Relevant bibliographies by topics / Liberal Party of Australia

Academic literature on the topic 'Liberal Party of Australia'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Liberal Party of Australia"

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Williams, Paul D. "How Did They Do It? Explaining Queensland Labor's Second Electoral Hegemony." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.112.

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Australia's entrenched liberal democratic traditions of a free media, fair and frequent elections and robust public debate might encourage outside observers to assume Australia is subject to frequent changes in government. The reality is very different: Australian politics have instead been ‘largely unchanged’ since the beginning of our bipolar party system in 1910 (Aitkin 1977, p. 1), with Australians re-electing incumbents on numerous occasions for decades on end. The obvious federal example is the 23-year dominance of the Liberal-Country Party Coalition, first elected in 1949 and re-endorsed at the following eight House of Representatives elections. Even more protracted electoral hegemonies have been found at state level, including Labor's control of Tasmania (1934–82, except for 1969–72) and New South Wales (1941–65), and the Liberals' hold on Victoria (1952–82) and South Australia (1938–65, most unusually under one Premier, Thomas Playford). It is therefore not a question of whether parties can enjoy excessively long hegemonies in Australia; it is instead one of how they achieve it.
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Filus, Adam. "Stosunek rządu Australii do nielegalnej migracji w latach 1996–2018." Poliarchia 6, no. 1(10) (September 26, 2019): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/poliarchia.06.2018.10.03.

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Australian Governments’ Stance on Illegal Immigration in 1996–2018 Australia is well known for its strict immigration policy. It results from the country’s constant struggle with the flow of illegal migrants, brought to Australian shores through human smuggling. The author analyses immigration policies of five Prime Ministers representing two major Australian parties: the Liberal Party of Australia and the Australian Labor Party. Starting with the premiership of John Howard (1996–2007), and ending with Malcolm Turnbull’s era (2015– –2018), the author examines the situation of illegal immigrants in Australia and changes in immigration and asylum policies.
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Bernatskyi, Bohdan, and Marina Gorbatiuc. "Protecting Australian democracy: From attempting to ban the Communist Party to resisting foreign interference." Australian and New Zealand Journal of European Studies 15, no. 2 (December 29, 2023): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.30722/anzjes.vol15.iss2.17977.

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The article analyses the shift of the limits of democratic tolerance in Australia. In 1950, the Australian Parliament passed an Act under which the activities of the Australian Communist Party were outlawed, and the party had to be dissolved. One year later, the High Court of Australia struck down the Dissolution Act and indicated that the "militant democracy" concept had never been a part of the Commonwealth Constitutional architecture. Thus, the interpretation of the judicial system of Australia went contrary to the findings, for instance, of the German Federal Constitutional Court, which dissolved the Communist Party of Germany in 1956. The latest developments in Oceania, such as a ban on foreign donations and the threat of foreign interference through political parties, require a new examination of the status quo of the limits of democratic tolerance in Australia and whether it has been subject to changes since the establishment of a highly liberal pathway to democratic competition.
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Zernetsky, Pavlo, and Olena Kucherova. "Cognitive maps of discourses of British conservative and Australian liberal political manifestos." Language: classic - modern - postmodern, no. 7 (November 24, 2021): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/lcmp2522-9281.2021.7.35-49.

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The research endeavors to study and determine the influence of cognitive maps on production of political manifestos discourse. The research has been conducted in the framework of Sociocognitive Discourse Studies. The results show that discourse cognitive structure of British Conservative Party and Australian Liberal Party manifestos is characterized by different sets of cognitive maps on the level of communicative strategies and somewhat similar sets of cognitive schemas on the level of communicative tactics. Applying the method of interpropositional semantic analysis, the communicative strategy and communicative tactic of comparison was identified in Australian Liberal Party manifesto. Despite the close affinity between political discourses of the UK and Australia, there are significant differences in patterns of information organization in online manifestos of the ruling parties to engage the community and enhance persuasion.
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McAllister, Ian, and Anthony Mughan. "Party commitment, vote switching and liberal decline in Australia." Politics 22, no. 1 (May 1987): 75–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323268708402016.

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Comyn, Arabella. ""Bound to be responsible": the Tasmanian Greens' and the 1996-1998 Liberal minority government." Open Review 6 (November 26, 2020): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.47967/gvgv8121.

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This paper presents a case study of minority government in the Australian state of Tasmania in 1996-1998. The minority government was led by the conservative Liberal Party of Australia and supported, without a formal agreement or formal arrangements, by the newly formed Tasmanian Green Party. This type of minority government is not very common in Australia and was adopted as a result of the specific context within which the government was formed. Two of the Green members elected to the Tasmanian parliament participated in extensive interviews which provide the primary basis for this case study. The case study will show how the negativity ascribed to the Tasmanian Greens and minority government prevented the possibility of a written agreement for minority government. It will also outline how the unity-distinctiveness dilemma was experienced by the Tasmanian Greens and how it played a role in the government’s early end. The case shows that the Tasmanian Greens displayed a high commitment to stability and cooperative politics, but that this was not enough to prevent the governing Liberal Party from calling an early election and breaking a promise. The participating ex-Greens did however find the experience to be ‘worth it’.
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Eather, Warwick. "The Liberal Party of Australia and the Australian Women's Movement Against Socialisation 1947-54." Australian Journal of Politics and History 44, no. 2 (June 1998): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00011.

