Academic literature on the topic 'Liberal/National Party Coalition'
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Journal articles on the topic "Liberal/National Party Coalition"
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HIROSE, JUNKO. "The Legislative Record: The Japan National Diet in 2004." Japanese Journal of Political Science 5, no. 2 (November 2004): 327–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109904001550.
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The general election in November 2003 and the Upper House election in July 2004 indicate that the Japanese politics is going from a one party dominant toward a two major party system. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) narrowly keeps a majority in both Houses by merging the New Conservative Party and by forming a coalition with New Komeito.
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Kurakina-Damir, Aleksandra. "Elections in Madrid in the National Context of Spain." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 22, no. 4 (August 31, 2021): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran420215562.
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The article examines the elections in the Autonomous Community of Madrid, held on May 4, 2021. The purpose of the work is to determine how the regional election campaign influenced the balance of power at the national level. In the process of research, the author comes to the conclusion that the main task of the head of the autonomy was the absorption of the liberal party - the main competitor in his own ideological bloc. The task was brilliantly completed, which was reflected in national electoral polls – the opposition Conservative Party bypassed the Spanish Socialist Workers Party, which leads the coalition government. The future of the once highly popular Liberal Party is now very hazy. The failure of the left-populist Unidas Podemos forced its founder, who had recently held the post of vice-chairman of the government, to leave politics. Its further place in national politics will depend on the new leader. Such a significant regrouping of forces may entail even greater political turbulence in the country and ultimately lead to a change in the ruling party.
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Craig, Lyn, Killian Mullan, and Megan Blaxland. "Parenthood, policy and work-family time in Australia 1992—2006." Work, Employment and Society 24, no. 1 (March 2010): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017009353778.
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This article explores how having children impacted upon (a) paid work, domestic work and childcare (total workload) and (b) the gender division of labour in Australia over a 15-year period during which government changed from the progressive Labor Party to the socially conservative National/Liberal Party Coalition. It describes changes and continuity in government policies and rhetoric about work, family and gender issues and trends in workforce participation. Data from three successive nationally representative Time Use Surveys (1992, 1997 and 2006), N=3846, are analysed. The difference between parents’ and non-parents’ total workload grew substantially under both governments, especially for women. In households with children there was a nascent trend to gender convergence in paid and unpaid work under Labor, which reversed under the Coalition.
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Stegman, Trevor. "“Jobsback” and the Future of Wages Policy." Economic and Labour Relations Review 4, no. 1 (June 1993): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530469300400103.
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The implications of the Liberal-National Party Coalition's policy with regard to wage determination in Australia are assessed in relation to appropriate goals for wages policy. Although the current Accord-based system has shifted its focus over the last decade, from generally applied wage determination principles aimed at inflation control to an enterprise based system aimed at productivity enhancement, the Coalition's policy should not be seen as merely an extension of the current system. This is because, in pursuit of faster productivity gains, the Coalition policy aims at the permanent exclusion from the wage determination process of the two institutional elements which provide the scope for an anti-inflation incomes policy in Australia — the Industrial Relations Commission and the Australian Council of Trade Unions.
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Mickel, John, and John Wanna. "The Longman by-election of 2018: An ordinary result with extraordinary consequences." Queensland Review 27, no. 1 (June 2020): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qre.2020.6.
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AbstractThis article sets out to explain how the relatively unremarkable 2018 by-election result in which a sitting Labor candidate held her seat with a mediocre swing towards her resulted in the panicked removal of Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull from office and his immediate resignation from the parliament. The combined Queensland state Coalition party, the Liberal National Party, convinced itself that it could win the marginal outer-metropolitan seat of Longman in Queensland but when its expectations were dashed, it became spooked and set in train a chain of events that ousted Turnbull and installed Scott Morrison as prime minister. Turnbull was widely seen by the Coalition party room as having run a lack-lustre campaign in the 2016 federal election, and not having performed well in the 2018 by-election campaigns. Perhaps unwisely, Turnbull made the Longman by-election a direct leadership contest between himself and opposition leader Bill Shorten. However, Labor’s tactics in the by-election ‘outmanned, outspent and out-campaigned’ the Coalition’s faltering campaign in the seat, causing the relatively unremarkable outcome in Longman to become a catalyst for a challenge to Turnbull’s leadership. When parliament reconvened, Peter Dutton became the ‘stalking horse’ who resulted in the rise of Scott Morrison to the top office.
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van Fossen, Anthony. "One Nation and Privatisation: Populist Ethnic Nationalism, Class and International Political Economy." Queensland Review 5, no. 2 (December 1998): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600001045.
