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1

A Howard government?: Inside the coalition. Pymble, NSW, Australia: HarperCollins Publishers, 1995.

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2

Dutton, David. Liberals in schism: A history of the National Liberal Party. London: Tauris Academic Studies, 2008.

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3

Indian national movement and the liberals. Allahabad, India: Chugh Publications, 1986.

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4

Party, Liberal-Conservative. Programme du Parti national libéral-conservateur. [Canada?: s.n., 1996.

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5

Searle, G. R. Country before party: Coalition and the idea of "national government" in modern Britain, 1885-1987. London: Longman, 1995.

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6

The new politics: Liberal conservatism or same old Tories? Bristol, UK: Policy Press, 2011.

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7

Hancock, Ian. National and permanent?: The federal organisation of the Liberal Party of Australia 1944-1965. Carlton, Vic: Melbourne University Press, 2000.

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8

Grassroots Liberals: Organizing for local and national politics. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011.

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9

Margarita, Sayo, ed. The dilemma of Philippine campaign politics: Alternative campaign strategies in the 2004 national elections. [Manila?]: Liberal Philippines, 2005.

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10

Laurier, Wilfrid. Discours de Sir Wilfrid Laurier, premier ministre du Canada, au Monument national, Montréa[l], le 10 octobre 1910. Québec: Presses de la Compagnie-Vigie, 1995.

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11

22 days in May: The birth of the Lib Dem-Conservative coalition. London: Biteback, 2010.

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12

Lomer, Gouin. Politique provinciale: Discours-programme prononcé par l'honorable M. Lomer Gouin, premier ministre, au Monument national à Montréal, à l'ouverture de la campagne électorale, le 19 mai 1908. [Québec (Province)?: s.n., 1995.

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13

Vascik, George Stephen. Rural politics and sugar in Germany: A comparative study of the National Liberal Party in Hannover and Prussian Saxony, 1871-1914 : volumes I and II. Ann Arbor: UMI, 1990.

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14

René, Castonguay. Rodolphe Lemieux et le Parti libéral, 1866-1937: Le chevalier du roi. [Sainte-Foy, Québec]: Presses de l'Université Laval, 2000.

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15

J, Costar Brian, ed. For better or for worse: The federal coalition. Carlton, Vic: Melbourne University Press, 1994.

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16

Coalition: The Inside Story of the Conservative-Liberal Democrat Coalition Government. London: Biteback Publishing, 2016.

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17

Coalition Diaries: 2012-2015. London: Biteback Publishing, 2017.

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18

Kretschmer, Kelsy, and Jane Mansbridge. The Equal Rights Amendment Campaign and Its Opponents. Edited by Holly J. McCammon, Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.013.3.

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This chapter traces the history of the proposed Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) and its relationship to the women’s movement. The ERA has both mobilized and divided the American feminist movement from its inception in the 1920s, backed by the National Woman’s Party, through its defeat in the 1980s. A broad coalition of feminist groups fought for the ERA, yet also were divided on issues of race, class, and political ideology. Some radical feminists, socialist feminists, women of color, and working-class women publicly questioned what impact the ERA would have on women’s everyday lives, suspected its formal equality, and criticized the National Organization for Women and liberal feminists for allocating significant resources to a seemingly single-minded pursuit of the ERA. The conservative countermovement finally blocked the amendment’s ratification. The ERA today faces a revival, prompted by a legally innovative “three-state strategy.”
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19

The Conservative-Liberal Coalition: Examining the Cameron-Clegg Government. imusti, 2015.

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20

The Conservative-Liberal Coalition: Examining the Cameron-Clegg Government. Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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21

Dutton, David. Liberals in Schism: A History of the National Liberal Party. I. B. Tauris & Company, Limited, 2013.

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22

Liberals in Schism: A History of the National Liberal Party. I. B. Tauris, 2008.

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23

Gallagher, Julie A. On the Shirley Chisholm Trail in the 1960s and 1970s. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036965.003.0006.

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This chapter examines Shirley Chisholm's political career as part of this longer history of African American women in New York City politics. The first black woman elected to the U.S. Congress, Chisholm contributed to the breaking down of barriers that kept black women from powerful positions within the federal government. She was a vocal advocate for an activist government to redress economic, social, and political injustices, and she frequently used her national prominence to bring attention to racial, sexual, and class-based inequality. At the same time, she collided into well-established and powerful forces that made it hard to effect change, and she arrived in Congress at the moment when the New Deal coalition began to fall apart. Although her impact as a liberal Democrat would be blunted by the larger political forces surrounding her, Chisholm's influence on the predominantly white women's movement was substantial.
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24

Fieldhouse, Edward, Jane Green, Geoffrey Evans, Jonathan Mellon, Christopher Prosser, Hermann Schmitt, and Cees van der Eijk. Electoral Shocks. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198800583.001.0001.