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Bean, Clive, and Anthony Mughan. "Leadership Effects in Parliamentary Elections in Australia and Britain." American Political Science Review 83, no. 4 (December 1989): 1165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961663.

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Political party leaders are an increasingly influential electoral force in contemporary liberal democracies. We test the hypothesis that their appeal is idiosyncratic, that is, that their electoral effect is a function of the leadership qualities voters perceive individual candidates as possessing. Thus, the less similar their personality profiles, the more the characteristics influencing the vote should differ from one leader to another. A comparison of Australia and Britain finds the opposite to be the case. Despite the divergent profiles of party leaders, the precise characteristics influencing the vote are remarkably similar in the two countries. This does not mean, however, that variation in the distribution of these characteristics is unimportant. It can affect the balance of the party vote and may even have been the difference between victory and defeat for the Australian Labor party in the closely fought 1987 election.
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Hilliard, David. "The Ties That Used to Bind: A Fresh Look at the History of Australian Anglicanism." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 11, no. 3 (October 1998): 265–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x9801100303.

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This article questions the widely accepted idea that the history of Anglicanism in Australia has been dominated by warfare between three church parties: Anglo-Catholic (high), evangelical (low) and liberal (broad). In fact, among lay Anglicans and at the parish level party strife was much less important than is often assumed. Until recently Australian Anglicans shared a number of common institutions, attitudes and social characteristics, and there was a large body of “moderate” Anglicans — exemplified in this article by the Rev R. P. Hewgill of Adelaide — who did not identify with any particular party.
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Leutenecker, Gerd. "Dean Jaensch (1994): The Liberals and Gerard Henderson (1994): Menzie’s Child. The Liberal Party of Australia." Zeitschrift für Australienstudien / Australian Studies Journal 09 (1995): 102–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.35515/zfa/asj.09/1995.15.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Liberal Party of Australia"

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Williams, Paul Douglas. "A liberal decline: an analysis of the electoral collapse of the Liberal Party of Australia, 1966-69 /." St. Lucia, Qld, 2003. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe17471.pdf.

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Abjorensen, Norman. "Leadership in the Liberal Party : Bolte, Askin and the post-war ascendancy /." View thesis entry in Australian Digital Theses Program, 2004. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20070320.122842/index.html.

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Abjorensen, Norman, and norman abjorensen@anu edu au. "Leadership in the Liberal Party: Bolte, Askin and the Post-War Ascendancy." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2005. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20070320.122842.

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The formation of the Liberal Party of Australia in the mid-1940s heralded a new effort to stem the tide of government regulation that had grown with Labor Party rule in the latter years of World War II and immediately after. It was not until 1949 that the party gained office at Federal level, beginning what was to be a record unbroken term of 23 years, but its efforts faltered at State level in Victoria, where the party was divided, and in New South Wales, where Labor was seemingly entrenched. The fortunes were reversed with the rise to leadership of men who bore a different stamp to their predecessors, and were in many ways atypical Liberals: Henry Bolte in Victoria and Robin Askin in New South Wales. Bolte, a farmer, and Askin, a bank officer, had served as non-commissioned officers in World War II and rose to lead parties whose members who had served in the war were predominantly of the officer class. In each case, their man management skills put an end to division and destabilisation in their parties, and they went on to serve record terms as Liberal leaders in their respective States, Bolte 1955-72 and Askin 1965-75. Neither was ever challenged in their leadership and each chose the time and nature of his departure from politics, a rarity among Australian political leaders. Their careers are traced here in the context of the Liberal revival and the heightened expectations of the post-war years when the Liberal Party reached an ascendancy, governing for a brief time in 1969-70 in all Australian States as well as the Commonwealth. Their leadership is also examined in the broader context of leadership in the Liberal Party, and also in the ways in which the new party sought to engage with and appeal to a wider range of voters than had traditionally been attracted to the non-Labor parties.
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Mule, Rosa. "Governing parties and income inequality in Australia (1981-1990), the United Kingdom (1979-1986) and Canada (1971-1981) : rational policy-making in party organizations." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2845/.

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This study examines the impact of governing parties in changing patterns of income inequality in three liberal democracies with 'Westminster' systems - Australia (1981-1990), the United Kingdom (1979-1986) and Canada (1971-1981). Extensive analysis of the Luxembourg Income Study datasets for these countries and periods suggests that structural factors, such as changes in the market sphere or alterations in the demographic profiles, can account for only a part of the overall inequality trends in these periods. By using income decomposition analyses, this study indicates that government redistributive policies played an important role in changing inequality trends. Governments in all three countries are single-party operations, and policy responds strongly to partisan processes and considerations. The main question involved in assessing policy changes is therefore why party actors may be willing to increase or decrease income inequality. Applying conventional 'unitary' models of party behaviour (such as the median voter convergence hypothesis) to try and explain decision-making on income inequality also cannot explain these examples. It seems that redistributive policies can only be understood by taking account of the bargaining processes which take place within the organization of the party in power. Explanations of how parties intervene on income inequality should explicitly incorporate the organizational dimension as a key to their behaviour.
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Rose, Sophie. "PASSING BY: THE LEGACY OF ROBERT MENZIES IN THE LIBERAL PARTY OF AUSTRALIA A study of John Gorton, Malcolm Fraser and John Howard." Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8836.

