individuals and sections of the party participated fully in debate on the issues, often using their position on one or more to define their position in the party and those of others. In addition, therefore, to the disillusionment with sectarianism in Education, a more tolerant, secular, moderate political current began to make itself felt, above all in the burghs. This manifested itself at the 1857 election in the return of more moderate Whig Liberals and in the defeat of candidates who had stood out for religious intolerance. The Free Church, alienated from the Voluntaries by the experience of the Education issue, was an important factor in this development as were voters brought on to the rolls by the 1856 Burgh Registration Act. In the counties Conservative satisfaction with Palmerston's foreign and ecclesiastical policies, the so-called Palmerston factor, led to these constituencies becoming even more receptive to the Liberals. With the collapse of the Aberdeen ministry, the remaining Scottish Peelites either returned to the Conservatives, for instance the Duke of Buccleuch, or maintained an independent position sympathetic to Palmerston. A few joined the Liberals. The election of 1859 was quiet in terms of contests and confirmed, where they took place, the Whig and moderate Liberal recovery in the burghs and the Liberal ascendancy in the counties. Beneath the surface new issues were already emerging, most importantly Reform of the electoral system. The reactions to this issue in particular helped to define where individual Liberals belonged in the spectrum of the Liberal party.The period to the passage of the Second Reform Act for Scotland in 1868 was marked by further pressure on the Liberal party to respond to groups in society which were looking to it to provide an answer to their concerns. In the burghs this concerned the working-class and especially that section of it which. thanks to a rise in rents. the efforts of housing co-operatives and the Burgh Registration Act already had the vote under the old system. Through opposition to the Master and Servant Law. the demand for the ballot and organisations like the Reform League, this group became politicised and looked to the Liberal party for political representation. They were interested in integration into the political system and in influencing the direction which the Liberal party was taking. A parallel can be drawn between this and the impact of the Free ChurchNoluntary alliance on the Liberal party in the I840s and early 1850s. In the counties pressure came most of all from the tenant farmers disturbed by the Game Laws and the law of Hypothec. The former allowed the landlord to shoot game over a tenant's field, the latter allowed distrainment of goods even if they had been sold to a third party. This brought the economic interests of the tenant farmers into conflict with the existing system. Their political solution in the 1860s was to turn out Conservative M.P.s in favour of Liberals in the hope of getting a modification or abolition of these laws. In 1868 the electoral system was reformed in Scotland. With household suffrage, burgh electorates increased greatly in size which changed the nature of politics. A personal canvass was no longer possible. This led to co-operation in two or threemember seats like Dundee and Glasgow between moderate Liberals and representatives of the working class to ensure that a split Liberal vote did not let a Conservative in. The Liberal party in this period shows itself to be a very flexible body. It was able, not without internal battles, to take in new groups as they emerged in mid-nineteenth century Scotland. Where it proved less immediately responsive to some groups was in the nature of the representatives who could be elected under the 1832 franchise.
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Wyburn-Powell, Alun. "Defectors and the Liberal Party since December 1910." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/10237.
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The Liberal Party was the dominant party of government from the 1850s to the Great War, but it was virtually wiped out by the 1950s. The causes and timing of the party’s decline are contested by historians, with Dangerfield, McKibbin and Pelling arguing for a root in Edwardian times; Wilson, Tanner and Bentley asserting that the Great War was the cause; and Hart arguing the case for the 1918 election being critical. This research is the first to investigate the role of defections of MPs and former MPs in the party’s decline. Each defection was a judgement on the state of the party at a specific date. They suggest that neither pre-War change, nor the War itself, was catastrophic for the party. Few defectors left because of the War and the party was still in a recoverable situation after the 1918 election. One sixth of the Liberal MPs, who sat after December 1910, defected from the party – nearly all between 1918 and 1956. The main damage was done by a mechanical, rather than ideological, failure of the Liberal Party. Lloyd George was the leader who presided over the most serious outflow of defectors. Three other figures, who have not previously been strongly associated with the Liberals’ decline, were critically involved - William Wedgwood Benn, Reginald McKenna and Freddie Guest. Negative aspects of the Liberal Party exerted much stronger influence on the defectors than did the positive attractions of any other party. MPs with a military background, high personal wealth and those from a minority religion were most likely to defect. Defectors went almost equally to the right and the left, but those going to the Conservative Party almost all remained satisfied with their new party, whereas over half of the defectors to Labour came to regret their move.