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This book offers a novel perspective on British elections, focusing on the importance of increasing electoral volatility in British elections, and the role of electoral shocks in the context of increasing volatility. It demonstrates how shocks have contributed to the level of electoral volatility, and also which parties have benefited from the ensuing volatility. It follows in the tradition of British Election Study books, providing a comprehensive account of specific election outcomes—the General Elections of 2015 and 2017—and a more general approach to understanding electoral change.We examine five electoral shocks that affected the elections of 2015 and 2017: the rise in EU immigration after 2004, particularly from Eastern Europe; the Global Financial Crisis prior to 2010; the coalition government of the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats between 2010 and 2015; the Scottish Independence Referendum in 2014; and the European Union Referendum in 2016.Our focus on electoral shocks offers an overarching explanation for the volatility in British elections, alongside the long-term trends that have led us to this point. It offers a way to understand the rise and fall of the UK Independence Party (UKIP), Labour’s disappointing 2015 performance and its later unexpected gains, the collapse in support for the Liberal Democrats, the dramatic gains of the Scottish National Party (SNP) in 2015, and the continuing period of tumultuous politics that has followed the EU Referendum and the General Election of 2017. It provides a new way of understanding electoral choice in Britain, and beyond, and a better understanding of the outcomes of recent elections.
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25

D'Ancona, Matthew. In it together: The inside story of the coalition government. 2013.

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26

Policy of the national party (synopsis) adopted at Ottawa, July 1st, 1920. [Canada: s.n., 1996.

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27

Sir Wilfrid Laurier and the Liberal party: A political history. Toronto: G.N. Morang, 1995.

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28

Grassroots Liberals: Organizing for Local and National Politics. University of British Columbia Press, 2012.

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29

The Dilemma of power sharing: 15 leaders of the Israel Labor Party talk about the National Unity Government. Jerusalem, Israel: Semana Pub. Co., 1985.

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30

A Canadian party: The platform of the Liberals of Canada : declaration of principles : tariff reformation looking to free trade and honest government, the vital features of a splendid platform. [S.l: s.n., 1985.

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31

The tariff issue in Canada: The attitude of the two parties regarding it : extracts from speeches, resolutions and the party press, showing clearly what each party stands for with respect to customs duties. [Ottawa?: s.n., 1995.

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32

National unity and the Liberal Party: An address delivered by Mr. Andrew Haydon, of Ottawa, before the Montreal Reform Club, Saturday, October 11, 1919. [Montréal?: s.n., 1995.

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33

5 Days to Power. Biteback Publishing, 2010.

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34

The Lib-Lab Pact: A Parliamentary Agreement, 1977-78. Palgrave Macmillan, 2016.

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35

Facts for the people, consider them well: Mr. Mercier judged by his record, no longer a Liberal party, the national party with the Regina cry-reigns supreme, ... [S.l: s.n., 1986.

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36

Bergman, Torbjörn, Hanna Back, and Johan Hellström, eds. Coalition Governance in Western Europe. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868484.001.0001.

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Coalition government is the most frequent form of government in Western Europe, but there is relatively little systematic knowledge about how this form of government has developed in recent decades. This volume analyses governments that have formed in the Western European countries since the Second World War and covers the full life cycle of coalition governments from the formation of party alliances before elections to coalition formation after elections, governing and policy-making when parties work together in office, and the stages that eventually lead to governments terminating. Since the early 1990s, many coalition governments form in a context of increased fragmentation of party systems, increased polarization, and the rise of populist parties. The volume captures these changes and examines their implications for the different stages of the coalition life cycle. A particular emphasis of the volume is on the study of how coalitions govern together even when they have different agendas. Do individual ministers decide, or the prime minister, or are the policy outputs of a government a result of a process of coalition compromise? Focusing on the coalition governance stage, we analyse the variation in the use of various control mechanisms across countries, for example showing that many coalition governments draft extensive contracts to control their partners in cabinet. The volume covers 16 West European countries and introduces the case of Croatia. Systematic cross-national data is available in an online appendix.
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37

Patterson, Robert. Reckless Disregard: How Liberal Democrats Undercut Our Military, Endanger Our Soldiers, and Jeopardize our Security. Regnery Publishing, Inc., 2005.

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38

Reckless Disregard: How Liberal Democrats Undercut Our Military, Endanger Our Soldiers, and Jeopardize Our Security. Regnery Publishing, Inc., 2004.

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39

Man for All Seasons: Monroe Sweetland and the Liberal Paradox. Oregon State University Press, 2015.