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This thesis considers the legacy of Robert Menzies in the Liberal Party of Australia, as articulated by Liberal party prime ministers, John Gorton, Malcolm Fraser and John Howard. It challenges the prevailing assumption in Australian historiography that Liberals have suffered from collective amnesia and have therefore not been successful in writing their own history, particularly in regards to their founder, Robert Menzies. It demonstrates that circumstances were key in shaping the way in which each prime minister thought and spoke about Menzies. It discusses how new nationalism hindered Gorton’s efforts; how liberalism inspired Fraser’s efforts; and how Howard’s belief in the importance of history drove his articulation of Menzies’ legacy.
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Margulies, William Benjamin. "Liberal parties and party systems." Thesis, University of Essex, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.654481.

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Nagel and Wlezien (2010) found that the Liberal Democrats in Britain tended to gain votes when the Conservatives moved to the right on the left-right spectrum, and the Labour Party moved to the left. They also found that, as the Liberal Democrats gained votes, they pushed the Conservatives to the right, but not Labour. Nagel and Wlezien took their left-right measurements from the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP) This thesis studies whether these phenomena occur cross-nationally across other advanced democracies. Using a dataset of 26 established wealthy democracies, mainly long-term members of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, this work measures whether increased distance between conservative and social democratic parties benefits parties in the liberal party family. The thesis finds that the dynamics that Nagel and Wlezien observed in Great Britain appear in other democracies more generally. It also finds that liberal party strength pushes conservatives farther to the right (which Nagel and Wlezien found in Britain) and social democrats farther to the left (which was not the case in Britain). The work also tests how more general measures of polarization impact liberal parties, finding either no impact or an unexpected negative association. Finally, the work concluded with an examination of the role of some liberal parties as players in the postmaterialist arena, and provides a qualitative study of some new parties which are being or which may be classified as liberal.
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Sayers, Anthony Michael. "Liberal party activists in British Columbia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28278.

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The purpose of this thesis is to describe and analyze the nature and role of Liberal Party activists in the political life of British Columbia. As activists are at the central core of political parties, describing these activists is essential for understanding parties and the political process in general. The description and analysis are based on the results of a survey of the 1987 Liberal leadership Convention conducted by several members of the Political Science Department at the University of British Columbia, including the author. The resulting information was collated and analyzed then compared with the accepted wisdom concerning Liberal supporters in British Columbia. This thesis reveals the Liberal Party activists in British Columbia to be quite typical of activists found in other parties in Canada. As a result of the party's centre position in the polarized politics of this province, it does tend to attract activists disenchanted with this style of politics. This results in a heterogeneous collection of beliefs amongst activists. The success of the federal Liberal Party and the importance of many federal issues for Liberal Party sympathizers encourages provincial activists to adopt a federal oriented perspective on politics. This is at odds with the two major parties in British Columbia.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Henry, Colin, and edu au jillj@deakin edu au mikewood@deakin edu au wildol@deakin edu au kimg@deakin. "CASE STUDIES IN HUMAN RIGHTS EDUCATION AND CRITICAL EDUCATIONAL SCIENCE." Deakin University. School of Education, 1995. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20041214.144057.

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This thesis offers an account of the history and effects of three curriculum projects sponsored by the Australian Human Rights Commission between 1983 and 1986. Each project attempted to improve observance of human rights in and through Australian schools through participatory research (or critical educational science). That is, the research included, as a conscious feature, the effort to develop new forms of curriculum work which more adequately respect the personal and professional rights of teachers, especially their entitlement as persons and professionals to participate in planning, conducting and controlling the curriculum development, evaluation and implementation that constitutes their work. In more specific terms, the Australian Human Rights Commission's three curriculum projects represented an attempt to improve the practice and theory of human rights education by engaging teachers in the practical work of evaluating, researching, and developing a human rights curriculum. While the account of the Australian Human Rights Commission curriculum project is substantially an account of teachers1 work, it is a story which ranges well beyond the boundaries of schools and classrooms. It encompasses a history of episodes and events which illustrate how educational initiatives and their fate will often have to set within the broad framework of political, social, and cultural contestation if they are to be understood. More exactly, although the Human Rights Commission's work with schools was instrumental in showing how teachers might contribute to the challenging task of improving human rights education, the project was brought to a premature halt during the debate in the Australian Senate on the Bill of Rights in late 1985 and early 1986. At this point in time, the Government was confronted with such opposition from the Liberal/National Party Coalition that it was obliged to withdraw its Bill of Rights Legislation, close down the original Human Rights Commission, and abandon the attempt to develop a nationwide program in human rights education. The research presents an explanation of why it has been difficult for the Australian Government to live up to its international obligations to improve respect for human rights through education. More positively, however, it shows how human rights education, human rights related areas of education, and social education might be transformed if teachers (and other members of schools communities) were given opportunities to contribute to that task. Such opportunities, moreover, also represent what might be called the practice of democracy in everyday life. They thus exemplify, as well as prefigure, what it might mean to live in a more authentically democratic society.
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Koop, Royce Abraham James. "Multi-level party politics : the Liberal Party from the ground up." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/2796.