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Baines, Malcolm Ian. "The survival of the British Liberal Party, 1932-1959." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.290930.
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Tregidga, Garry Harcourt. "The Liberal Party in south-west England, 1929-59." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296238.
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Christensen, Inge Engel. "New party success and failure in Japan : the experiences of the Liberal Party, 1998-2003." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:13d7f4e8-3d9e-49a7-9526-95c2699c6552.
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This thesis examines the Liberal Party, a new party founded in 1998 in Japan, where numerous new parties have emerged in the 1990s following the disintegration of the existing political order. New parties have played important roles in the ongoing process of political change, but have failed to challenge the dominant Liberal Democratic Party, and most have faced difficulties in consolidating their positions within the emerging party system. The Liberal Party also failed to become a permanent player, but nevertheless played an important role, serving as a catalyst for change. The thesis examines its experiences to better understand its development, role, and character. The thesis first discusses recent political developments in Japan, including an analysis of new party emergence and trends within the political realignment process. The case study of the Liberal Party discusses developments from 1998 until 2003, when the party was dissolved, and also examines three dimensions of party activity, covering 'policy', 'organization, leadership, and resources', and 'relations with the electorate'. The thesis draws on existing scholarly literature, but also employs data from party publications, interviews, observations, newspaper reports, and political finance reports. The analysis shows that the Liberal Party's attempts to influence the political structure and process were often frustrated. Although the presence of a strong leader positively impacted on the party's sustenance, it proved difficult to expand the organization and to secure sufficient resources. The Liberal Party's emphasis on policy set it apart from its contemporaries, and it succeeded in functioning as a dynamo of new ideas. It failed, however, to expand its electoral base significantly, which limited its options. The thesis also finds that although the process of realignment has pushed Japan further towards a two-party set-up, developments at the elite level have failed to generate a corresponding realignment of the highly alienated and disinterested Japanese electorate.
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Haury, David A. "The origins of the Liberal party and liberal imperialism : the career of Charles Buller, 1806-1848 /." New York ; London : Garland publ, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb374120163.
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Egan, Mark. "The grass roots organisation of the Liberal Party, 1945-64." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9e81e6dc-aeec-494f-b2b6-92c516560736.
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Studies of the survival and revival of the Liberal Party after 1945 have focused on the Party's strength in the UK's Celtic fringe, its efficacy as a vehicle for protest voting, and the role played by the Party's leaders, particularly Jo Grimond. The reasons why the Liberal Party's constituency associations continued in being and activists continued to be recruited to the Party after a series of disastrous general election results, and the factors explaining the Party's revival in local government have, so far, been overlooked. This thesis draws on a number of new sources of information, including the records of Liberal constituency and district associations and interviews with ordinary Liberal activists from the 1945-64 period, to provide new perspectives on the survival and revival of the Party. It shows how the independence and self-sufficiency of Liberal associations, the recruitment of Liberal activists during the 1945-50 period, and the Party's strength in local government in Yorkshire and north west England were important reasons for the Party's survival. A new wave of recruitment after 1955, inspired by the leadership ofGrimond and the new policies he and others devised and popularised, facilitated the Liberal revival, but a key factor previously unidentified was the development of early forms of community politics by Liberal activists in a number of towns and cities in England and Scotland. Decisions by activists to concentrate on local elections led to an explosion in the number of Liberal councillors, particularly in suburban areas, and drew more activists into the Party. This change in the Party's strategy, which has influenced the development of Liberal politics since 1964, was derived from grass-roots activists rather than the Liberal leadership, although the Party's Local Government Department had an important role to play after 1960.