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AbstractThe rise of ethnic nationalism (as expressed by the political ascent of Pauline Hanson and her One Nation Party) has created divisions within the Right of Australian politics and impediments to a privatisation program which had been proceeding under the aegis of the Labor Party and the Liberal-National Party Coalition over the last fifteen years. This paper focuses on how Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party has opposed privatisation of government assets on the basis that privatisation offers opportunities for subversive foreign capital to weaken national solidarity, which is conceived in ethnic and racial terms. The One Nation Party, this new anti-privatisation movement, is interpreted on two levels: 1as one of a growing number of ethnic nationalist movements across the globe which are recurrent outcomes of hegemonic decline and increasing multipolarity in the world-system (e.g., the current situation of declining American hegemony being similar to the crisis of British hegemony in the interwar period of the early twentieth century)2as the outcome of neo-liberal policies (including privatisation) which have failed to produce full employment or to arrest the decline of the petite bourgeoisie, which forms the primary basis of the support for Hanson and her One Nation party.
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Pijovic, Nikola. "The Liberal National Coalition, Australian Labor Party and Africa: two decades of partisanship in Australia’s foreign policy." Australian Journal of International Affairs 70, no. 5 (May 18, 2016): 541–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2016.1167835.
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Kalaycıoğlu, Ersin. "The Shaping of Party Preferences in Turkey: Coping with the Post-Cold War Era." New Perspectives on Turkey 20 (1999): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003137.
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An overview of general elections and the party system from the beginning of multi-party politics in Turkey would indicate a proclivity towards an increasing number of major parties coupled with fragmentation of the party system. The predominant party system of the 1950s favored stability over representativeness (see Table 1). The 1961 Constitution established new electoral rules and a liberal political regime, which provided for more opportunity for representativeness. The 1965 and 1969 elections produced party governments, with a proportional representation formula that wasted almost no votes; even those parties with the smallest number of followers won some seats in the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) (see Table 1). For a while in the 1960s Turkey therefore appeared to have discovered the optimal ground of converging stable governments with consummate representativeness. The party governments of the 1960s, however, gave way to the unstable coalition governments of the 1970s, which coincided with a wave of terror and political instability. Coalition governments came to be equated with political instability and terror in the minds of not only the masses, but also the most powerful political forces in the country.
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Liff, Adam P., and Ko Maeda. "Electoral incentives, policy compromise, and coalition durability: Japan's LDP–Komeito Government in a mixed electoral system." Japanese Journal of Political Science 20, no. 1 (December 5, 2018): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109918000415.
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AbstractPolitical parties’ behavior in coalition formation is commonly explained by their policy-, vote-, and office-seeking incentives. From these perspectives, the 20-year partnership of Japan's ruling conservative Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its pacifistic Komeito junior coalition partner is an anomalous case. The longevity, closeness, and nature of their unlikely partnership challenges core assumptions in existing theories of coalition politics. LDP–Komeito cooperation has sustained for two decades despite vastly different support bases and ideological differences on fundamental policy issues. LDP leaders also show no signs of abandoning the much smaller Komeito despite enjoying a single-party majority. We argue that the remarkable durability of this puzzling partnership results primarily from the two parties’ electoral incentives and what has effectively become codependence under Japan's mixed electoral system. Our analysis also demonstrates that being in a coalition can induce significant policy compromises, even from a much larger senior partner. Beyond theoretical implications, these phenomena yield important real-world consequences for Japanese politics: especially, a far less dominant LDP than the party's Diet seat total suggests, and Komeito's remarkable ability to punch significantly above its weight and constrain its far larger senior partner, even on the latter's major national security policy priorities.
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McAllister, Ian. "Australia: 11 July—Consolidating the Hawke Ascendancy." Government and Opposition 22, no. 4 (October 1, 1987): 435–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00066.x.
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ON 11 JULY 1987 THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY (ALP) WAS returned, with an increased majority, to an unprecedented third term in federal government. The election result was doubly remarkable. First, the ALP has traditionally been unable to gain more than two terms in office. Schisms and factional conflict have generally ruined Labor's chances of a third period in office, as in 1949, when Ben Chifley failed to gain a third term, and in 1975, when the same fate befell Gough Whitlam, following a constitutional crisis. Secondly, the party retained office during a period of economic crisis unprecedented in Australia's modern history, a crisis which might have been expected to sweep the opposition Liberal–National coalition to power.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Liberal/National Party Coalition"
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Henry, Colin, and edu au jillj@deakin edu au mikewood@deakin edu au wildol@deakin edu au kimg@deakin. "CASE STUDIES IN HUMAN RIGHTS EDUCATION AND CRITICAL EDUCATIONAL SCIENCE." Deakin University. School of Education, 1995. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20041214.144057.
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This thesis offers an account of the history and effects of three curriculum projects sponsored by the Australian Human Rights Commission between 1983 and 1986. Each project attempted to improve observance of human rights in and through Australian schools through participatory research (or critical educational science). That is, the research included, as a conscious feature, the effort to develop new forms of curriculum work which more adequately respect the personal and professional rights of teachers, especially their entitlement as persons and professionals to participate in planning, conducting and controlling the curriculum development, evaluation and implementation that constitutes their work. In more specific terms, the Australian Human Rights Commission's three curriculum projects represented an attempt to improve the practice and theory of human rights education by engaging teachers in the practical work of evaluating, researching, and developing a human rights curriculum.