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The organizations of national and provincial parties in Canada are understood to be separated from one another. However, it is not known whether this separation extends to the constituency-level organizations of those parties. In order to provide a better understanding of how national and provincial parties are linked at the local level (if at all), this thesis describes and accounts for the local organizations of the national Liberal Party and the provincial Liberal parties in sixteen national constituencies selected from the provinces of British Columbia, Ontario, and New Brunswick. Information from interviews with local party activists and participant observation in the ridings is used to develop a continuum of constituency-level party organizations. Descriptions of the activist bases, constituency associations, and local campaigns in each riding allow for each local organization to be placed along this continuum between integrated local organizations, which share important linkages between the national and provincial levels, and differentiated local organizations, where no such linkages exist. The placement of local organizations along this continuum is accounted for by (1) similarities or differences between the national and provincial party systems in the three provinces studied; (2) the actions of incumbent members of the national Parliament and provincial legislatures; and (3) characteristics of the constituencies. The patterns identified lead to a classification of four types of local organizations – One Political World, Interconnected Political Worlds, Distinctive Political Worlds, and Two Political Worlds – that illuminate the different forms of linkages between national and provincial parties that exist at the constituency level. This examination of the local organizations of the Liberal Party calls into question the academic consensus on the separation of national and provincial parties in Canada. Instead, the Liberal Party is characterized as an unevenly integrated party, where the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary parties are separated from provincial counterparts, but where the national and provincial parties on the ground are oftentimes integrated.
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Cawood, Ian James. "The lost party : Liberal Unionism, 1886-1895." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/8281.

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This thesis seeks to analyse the political philosophy, organisation and historical significance of the Liberal Unionist Party, which was created following the first Home Rule debate of 1886 and the subsequent general election in which Unionists stood against ‘Separatists.’ The Liberal Unionist Party has rarely been taken seriously as an electoral force by political historians, who see the party as a collection of peers, intellectuals and lawyers, who objected to Home Rule from a desire to maintain the supremacy of Parliament and the rule of the law in the face of the burgeoning forces of nationalism, democracy and class-based politics. Given its elitist nature, the party is perceived as having failed to build a strong electoral base among the newly enfranchised workers and to have willingly succumbed to ‘fusion’ with the Conservative Party due to the parties’ fellow-feeling on issues of imperial expansion and the fear of socialism. This thesis offers an alternative interpretation of the Liberal Unionists as a diverse group of liberals, who formed an electoral alliance with the Conservative Party largely from political necessity rather than ideological affinity. Committed to the maintenance of a political culture of strong regional identity, independence of political conscience and concepts of individual liberty, the Party only reluctantly engaged with the centralised machine politics that had begun to emerge after the electoral reforms of the 1870s and 1880s. Due to this, the Party barely escaped an electoral debacle in 1892, but reformed itself and its electioneering tactics and was perhaps the crucial force in the Unionist landslide of August 1895. The thesis also suggests why the Party swiftly declined as an independent force after this triumph and thereby came to be seen by most twentieth-century historians as a mere ‘revolt of the Whigs.’
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Books on the topic "Liberal Party of Australia"

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author, Van Onselen Peter, ed. Battleground: Why the Liberal Party shirtfronted Tony Abbott. Carlton, Victoria: Melbourne University Press, 2015.

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Australia, Liberal Party of. 1990 federal election Liberal candidates biographical details. [Adelaide]: Liberal Party of Australia (S.A. Division), 1990.

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Menzies, Robert Gordon, Sir, 1894-1978., ed. Menzies' child: The Liberal Party of Australia, 1944-1994. St Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 1994.

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Loughnane, Brian. 60 years of achievement for Australia: The Liberal Party of Australia, 1944-2004. Edited by Liberal Party of Australia. Kingston, A.C.T: Liberal Party of Australia, 2006.

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Liberal Party of Australia. S.A. Division, ed. State election Liberal House of Assembly and Legislative Council candidates' biographies. [Adelaide]: Liberal Party of Australia, S.A. Division, 1989.

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J, Costar Brian, ed. For better or for worse: The federal coalition. Carlton, Vic: Melbourne University Press, 1994.

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Fife, Wal. Wal Fife: A country liberal : a politcal [i.e. political] autobiography. Wagga Wagga, N.S.W: WC Fife, 2008.

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FitzHerbert, Margaret. Liberal women: Federation--1949. Annandale, NSW: Federation Press, 2004.

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FitzHerbert, Margaret. Liberal women: Federation--1949. Annandale, NSW: Federation Press, 2004.

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Thompson, Yvonne. Australian liberalism: The continuing vision. Melbourne, Australia: Liberal Forum, 1986.

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Book chapters on the topic "Liberal Party of Australia"

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Jaensch, Dean. "The Liberal Party." In The Politics of Australia, 249–84. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15148-6_10.

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Emy, Hugh V., and Owen E. Hughes. "Liberalism and the Liberal Party." In Australian Politics: Realities in Conflict, 190–224. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15146-2_6.

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Lucy, Richard. "The Liberal Party: The Dries Come of Age." In The Australian Form of Government, 43–65. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-78740-1_3.

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Nakata, Sana, and Daniel Bray. "Political Representation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Youth in Australia." In The Politics of Children’s Rights and Representation, 301–23. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04480-9_13.