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Banerjee, Hasi. "Political activity of the Liberal Party in India, 1919-1937 /." Calcutta ; New Delhi : K P Bagchi, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40163228j.
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Faulkes, Stewart Charles. "The strange death of British Liberalism : the Liberal Summer School movement and the making of the Yellow Book in the 1920s." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.250711.
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Coohill, Joseph. "Ideas of the Liberal Party : perceptions, agendas, and Liberal politics in the House of Commons 1832-1852." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285422.
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Treasure, Ian Clements. "The Liberal Education Bills : conflict and compromise in religious issues and Liberal Party educational policies, 1906-1908." Thesis, Open University, 1993. http://oro.open.ac.uk/57427/.
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This study follows the religious and educational issues which formed the background to the Education Bills of the Liberal Government in the period 1906-08. The role of the churches and their place in society in the 19th and early 20th Centuries is outlined. The problems of educational provision and lack of resources through the voluntary agencies is reviewed and the impact of the Education Act of 1870 during the period of the School Board era is considered. The position of the Church of England is outlined alongside the provisions of the Education Act of 1902 and an assessment is made of the working of that Act. The claims and grievances of the Nonconformists are reviewed. The political consequences of the Conservative Government's defeat and the return of a Liberal Government to power in 1906 is outlined together with a review of that Election. The role of the newspapers and the demands of the various bodies with a declared interest in religion and education are considered. A detailed examination of the negotiations undertaken between the Liberal Government and the various denominational interests in their attempts to remedy the Nonconformist grievances over the 1902 Education Act during the period 1906-08 is included. The work of the Archbishop of Canterbury on behalf of the Established Church is closely followed to draw the distinction between those working at the highest level of negotiation and those at grass roots level. The Liberal Government's social reforms and the decline in popularity of the Liberal Party as a vehicle for political Nonconformism is reviewed alongside the stalemate in educational legislation affecting religious issues. The growth of that Government's intervention into the field of social welfare and the lessening impact of religion in the overall life of the Nation is also considered together with a review of changes in attitudes towards religion and its part in educational provision in more recent times.
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van, Hulsen Tess. "Are (Liberal Arts) Colleges Making Students More Liberal? Examining Millennials’ Party Identification Preferences in College and Beyond." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2061.
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In order to investigate the validity of the claim that college has a liberalizing effect on students, the research reported here focuses on how transitions into college shape one’s political orientations. Studying the changes in ideological views and party identification over time have been explained in previous literature by three theories: Life Cycle Changes, Socialization Effects, and Generational Effects. These theories were then applied to the qualitative data obtained by conducting interviews with Claremont McKenna College (CMC) alumni of the last five years. Through analyzing data from CMC’s (millennial) alumni, my goal was to examine the development of their ideological views and party identifications during their four years at CMC and upon entering the workforce. My study is loosely inspired by the Bennington Studies, a well-known group of studies conducted throughout a span fifty years which measured the party identification of Bennington College alumni at three different points in their adult lives. Using these studies as a model, my study expands on these along with other existing literature to provide a more in-depth account of the political identification and potential political shift of the current generation of young adults, Millennials. Due to the temporal limitations of this thesis, however, the study I conducted only examines the identifications of a specific alumnus at one point in their adult lives, after graduating from CMC. Therefore, the possibility of accrediting party identification changes to Life Cycle Changes is excluded. This thesis seeks to explain why and how the political ideology and party identifications of recent CMC alumni changed during their time on campus.
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Sloman, Peter Jack. "Economic thought and policy in the Liberal Party, c. 1929-1964." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c961d45b-8c97-4e4b-b91c-6d0c8c55da5b.