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40

Ogorzalek, Thomas K. “A Proper National Policy”. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190668877.003.0003.

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This chapter chronicles the formative moments of the national urban alliance in American politics: when city leaders created the U.S. Conference of Mayors and petitioned Congress to develop a national urban policy in response to the massive crisis of the Great Depression. These leaders’ lobbying efforts led to a new kind of politics in which cities saw each other not only as rivals but as allies. This coalition lobbied for new urban policies—intergovernmental aid, relief work, affordable housing, and infrastructure development—that have remained the core of national urban policy and were ultimately institutionalized with the creation of the Department of Housing and Urban Development in 1965. Though the city leaders who created the USCM were from both parties, by the end of the 1940s, differences between the parties’ coalitions and elites meant that the urban political order had found a more comfortable home in the Democratic Party.
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41

The winter port, the great achievement of the people of St. John: A brief sketch of the forty years agitation which secured the recognition of St. John as the principal winter port of Canada : St. John ignored by the Conservative Party for a quarter of a century is recognized as a national port by the Liberal government and made the point of departure for all government aided steamship lines. [Saint John, N.B.?: s.n., 1996.

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42

Weeks, Liam. Independents in Irish party democracy. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719099601.001.0001.

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While in almost all competitive political systems parties are omnipotent at elections, in Ireland independents (non-party MPs) remain significant players. At the Irish general election in 2016, independents won 23 of the 157 contested seats, proportionally the highest level of elected independent representation in the national parliament of any established democracy since 1950, and more than the combined total in all other industrial democracies. Not only have independents in Ireland persisted, but they have also had a significant political impact. Regularly holding the balance of power as kingmakers in hung parliaments where no party or coalition has an overall majority, independents have been able to use this position to extract policy influence. The purpose of the book is to examine and explain this persistence of the independent phenomenon in a stable party democracy. With Ireland as the primary case, but also using comparative data, it assesses how and why independents can endure in a democracy that is one of the oldest surviving in Europe and has historically had one of the most stable party systems. The central premise is that it is due to the permissiveness of the Irish political system, in terms of a conducive political culture and institutions, electoral record and key relevance, which all combine to facilitate independents’ emergence.
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43

Green-Pedersen, Christoffer. The Reshaping of West European Party Politics. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842897.001.0001.

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Long gone are the times when class-based political parties with extensive membership dominated politics. Instead, party politics has become issue-based. Surprisingly few studies have focused on how the issue content of West European party politics has developed over the past decades. Empirically, this books studies party politics in Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the UK from 1980 and onwards. The book highlights the more complex party system agenda with the decline, but not disappearance, of macroeconomic issues as well as the rise in ‘new politics’ issues together with education and health care. Moreover, various ‘new politics’ issues such as immigration, the environment, and European integration have seen very different trajectories. To explain the development of the individual issues, the book develops a new theoretical model labelled the ‘issue incentive model’ of party system attention. The aim of the model is to explain how much attention issues get throughout the party system, which is labelled ‘the party system agenda’. To explain the development of the party system agenda, one needs to focus on the incentives that individual policy issues offer to large, mainstream parties, i.e. the typical Social Democratic, Christian Democratic, or Conservative/Liberal parties that have dominated West European governments for decades. The core idea of the model is that the incentives that individual policy issues offer to these vote- and office-seeking parties depend on three factors, namely issue characteristics, issue ownership, and coalition considerations. The issue incentive model builds on and develops a top-down perspective on which the issue content of party politics is determined by the strategic considerations of political parties and their competition with each other.
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44

National Liberal Federation of Canada., ed. Timber administration: Liberals sold timber by public tender to the highest bidder up to December, 1907 : now it is reserved at an upset price and sold by public auction ... Ottawa: Mortimer Press, 1995.

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45

Drutman, Lee. Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190913854.001.0001.

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This book argues that the United States now has, for the first time in American history, a genuine two-party system, with two fully-sorted, truly national parties, divided over the character of the nation. And it is a disaster. It is a party system fundamentally at odds with our anti-majoritarian, compromise-oriented governing institutions. It threatens the very foundations of fairness and shared values on which democracy in the United States depends. The book tells the story of how American politics became so toxic and why the country is now trapped in a doom loop of escalating two-party warfare from which there is only one escape: increase the number of parties through electoral reform. As it shows, American politics was once stable because the two parties held within them multiple factions, which made it possible to assemble flexible majorities and kept the climate of political combat from overheating. But as conservative Southern Democrats and liberal Northeastern Republicans disappeared, partisan conflict flattened and pulled apart. Once the parties became fully nationalized—a long-germinating process that culminated in 2010—toxic partisanship took over completely. With the two parties divided over competing visions of national identity, Democrats and Republicans no longer see each other as opponents, but as enemies. And the more the conflict escalates, the shakier America’s democracy feels.
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46

Hood, Christopher, and Rozana Himaz. After the 2008 Financial Crash. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198779612.003.0010.