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AbstractPolitical representations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and youth reflect the deep ambivalences Australian society continues to hold toward First Nations people. This chapter explores these ambivalences by considering two key representative fields concerning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children in recent years, which serve to illustrate our thesis that children play a constitutive role as temporary outsiders who present both risk and renewal to the demos (Bray & Nakata, The Figure of the Child in Democratic Politics. Contemporary Political Theory, 19, 20. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41296-019-00319-x, 2020). The first focuses on the Northern Territory Don Dale Youth Detention Centre that became the site of political controversy in 2016 for its mistreatment of youth detainees. The second explores a 2020 campaign by the conservative Liberal National Party in a recent Queensland state election to implement a youth curfew in the cities of Townsville and Cairns, that have a high number of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander residents. As evidenced by these debates about youth crime and incarceration, we argue that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are often represented as a source of risk which lies in tension with and forecloses the transformative potential of representing Indigenous children as sources of renewal. These cases reveal the representative terrain in which Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people must resist and speak back to a white national imaginary that works to limit the possible futures that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples imagine for themselves.
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Nester, William R. "Liberal Democratic Party." In The Foundation of Japanese Power, 145–78. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20680-3_8.

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Fielding, Steven. "The Liberal Connection." In The Labour Party, 38–56. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-4044-5_3.

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Searle, G. R. "Introduction." In The Liberal Party, 1–10. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22165-3_1.

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Searle, G. R. "The Rise of the Liberal Party." In The Liberal Party, 11–28. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22165-3_2.

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Searle, G. R. "The Assault on Feudalism, 1886–1905." In The Liberal Party, 29–48. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22165-3_3.

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Searle, G. R. "The ‘Problem of Labour’, 1886–1905." In The Liberal Party, 49–76. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22165-3_4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Liberal Party of Australia"

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Sun, Jian, and Holger Regenbrecht. "Implementing three-party desktop videoconferencing." In the 2007 conference of the computer-human interaction special interest group (CHISIG) of Australia. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/1324892.1324910.

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Жолудов, М. В. "The Liberal Party in the Political System of the Great Britain in the XIXth Century: Forms and Features of Development." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.020.

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В статье рассматриваются особенности развития Либеральной партии Великобритании в XIX в. В своем развитии она преодолела несколько этапов, каждый из которых обнаруживал тесную связь с общеисторическими изменениями в Великобритании. В работе утверждается, что способность правящей элиты страны вовремя перейти к политике либеральных преобразований позволила ей преодолеть серьезный социально-политический кризис и спасти Великобританию от революции. Особое внимание уделено исследованию влияния парламентской реформы 1832 г. на формирование структуры партии. Заслугой либералов было то, что они сумели адаптировать плавным, эволюционно-реформистским путем, не затрагивая самих основ общественного порядка, государственно-правовые институты Великобритании к новым историческим условиям, возникшим в результате промышленного переворота. Используя гибкие компромиссные методы управления и проведения социальной политики в отношениях как с землевладельческой аристократией, так и со средними и низшими слоями британского общества, либералы смогли поддерживать достаточно высокую стабильность общества, сглаживать социальные конфликты, столь частые в других странах Западной Европы XIX в. Автор подчеркивает, что к концу XIX в. британским либералам удалось создать массовую политическую партию современного типа. The article examines the features of the development of the Liberal Party of Great Britain in the XIXth century. In its development, the Liberal Party was going through several stages, each of which revealed a close connection with general historical changes in Great Britain. The paper argues that the ability of the country's ruling elite to switch to a policy of liberal transformations in time allowed it to overcome a serious socio-political crisis and save Great Britain from revolution. Particular attention is paid to the study of the influence of the parliamentary reform of 1832 on the formation of the party structure. The merit of the liberals was that they were able to adapt in a smooth, evolutionary-reformist way, without affecting the very foundations of public order, the state-legal institutions of Great Britain to the new historical conditions that arose as a result of the industrial revolution. Using flexible compromise methods of management and social policy in relations both with the landowning aristocracy and with the middle and lower strata of the British society, the liberals managed to maintain a fairly high stability of society, smooth out social conflicts that are so frequent in other countries of Western Europe of the XIXth century. The author emphasizes that by the end of the XIXth century, the British liberals managed to create a mass political party of the modern type.
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Cao, Cong, Jun Yan, and Mengxiang Li. "The Effects of Consumer Perceived Different Service of Trusted Third Party on Trust Intention: An Empirical Study in Australia." In 2017 IEEE 14th International Conference on e-Business Engineering (ICEBE). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icebe.2017.19.

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McDermott, Vanessa, and Jan Hayes. "‘We’re Still Hitting Things’: The Effectiveness of Third Party Processes for Pipeline Strike Prevention." In 2016 11th International Pipeline Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/ipc2016-64070.