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This thesis examines the reception, generation, and use of economic ideas in the British Liberal Party during the period between its decline in the inter-war years and its revival under Jo Grimond. It uses archival sources, party publications, and the political press to reconstruct the Liberal Party’s internal discourse about economic policy from the 1920s to the 1960s, and sets this discourse in the context of wider economic and political developments: the ‘Keynesian revolution’ in economic theory and British public policy, recurrent political interest in economic planning, and growing concern about relative economic decline. The strength of the two-party system which developed after the First World War meant that the Liberal Party spent most of this period in opposition, and even in the coalition governments of 1931-2 and 1940-5 Liberals had limited input into economic policy-making. As historians have frequently noted, however, the party played an important role in introducing Keynesian ideas to British politics through Lloyd George’s 1929 pledge to ‘conquer unemployment’, and seemed to anticipate the post-war managed economy in important respects. At the same time, the party maintained a close relationship with the economics profession, and vocally championed free trade and competitive markets. This thesis highlights the eclecticism of the Liberal Party’s economic heritage, and its continuing ambivalence towards state intervention. Although Liberals were early and sincere supporters of Keynesian demand-management policies, and took a close interest in economic planning proposals in the 1920s, 1940s and 1960s, their interventionism was frequently constrained by their internationalism and their support for free markets. Most Liberals, then, were neither unreconstructed Gladstonians nor unequivocal supporters of Britain’s post-war settlement. Rather, successive party leaders sought to integrate new economic knowledge with traditional Liberal commitments, in order to make both a credible contribution to policy debates and a distinctive appeal to the electorate.
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Kirkup, Jonathan. "The parliamentary agreement between the Labour Party and the Liberal Party 1977-1978 : 'The Lib-Lab Pact'." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2012. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/42288/.
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This thesis is a chronological case study into the origins, operation and consequences of the Lib-Lab Pact 1977-1978. Cross-party co-operation in British politics since 1945 is assessed. David Steel’s election as Liberal Party leader, his political philosophy and strategy are examined. Concepts of realignment, ‘co-operation strategy’ are explored. The parliamentary and political events together with a detailed assessment of the inter-party negotiations which led the Pact are examined. New perspectives include: the significance of the leader-led nature of the negotiation process; the Labour-Ulster Unionist understanding which ran concurrent with the Pact; the importance of Lib-Lab discussions on devolution which pre-dated the Pact in influencing Steel’s subsequent decision-making. Analysis focuses on the Lib-Lab negotiations into if the Direct Elections to the European Parliament Bill should include a proportional voting system and whether the parliamentary Labour party should be compelled to vote for PR. A key finding of the thesis is that rather than allowing a free vote, as was agreed, the Prime Minister, James Callaghan, was prepared to offer the Liberals a ‘pay roll’ vote; the significance of Michael Foot in this process is also noted. The structure of the Lib-Lab consultative mechanism is reviewed. Case studies include a review of on Liberal policy influence on the Budget 1977 and 1978. The nature of intra-party dissent is reviewed with the difference between Labour and the Liberal parties noted. An examination of the serious internecine conflict is complemented by a reassessment of the role of Christopher Mayhew in this process. The Lib-Lab Pact is reviewed, assessing its affect in influencing Callaghan’s decision not to call a General Election in 1978; its influence on Liberal/Liberal Democrat party strategy, and its importance in the subsequent formation of the triple-lock, as such the thesis highlighting the Pacts relevance to subsequent cross-party understandings.
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Williams, Christopher Mark. "Democratic Rhondda : politics and society, 1885-1951." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283877.
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Kuhn, Rick. "Paradise on the instalment Plan." Thesis, Connect to full text, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1271.
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Kuhn, Rick. "Paradise on the instalment plan the economic thought of the Australian labour movement between the depression and the long boom /." Connect to full text, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1271.
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Stewart, David Kenney. "The traditions continue : leadership choices at Maritime Liberal and Conservative Party conventions." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30916.
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That leaders are important in Canadian party politics is almost axiomatic: they are the prime electoral resource, the ultimate policy authority and the focus of media attention. Yet little is known of what divides provincial parties when they choose a new master. The politics of provincial leadership conventions lie in uncharted waters.