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This chapter describes the long 2010–15 fiscal squeeze under the first Conservative–Liberal coalition since the early 1920s, in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis and with debt and deficit at levels not seen for four decades or more. It included sharp political debate over timing, depth, and tax/spending balance of fiscal squeeze, with most of the coalition squeeze based on its Labour predecessor’s plans, and the deficit reduction outcome roughly the same as those Labour plans, principally because of shortfall on the revenue side. This episode was marked by a repeat of ‘bear trap’ tactics by the incumbents, and the post-squeeze 2015 election rewarded one party in the coalition, while the other party was heavily punished and so was the Labour Opposition. How far the victory of ‘Vote Leave’ (Brexit) in the 2016 referendum on UK membership of the EU can be attributed to fiscal squeeze is debatable.
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47

Hunter, Tera W. The Forgotten Legacy of Shirley Chisholm. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036606.003.0006.

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This chapter sets up the basic dilemma of the Democratic primary contest: how would the competition between an African American man and a white woman affect the liberal coalition of African Americans, white liberals, feminists, and organized labor in place since the 1970s? It decries the deterioration of the Democratic race into a debate over which group, African Americans or women, was more aggrieved and reminds us of the historical consequences of division. Recounting key events from the Civil War era, the chapter argues that the Democratic Party would do better to recall instead the legacy of Shirley Chisholm, who in 1972 ran a principled campaign for president on a platform of antiracist, antisexist, pro-labor, and pro-peace policies.
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48

Charnock, Emily J. The Rise of Political Action Committees. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075514.001.0001.

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This book explores the origins of political action committees (PACs) in the mid-twentieth century and their impact on the American party system. It argues that PACs were envisaged, from the outset, as tools for effecting ideological change in the two main parties, thus helping to foster the partisan polarization we see today. It shows how the very first PAC, created by the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in 1943, explicitly set out to liberalize the Democratic Party by channeling campaign resources to liberal Democrats while trying to defeat conservative Southern Democrats. This organizational model and strategy of “dynamic partisanship” subsequently diffused through the interest group world—imitated first by other labor and liberal allies in the 1940s and 1950s, then adopted and inverted by business and conservative groups in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Previously committed to the “conservative coalition” of Southern Democrats and northern Republicans, the latter groups came to embrace a more partisan approach and created new PACs to help refashion the Republican Party into a conservative counterweight. The book locates this PAC mobilization in the larger story of interest group electioneering, which went from a rare and highly controversial practice at the beginning of the twentieth century to a ubiquitous phenomenon today. It also offers a fuller picture of PACs as not only financial vehicles but electoral innovators that pioneered strategies and tactics that have come to pervade modern US campaigns and helped transform the American party system.
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49

Hood, Christopher, and Rozana Himaz. The 1930s Squeeze. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198779612.003.0004.

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This chapter describes fiscal squeeze in the early 1930s against the backdrop of global financial crisis and the Great Depression—fiscal squeeze less severe on financial outcomes data than the 1920s but with more dramatic political consequences. This episode comprises a hard revenue squeeze initiated by the UK’s second Labour Government in 1930 and an expert committee (the May Committee) to recommend spending cuts, followed after the collapse of that government by a hard expenditure squeeze under a ‘National’ Government. This episode includes constitutional crisis (with the formation of an emergency coalition government without an election to pursue fiscal squeeze), a naval mutiny sparked by pay cuts that forced the currency off the gold standard, a split in the Labour Party which reverberated for decades, and the greatest electoral victory in modern British history for a coalition government that had just enacted significant spending cuts, including reductions in unemployment benefit.
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50

Franceschet, Susan. Informal Institutions and Women’s Political Representation in Chile (1990–2015). Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190851224.003.0008.

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Despite electing a female president, Michelle Bachelet, and at one point achieving gender parity in cabinet appointments, women’s presence in Chile’s national congress remains small, is only slightly higher at local levels, and is extremely limited among party and coalition leaders. In her gendered analysis of representation, Susan Franceschet argues this is because of the strong formal and informal institutions that limit the size of electoral districts, require large thresholds to win seats, and require coalition negotiation over candidates for elected office. Even though women have a mixed record of representation, their presence has had important policy consequences. A gender-focused presidency has been critical for passage of gender-attentive policies. Women in Chile’s legislative arenas have been more likely to bring gender issues to the agenda. Franceschet points out that Sernam, the women’s ministry, has played a critically important role in this. The electoral reforms approved by congress in 2015 include a gender quota, creating expectations that improvements will continue.
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