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High-pressure gas pipelines are vulnerable to damage in the course of building or maintaining other infrastructure, such as roads, water pipelines, electricity or telecommunications cabling. Unlike other countries, there has never been a death or serious injury from a high-pressure gas pipeline strike in Australia and yet external interference continues to be the most common cause of pipeline damage despite a range of technical and legislative measures in place. This research project aims to enhance the safety strategies regarding third party pipeline strikes by giving the pipeline sector a greater understanding of the motivations and priorities of those who work around pipeline assets and so how to work with them to achieve better outcomes. Using data gathered from more than 70 in-depth interviews, we explore empirically alternate understandings of risk amongst a range of stakeholders and individuals that are responsible in some way for work near or around high-pressure gas transmission pipelines in Australia. Outside the pipeline sector, much of the work around pipelines is conducted by those at the bottom of long chains of contractors and sub-contractors. We discuss perceptions of risk held by a range of third party actors whose activities have the potential to threaten gas pipeline integrity. We compare these views with gas pipeline industry perceptions of risk, couched in terms of asset management, public safety, legal and insurance obligations, and reputation management. This paper focuses on how financial risk and so also management of the potential for pipeline strikes is shifted down the third party contractor chain. Added to this, incentives for timely project completion can unintentionally lead to situations where the potential for third party contractors to strike pipelines increases. The data shows that third party contractors feel the time and cost impact of design or project changes most immediately. Consequently, strikes or near misses may result as sub-contractors seek to avoid perceived ‘unnecessary’ time delays along with the associated financial impact. We argue that efforts to reduce the potential for pipeline strike need to be targeted at structural changes, rather than simply aimed at worker risk perception and enforcement of safety compliance strategies.
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Firth-Smith, Victoria. "If I can’t dance, I don’t want to be part of your revolution." In 7 Experiences Summit 2023 of the Experience Research Society. Tuwhera Open Access, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/7es.7.

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This paper explores the potential of feminist experience design practice to design for the LGBTQ+ community by focusing on YES! Fest. YES! Fest, a pride festival forged in Canberra, so-called Australia, in response to the Australian postal vote on same-sex marriage in 2017. Australia has a long tradition of pride events, in larger cities, the most well-known is the Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras, which started in 1978 and hosted World Pride in 2023. Yes! Fest was a unique contribution to Australian pride celebrations, as the experience designer of the festival used trauma-informed and feminist practices to party in response to a political cause. This paper explores the ways YES! Fest designed a feminist LGBTQ+ festival for allies in partnership with businesses, government departments and the community.
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Uzra, Mehbuba Tune, and Peter Scrivener. "Designing Post-colonial Domesticity: Positions and Polarities in the Feminine Reception of New Residential Patterns in Modernising East Pakistan and Bangladesh." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4027pcwf6.

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When Paul Rudolph was commissioned to design a new university campus for East Pakistan in the mid-1960s, the project was among the first to introduce the expressionist brutalist lexicon of late-modernism into the changing architectural language of postcolonial South and Southeast Asia. Beyond the formal and tectonic ruptures with established colonial-modern norms that these designs represented, they also introduced equally radical challenges to established patterns of domestic space-use. Principles of open-planning and functional zoning employed by Rudolf in the design of academic staff accommodation, for example, evidently reflected a socially progressive approach – in light of the contemporary civil rights movement back in America – to the accommodation of domestic servants within the household of the modern nuclear family. As subsequent residents would recount, however, these same planning principles could have very different and even opposite implications for the privacy and sense of security of Bangladeshi academics and their families. The paper explores and interprets the post-occupancy experience of living in such novel ‘ultra-modern’ patterns of a new domesticity in postcolonial Bangladesh, and their reception and adaptation into the evolving norms of everyday residential development over the decades since. Specifically, it examines the reception of and responses to these radically new residential patterns by female members of the evolving modern Bengali Muslim middle class who were becoming progressively more liberal in their outlook and lifestyles, whilst retaining consciousness and respect for the abiding significance in their personal and family lives of traditional cultural practices and religious affinities. Drawing from the case material and methods of an on-going PhD study, the paper will offer a contrapuntal analysis of architectural and ethnological evidence of how the modern Bengali woman negotiates, adapts to and calibrates these received architectural patterns of domesticity whilst simultaneously crafting a reembraced cultural concept of femininity, in a fluid dialogical process of refashioning both space and self.
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Didkovskaya, Yana, Dmitriy Onegov, and Dmitriy Trynov. "THE RELATION BETWEEN THE POLITICAL SELF-IDENTIFICATION AND SOCIAL WELLBEING OF POLITICALLY-ACTIVE YOUTH IN RUSSIA." In NORDSCI International Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2019/b2/v2/36.

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this paper, we present the analysis of the relation between the political self-identification and social wellbeing of politically active youth in Russia. The method we used to study political self-identification included the identification of respondents' political views in the specter of ideologies representing the most established ideological and political trends in the public consciousness. We measured social well-being using a scale from 1 to 5 points to assess subjective satisfaction with the situation in the country in various fields. Although we measured the level of young people security: how do they assess their future - as confident or not? The political activity of Russian youth exists in two forms: "support" and "opposition"- whether they support the authorities or oppose them. Based on this principle, we surveyed two groups of respondents. The first group includes participants of youth organizations actively cooperating with authorities, as well as participants of regional Youth Parliaments, Youth Governments, Youth Public Chambers (active supporters, N=300). The second group includes those young people, which represent the modern youth protest, first of all, volunteers of the Progress Party and the Libertarian Party (active oppositionists, N=300). The study revealed that among active supporters, there are a lot of those who are not following any political ideology (40%) or cannot identify their political and ideological views (17%). Respondents with such position are quite a few among active oppositionists. The significant proportion of active oppositionists share liberal or libertarian views (51%). In both groups, radical views are not popular - almost no one identifies himself with the Communist or Nationalist ideology. We found that several wellbeing indicators have significantly different values in both groups. In particular, young supporters of the authorities are more secure: almost 80% of respondents feel security in one way or another, and only 16% are not secure, while among oppositionists, only 15% fell secure, and more than 80% of oppositionist respondents not feel security. The results of the survey showed that low levels of satisfaction, in general, characterize the social wellbeing of politically active youth. Politically active youth is most critical in the economic sphere of society. If we compare the social wellbeing of the two groups of politically active youth (supporting and opposing authorities), the indicators of satisfaction with the situation in the political, economic, social and cultural spheres of society among active oppositionists are significantly lower than those of supporters. We concluded that there is a relation between the social wellbeing of young people and their self-identification in politics: young people who identify themselves with liberal political views (close to the ideology of liberalism) express pessimistic social sentiment and sharply critical assessment of social wellbeing. Young people with uncertain or "blurred" political orientation, show more optimistic mood and satisfaction with the current situation.
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Mihály, Kristóf. "The Transition from a Feudal Society to a Social Structure based upon Civil Rights in Hungary with Particular Regard to Preparatory Draft Law." In Mezinárodní konference doktorských studentů oboru právní historie a římského práva. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0156-2022-8.