This thesis focuses on provincial parties, exploring support patterns at Maritime leadership conventions. The study draws primarily on data provided by unpublished surveys of delegates to Liberal and Progressive Conservative leadership conventions in the three Maritime provinces. These nine conventions took place between 1971 and 1986 and the delegate survey responses report the behaviour and attitudes of over 3100 party activists. The analysis develops provincial, partisan and secular comparisons. A framework for analysing delegate support patterns is derived from the literature on national conventions and Maritime politics. Application of this framework to the nine conventions reveals a recurring theme.
Candidate support is best understood in a 'friends and neighbours' framework. Friends and neighbours refers first, to a non-factional geographic pattern of support. Simply put, delegates tend to support the local candidate, a neighbour. The second element of friends and neighbours support relates to ethno-religious ties. Candidates receive disproportionate support from delegates who are 'friends' in terms of shared religious or ethnic background.
Friends and neighbours divisions were more important than attitude, age, gender or differences in social status: they were present throughout the period in each province and both parties. The importance of place and religion/ethnicity provide empirical evidence of Maritime traditionalism. The support patterns would be well understood by 19th century politicians and show no sign of dissipating. Attempts to link these patterns to age or level of education were unsuccessful. Virtually all delegates were influenced by the ties of 'friendship' or 'neighbourhood'. The major exceptions were ex officio delegates. These party professionals acting in a brokerage role were relatively immune from the friends and neighbours pull. By mitigating such divisions, ex officio delegates made substantial contributions to party unity.
This thesis reveals a coherent and consistent pattern of intra party divisions in the region. It confirms the strength of traditionalism in the Maritimes and highlights an important manifestation of this traditionalism: ethno religious solidarity undercut by localism and mitigated by brokerage politics. Such findings are in sharp contrast to assertions that Maritime politics is changing.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Dewan, Torun. "When the party's over : explaining and predicting party splits in liberal democracies." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.425429.
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Joyce, Norman Peter. "The electoral strategy and tactics of the British Liberal Party, 1945-1970." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.321620.
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The options available to a minor political party concerning electoral strategy and tactics are usually greater than for a major political party. This thesis analyses the electoral objectives and the methods for their realisation put forward by the Liberal party in the period 1945 - 1970. The two strategies of the formation of a Liberal government and the realignment of the left are evaluated and the analysis is extended to include what is referred to as 'interim strategy'. The latter accepted that the party's strategy could not be accomplished as the consequence of the party's involvement in any one general election contest but needed to operate over a longer time scale. This suggested that the party required short term and long term electoral objectives arid the use made of interim strategy forms part of the examination of electoral strategy. The analysis of electoral tactics differentiates between 'primary tactics' and 'secondary tactics'. Primary tactics were the means presented to the electorate for the implementation of electoral strategy at a general election contest. Secondary tactics included a range of political activities carried out in the period between general election contests. Primary and secondary tactics are evaluated and in particular the extent to which electoral strategy and primary tactics were compatible with secondary tactics is analysed. The discussion of electoral strategy and tactics is not confined to ideas generated within the Liberal party but includes the views advanced by the Conservative arid Labour parties on the role of the Liberal party and Liberal supporters. The arguments presented in support of these views, and the Liberal party's response, forms part of the analysis of Liberal electoral strategy and tactics.
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Rae, Nicol C. "The decline of the liberal wing of the Republican Party, 1960-1984." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670397.
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Mutch, Deborah. "Serial socialists : the discourse of political journalism and fiction, 1885-1895." Thesis, University of Derby, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10545/306821.
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So, Robyn Ann. "Incentives for activism in a moribund political party : the case of the BC Liberals." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28284.
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This thesis explains why individuals are active in the British Columbia Liberal Party, considering it was finished as a viable force in BC politics following the 1975 election. What are their motivations and incentives, and the factors that govern them, given the party's inability to reward its workers in terms of winning elections? The analysis is conducted using a two-pronged theoretical approach. This approach posits first, that incentives are dependent on, and independent of, the Liberal Party's ends, including its political principles and its goal of being elected. Second, it posits their incentives arise from both personal gain and psychological needs.
Using survey data collected from the BC Liberal Party 1987 leadership convention, I demonstrate that activists are inspired by a variety of motivations that are both dependent on, and independent of, the party's ends. Due to their distinct ideological orientation and purposive concerns, the activists would not fit in any other provincial party. Analysis also reveals that there are two groups of Liberal activists—optimists and realists regarding the future success of the party. Paradoxically, the least optimistic are the most involved in party activity, and the most hopeful are the least involved. I demonstrated that closeness to the federal Liberal party influences the realists' activism in the provincial party. The existing literature on incentives for political party activism tends to focus on patronage, ideology and party-related concerns, such as policy, issues, leaders and candidates. As such, it diminishes the importance of psychological motivations. This thesis found the latter played an equally powerful role in governing motivations for political party activism. In this regard, this thesis has contributed to a more comprehensive understanding of party activism.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Luckman, Susan Heather. "Party people : mapping contemporary dance music cultures in Australia /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2002. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16686.pdf.
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Marchant, Sylvia. "THINGS FALL APART: The End of the United Australia Party 1939-1943." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/8880.
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In the Federal Elections of August 1943 the United Australia Party(UAP), which had been in office for nearly ten consecutive years suffered a resounding defeat and the result was a landslide for Labor, giving it an absolute majority in both Houses. This thesis traces the course of the disintegration of the United Australia Party to try to fill a gap in the historiography by explaining how and why an apparently popular political party was so categorically rejected by the electorate in 1943 that it subsequently vanished from the political scene as if it had never existed.
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Grant, Robert. "Globalisation and colonialism : challenges to the liberal democratic state in Australia." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2001. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU141101.
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The impact of globalisation on Australia has reverberated from white settlement in the eighteenth century to the present. Only at the turn of the twenty first century are the contradictions and tensions of the democratic state being exposed by the activism of indigenous peoples across the globe seeking redress for historical grievances. By focusing on the Australian experience I highlight the ways in which liberalism and colonialism have worked together under conditions of globalisation to dispossess Aboriginal Australians. Together, liberalism and colonialism have worked to legitimise the dispossession of Aboriginal Australians. Yet under contemporary conditions of globalisation Aboriginal Australians have worked to prise apart the underpinnings of a state-centred discourse rooted in colonialism. This thesis seeks to address the issues raised by Aboriginal demands for territorial rights in the context of globalisation and to assess their impact on the Australian state. In what way are the assumptions that underpinned the notions of democracy and territoriality being transformed and what are the options for the future of democracy in a postcolonial environment?
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Davies, Evan. "Mandatory detention for asylum seekers in Australia : an evaluation of liberal criticism." University of Western Australia. Political Science and International Relations Discipline Group, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0202.
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This thesis evaluates the policy of mandatory detention for asylum seekers maintained by successive Australian governments against several core liberal principles. These principles are derived from various accounts of liberal political thought and the major themes and criticisms inherent in the public debate over the policy. The justifications of the policy given by the Australian government and the criticisms enunciated by scholars, refugee advocates and non-government organisations with respect to the policy strongly correspond with the core liberal principles of fairness, protecting the rights of the individual, accountability and proportionality. The claims of the critics converge on a central point of contention: that the mandatory detention of asylum seekers violates core liberal principles. To ascertain the extent to which the claims of the critics can be supported, the thesis selectively draws on liberal political theory to provide a framework for the analysis of the policy against these liberal principles, a basis for inquiry largely neglected by contributors to the literature. This thesis argues that, on balance, the mandatory detention policy employed by successive Australian governments violates core liberal principles. The claims of the critics are weakened, but by no means discredited, by the importance of the government's maintenance of strong border control. In the main, however, criticisms made by opponents of the policy can be supported. This thesis contributes to the substantial body of literature on the mandatory detention policy by shedding light on how liberal principles may be applicable to the mandatory detention policy. Further, it aims to contribute to an enriched understanding of the Australian government's competence to detain asylum seekers.