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In this study, I review the immediate antecedents of the civil transition as the most profound development. The codification attempts of the Enlightenment of the 1790s and the liberalism of the 1830s and 1840s are the focal points of my doctoral research. In order to drafting bills to reform the feudal state based on customary law and privileges without changing the basic public law framework, nine so-called national regular committees were set forth by Article 67 of Act 1791. The committees completed their work and sent their drafts, known as so-called operatives, to the king between 1792 and 1795. After all, the completed operatives were not put on the agenda of Parliament due to changes in the domestic and foreign policy status quo. They only emerged from the archives of the Chancellery thanks to the committees set up by Article 8 of Act 1827. These committees were responsible for reviewing the “forgotten” operatives, which were finally printed and sent to the counties for comments. The Hungarian liberal noble opposition was organised first as a movement and then as a party during these county debates (1831–1832) in order to replace the feudal system by manifesting the basic principles of the civil transition in the so-called laws of April (representation of the people, the right to private property, equality of rights, burden sharing, etc.)
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Reports on the topic "Liberal Party of Australia"

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Tyson, Paul. Australia: Pioneering the New Post-Political Normal in the Bio-Security State. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp10en.

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This paper argues that liberal democratic politics in Australia is in a life-threatening crisis. Australia is on the verge of slipping into a techno-feudal (post-capitalist) and post-political (new Centrist) state of perpetual emergency. Citizens in Australia, be they of the Left or Right, must make an urgent attempt to wrest power from an increasingly non-political Centrism. Within this Centrism, government is deeply captured by the international corporate interests of Big Tech, Big Natural Resources, Big Media, and Big Pharma, as beholden to the economic necessities of the neoliberal world order (Big Finance). Australia now illustrates what the post-political ‘new normal’ of a high-tech enabled bio-security state actually looks like. It may even be that the liberal democratic state is now little more than a legal fiction in Australia. This did not happen over-night, but Australia has been sliding in this direction for the past three decades. The paper outlines that slide and shows how the final bump down (covid) has now positioned Australia as a world leader among post-political bio-security states.
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Bulent, Kenes. The Sweden Democrats: Killer of Swedish Exceptionalism. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), August 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0001.

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Like all liberal democracies, Sweden also faces challenges associated with globalization, international migration, and growing inequality. Despite its reputation as a moral superpower, Sweden is not immune to racism, nationalism, xenophobia, Islamophobia, and anti-immigrant sentiment. Sweden Democrats (SD), which originated from an extreme right-wing milieu, represents populist radical-right in Sweden. Since the party had its roots in Swedish fascism and white nationalism, the SD has failed to present a respectable façade so far.
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Spasojević, Dušan. Balancing on a pin: Serbian populists, the European Union and Russia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0028.

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This report investigates the consequences of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on the Serbian party system. The Serbian case has two unique characteristics. The first is the final status of Kosovo, which Serbia has traditionally relied on Russian support over (as a member of the UN Security Council). However, Ukraine has also respected the territorial integrity of Serbia and did not recognize Kosovo. The second characteristic is Serbia’s ruling party, the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS). Unlike many other Eastern European populist parties, the SNS is formally pro-European Union. Since the beginning of the war, the ruling parties have been under international pressure to join sanctions against Russia; on the other side, the opposition splits between right-wing supporters of Russia and left-wing and liberal parties with weak support for international sanctions. This report aims to analyse the potential change in the ideological positions of Serbian parties — especially the populist ones — due to the significant changes in the international landscape occasioned by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
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Heinisch, Reinhard, and Diana Hofmann. The Case of the Austrian Radical Right and Russia During the War in Ukraine. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp001311.

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The right-wing, populist Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) has viewed Putin’s Russia as an effective constraint on what the Radical Right regards as a liberal cultural and economic agenda pursued by the European Union and the United States. The FPÖ remained a supporter of Kremlin policies, even after Moscow’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, and even signed a cooperation agreement with Putin’s United Russia party in 2016. Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the FPÖ has been careful not to be seen defending Moscow’s aggression. Instead, it has resorted to populist framing that casts the Austrian people as victims of national and Western political elites. Concretely, the party leadership claims that the country’s policies toward Russia are counterproductive and have been decided without the consent of the people. This approach is an extension of the FPÖ’s traditional Euroscepticism and anti-establishment positioning. It also appeals to Austrians’ longstanding preference for neutrality. According to polling data, the FPÖ is well positioned to outperform all other parties in the current issue environment.
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McConnell, Allan. Australia: How Has Technical and Expert Policy Advice Been Used for Rapid Response Decision-Making? Australia and New Zealand School of Government, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54810/xaag2908.