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Brent, Richard. "Liberal Anglican politics : whiggery, religion and reform, 1830-1841 /." Oxford : Clarendon press, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36628289q.
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Uebel, Jonas. "Liberal högersväng? : En jämförande analys av folkpartiet liberalerna och Det Radikale Venstres ideologiska positionering." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-1375.
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The aim of this paper is to empirically examine the ideological trends and positioning of the Swedish liberal party with the Danish social liberal party. This paper also aims to analyze the reasons behind the trends. By examine the development in these two Nordic liberal sisterparties, this paper contributes to our understanding of why and how party change is initiated. The paper commences with an intuitive notion that the Swedish party has in fact, made a lurch towards the right, during the past ten to fifteen years while the Danish party has retained their social-liberal position in the centre of the Danish political spectrum. The questions then asked are: can this hypothesis be verified empirically? If so, how can this phenomenon of divergence, be explained?
The method used in this thesis is process-tracing and the empirical material does to a large extent rely on interviews with central agents as they are specified in the theory of each party. The starting point of the paper is theory on party change, which identifies the important agents, goals and determinants of party policy.. It rely on rational choice assumption, pays regard to institutional boundaries and is placed somewhere in the category of new institutionalism.
This thesis argues that it is empirically unquestionable that the Swedish party de facto has made a lurch to the right during the last decade, while the Danish party has shown significant stability in their ideological position. The thesis further argues that the development in the Swedish party can be explained through a shift of primary goals, from policy-seeking toward vote-maximising, while the Danish party’s primary goals have since the beginning of the nineties until now, remained primarily policy-seeking. This explains why their ideological trend has kept a stable course. The paper concludes by stating that the divergent development within the two parties is explainable on the basis of the institutional organisation within each party, together with the different political environments they are occupied in.
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Bozinovski, Robert. "The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945." Thesis, Full-text, 2008. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/1961/.
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The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept
that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has
neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis
will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of
this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the
Communist Party’s praxis.
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Bozinovski, Robert. "The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945." Full-text, 2008. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/1961/1/bozinovski.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the Communist Party’s praxis.
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Freitas, Eduardo Antonio Pereira de. "A Guerra Civil de 1851 na Nova Granada: disputas e representações." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-29062018-102422/.
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O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar como o Partido Conservador, o Partido Liberal e os artesãos, mobilizados pelos liberais, interpretaram e justificaram sua participação na Guerra Civil de 1851 na Nova Granada. O capítulo1sintetiza o desenvolvimento político do país, desde o fim do período colonial até o momento em que se desenvolve o conflito armado. O capítulo 2 debruça-se sobre a conjuntura granadina de meados do século XIX e apresenta a Guerra Civil de 1851, analisando a produção historiográfica a respeito do tema. Os três capítulos seguintes, que formam a segunda parte da dissertação, discutem as representações que as distintas forças políticas faziam de si mesmas, de seus adversários e da sociedade que os circundava. Um epílogo conclui a dissertação, dando particular destaque ao indulto concedido aos insurgentes conservadores após o desfecho da Guerra.The goal of this dissertation is to analyze how the Conservative Party, the Liberal Party and the craftsmen, mobilized by the Liberals, have interpreted and justified their involvement in the Civil War of 1851 in New Granada. Chapter 1 summarizes the political development of the country, starting at the end of the colonial period until the moment when the armed conflict developed. Chapter 2 deals with the grenadine context during the mid-19th century and presents the Civil War of 1851, analyzing the historical production on the subject. The following three chapters, that form the second part of the dissertation, discuss the representations that different political forces made of themselves, their opponents and the surrounding society. An epilogue concludes the essay with particular prominence to the pardon granted to conservative insurgents, after the outcome of the war.
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Rae, Nicol C. "The decline and fall of the liberal republicans : from 1952 to the present /." New York ; Oxford : Oxford university press, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37381986s.
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Farquhar, Russell Murray. "Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic Institutions." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Sociology and Anthropology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/944.
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Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.
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Vessey, David. "The downfall of the liberal party and the rise of labour : Sheffield politics, 1903-1924." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.527265.
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Shantanu, Majumder. "Secularism and the Awami league: a study of the main liberal political party in Bangladesh." Thesis, University of London, 2010. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.732976.
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Perduniak, Michael Peter. "Pamphlets and politics : the British Liberal Party and the 'working man', c. 1867-c. 1925." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/pamphlets-and-politics-the-british-liberal-party-and-the-working-man-c-1867c-1925(281a5a8d-f80b-47e9-9a52-b35f4ffedfc1).html.
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This thesis aims to provide a new perspective on the British Liberal Party during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries via an analysis of pamphlet literature produced in support of the party. The period under investigation saw the fortunes of the Liberal Party move from being the principal rival of the Conservative Party to one of three competing for power, with the Labour Party emerging as a party capable of forming a government. The thesis aims to contribute to scholarly debate on the subject by showing that there was indeed a ‘decline of Liberalism’ and ‘rise of Labour’, but that these themes can be best understood in terms of the appeals both parties made to the electorate. It will show that when analysed through the literature they or their supporters produced to win over voters, the Liberal Party can be seen to have failed to adapt to a shifting electorate, and that they did not react to developing critiques of Liberalism from the Labour Party and its constituent bodies in sufficient time to prevent Labour establishing itself as a credible party of government, thus removing one of the Liberal Party’s main advantages over Labour. The thesis will use a close analysis of the text contained within a sample of Liberal Party pamphlet literature to show that the party had particular problems when addressing itself to working-class voters, who became an increasingly important section of the electorate following franchise extensions in 1867, 1884 and 1918. It will show that the Liberal Party constructed their appeals to working-class voters using a constructed figure, which will be termed the ‘Liberal Working Man’, who was possessed of particular characteristics which made him suitable to hold the vote. The ‘Liberal Working Man’ was both conceived within models of political behaviour deriving from ‘whiggish’ forms of political history and also appealed to by using narratives of political history which stressed the need for him to support the Liberal Party. The thesis will show that the Liberals did nor realise until too late that their understanding of the working-class electorate was flawed and had contributed to the emergence of the Labour critique of their party, by which time the First World War had created a series of practical problems which hampered the party’s attempts to maintain working-class support. The Liberal Party will be shown to have been put into a position whereby its pamphlet appeals could no longer rely on the old assumptions with regards working-class electoral behaviour, and proved incapable of providing an adequate replacement for the concept in their attempts to garner support through electoral literature.
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Cahill, Damien Connolly. "The radical neo-liberal movement as a hegemonic force in Australia 1976-1996 /." Access electronically, 2004. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20041217.152455/index.html.
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Manning, Seth. "Factionalism in the Democratic Party 1936-1964." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2019. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/477.
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The period of 1936-1964 in the Democratic Party was one of intense factional conflict between the rising Northern liberals, buoyed by FDR’s presidency, and the Southern conservatives who had dominated the party for a half-century. Intertwined prominently with the struggle for civil rights, this period illustrates the complex battles that held the fate of other issues such as labor, foreign policy, and economic ideology in the balance. This thesis aims to explain how and why the Northern liberal faction came to defeat the Southern conservatives in the Democratic Party through a multi-faceted approach examining organizations, strategy, arenas of competition, and political opportunities of each faction. I conclude that an alliance between the labor movement and African-Americans formed the basis on which the liberal faction was able to organize and build its strength, eventually surpassing the Southern Democratic faction by passing the Civil Rights Act of 1964. This passage forced the realignment of Southern states as Southern Democrats sided with Republicans at the national level. However, the party position changes that precipitated liberal Democratic support for the bill began much earlier, starting in the 1930s, another key conclusion of this thesis.
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Scalmer, Sean. "The career of class : intellectuals and the labour movement in Australia 1942-56." Phd thesis, Department of Government, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8922.
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