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This paper was commissioned in 2020 for ANZSOG and China’s Central Party School’s joint dialogue: Public administration reflections on the COVID-19 response in China, Aotearoa-New Zealand and Australia. It looks at the role of experts and expertise in shaping the initial Australian response to COVID-19 in 2020 and the role of evidence-based policy in dealing with crises.
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Allen, Barbara. How Effective Have Localised and Targeted Community Actions and Targeted Messaging About Policy Decisions Been? Australia and New Zealand School of Government, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54810/ahcd6656.

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This paper was commissioned in 2020 for ANZSOG and China’s Central Party School’s joint dialogue: Public administration reflections on the COVID-19 response in China, Aotearoa-New Zealand and Australia. It looks at a number of aspects of the Aotearoa New Zealand response to COVID-19 and their effectiveness.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Nicholas Morieson. Nationalism, Religion, and Archaeology: The Civilizational Populism of Benjamin Netanyahu and Likud. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0015.

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This paper examines civilizational populism in Israel and focuses on the largest and most powerful party in Israel since the 1980s, National Liberal Movement (Likud), and its most significant leader of the past twenty years, the populist politician Benjamin Netanyahu. We show how Netanyahu incorporates ‘civilizationism’ into his populist discourses by, first, using the notion that Jewish civilization predates all others in the region to establish the legitimacy of the state of Israel, the hegemony of Jewish culture within Israel, and at times his own political decisions. Second, through his portrayal of the Arab-Muslim world as an antisemitic and barbaric bloc that, far from being a civilization, threatens Western civilization through its barbarism. Equally, this paper shows how Netanyahu argues that Israel is akin to protective wall that protects Western Civilization from the Islamist barbarians who wish to destroy it, and therefore on this basis calls for Europeans and North Americans to support Israel in its battle for civilization and against “the forces of barbarism.”
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Raja M. Ali Saleem. https://www.populismstudies.org/hindutva-civilizational-populist-bjps-enforcement-of-digital-authoritarianism-in-india/. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0017.

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The largest democracy in the world is now moving towards authoritarianism under the Hindutva civilizational populist prime minister Narendra Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s rule. This article focuses on digital rights in India that have seen a sharp decline in recent years. It explores the transformation of the internet and social media, from a relatively open and liberal space to a restricted one. This survey of India’s digital landscape finds that the rise of civilizational populist Modi and his eight years long rule have led to an upsurge in digital surveillance and control and has fostered an environment of online harassment and bullying for those who are critical of the BJP’s views and politics. The article uses a four-level framework (Full Network, Sub-Network, Proxies, and Network Nodes) to explore digital authoritarianism by the BJP government. At each of these levels, the Hindutva populist government has closed avenues of open discussion and exchange of views by enforcing new rules and regulations.
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Prysyazhna-Gapchenko, Julia. Еміграційні видання для селян: між фаховістю і політикою. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2023.52-53.11720.

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In the article rare editions of magazine type are first probed for peasants which nursed in an environment the Ukrainian emigrants in the first post-war years on territory of the American area of occupation in Germany, and also in the USA. Separately paid regard to mision role of magazines in the association of the nebulized peasants round a desire to apply the obtained previous experience and knowledge on strange land, to present the world the Ukrainian peasantry as labour productive force and also round the idea of fight for independence, joining in with political activity of «old» parties and organizations which actively functioned in the environment of the Ukrainian emigrants. Outlined problem of magazines for peasants, and also sil’vetki of separate authors. In the repertoire of the Ukrainian emigrant press professional editions for peasants occupy an insignificant percent. But their appearance and functioning testify to the desire of certain part of wanderers – natives from villages, which got the special trade education, and also conscious group of peasants which tested tortures and humiliations as a result of violent collectivization, to unite the efforts for future effective economic labour in Ukraine, as emigration was at that time examined in their environment as the temporal phenomenon. De autre part, the creators of this periodicals did not hide the purpose of distribution of the purchased knowledges and experience in the countries of migration. Publishers at mediation of magazines formed soil for creation of political party, which would unite the unions of the Ukrainian peasants-emigrants (farmers), which got organized in camps for the moved persons. Soon, in 1948, party of liberal direction – Union of earths of cathedral Ukraine is was created in Ashaffenburzi (Germany) and on convention in New Wales (in 1950) renamed on Peasant party. Greater part of problem of magazines «the Ukrainian owner», «Ukrainian peasant», «Rural owner», was inferior preparation to realization of this emigrant project. A separate place belongs to the magazine «the Ukrainian manager», the release of which, without regard to influences of mel’nikivskogo wing OUN, managed from the first to the last number to dissociate oneself from a policy, save popular scientific status agrarian-economic direction. Even publications the main theme of number is violated in which, for example, criticism of a collective farm system the USSR or analysis of economic problems of socialism, scientific arguments is marked and by the unprejudice of author. Functioning in the environment of emigration of «rural» periodicals is dictated a desire to combine effort peasants for a maintenance and increase of professional level, to send them in the river-bed of fight for liberation from under the burden of persecutors of the Ukrainian village.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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