While the account of the Australian Human Rights Commission curriculum project is substantially an account of teachers1 work, it is a story which ranges well beyond the boundaries of schools and classrooms. It encompasses a history of episodes and events which illustrate how educational initiatives and their fate will often have to set within the broad framework of political, social, and cultural contestation if they are to be understood. More exactly, although the Human Rights Commission's work with schools was instrumental in showing how teachers might contribute to the challenging task of improving human rights education, the project was brought to a premature halt during the debate in the Australian Senate on the Bill of Rights in late 1985 and early 1986. At this point in time, the Government was confronted with such opposition from the Liberal/National Party Coalition that it was obliged to withdraw its Bill of Rights Legislation, close down the original Human Rights Commission, and abandon the attempt to develop a nationwide program in human rights education. The research presents an explanation of why it has been difficult for the Australian Government to live up to its international obligations to improve respect for human rights through education. More positively, however, it shows how human rights education, human rights related areas of education, and social education might be transformed if teachers (and other members of schools communities) were given opportunities to contribute to that task. Such opportunities, moreover, also represent what might be called the practice of democracy in everyday life. They thus exemplify, as well as prefigure, what it might mean to live in a more authentically democratic society.
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Williams, Jakobi Emon. "Racial coalition politics in Chicago a case study of Fred Hampton, the Illinois Black Panther Party, and the origin of the Rainbow Coalition /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1692812591&sid=16&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Onanga, Ndjila Blanchard. "Barack Obama et les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques : héritages, tensions, adaptations (2004-2010)." Phd thesis, Université Michel de Montaigne - Bordeaux III, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00990183.
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La présente étude examine comment les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques que sont la Rainbow Push Coalition, la NAACP et la National Urban League ont contribué à l'élection du 44e président des États-Unis, Barack Obama. Elle établit dans un premier temps comment la participation du Révérend Jesse Jackson aux élections de 1984 et 1988 a contribué à l'émergence du processus démocratique à l'origine de l'élection de Barack Obama, premier président américain issu de la communauté africaine américaine. Dans un second temps, elle met en évidence comment l'action transformative du mouvement des droits civiques ayant conduit à la promulgation du Voting Rights Act de 1965 par le président Lyndon B. Johnson, sous l'impulsion du Dr Martin Luther King, mais aussi de Roy Wilkins et Whitney Young contribua à l'élection de Barack Obama en 2008. En analysant la participation de Jesse Jackson aux élections présidentielles américaines, notre objectif est de montrer comment il est parvenu à faire changer les règles de nomination des candidats issus des minorités au sein du parti démocrate. Elle a permis de montrer comment Obama en fut le bénéficiaire en devenant d'abord le nominé du parti démocrate, puis le président des États-Unis. D'où notre analyse du processus électoral de 2008. L'étude fait ainsi un tour d'horizon des désaccords qui ont surgi lors de l'élection présidentielle de 2008, entre Hillary Clinton et Barack Obama d'une part, puis entre ce dernier et John McCain d'autre part. Elle examine, par ailleurs, dans une perspective sociologique, les conflits qui se sont succédés au sein de la communauté africaine américaine, notamment entre certains dirigeants africains américains et Obama avant et pendant l'élection présidentielle de 2008, relatifs aux valeurs familiales, à l'incident racial des "Six de Jena" ou encore à la participation de Barack Obama à l'élection présidentielle. La question relative à la notion d'une Amérique post-raciale qui se présenta suite à l'élection d'Obama sera également abordée. Elle démontre comment son élection n'a malheureusement pas pu changer les mentalités des Américains au sujet de la question raciale de manière radicale et combien le racisme demeure une question fondamentale, majeure aux États-Unis au 21e siècle. Enfin, l'étude examine la collaboration post-électorale entre les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques et l'administration Obama.
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Sandström, Camilla. "Liberalt partisamarbete i Europa : ELDR en ny typ av parti?" Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-15165.
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The purpose of this thesis is to map and assess the organisational and ideological development of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform party, the ELDR. More specifically, it seeks to analyse the degree of integration between the members of the ELDR over time, to identify factors that may or may not generate integration, to relate the development of the ELDR to earlier research about European parties, and finally to contribute to the ongoing debate about whether or not the traditional national party families are about to establish parties at the European level. The thesis is based on the assumption that parties adapt to their environment, in this case, the system of multi-level governance that characterises the European Union. As the European parties are composed of national parties, they are also dependent on the member parties' opportunities and motives for cooperation. If there is integration, we can, however, not only expect the European parties to adapt to their environment. As they become independent actors, they may also influence their environment. In other words, we can anticipate interaction between the European and national levels that leads to mutual adaptation, or Europeanisation. To be able to capture the interaction between the two levels, theories from international relations and comparative politics are combined. Based on interviews, participant observation, documentary research and content analysis of European election manifestos, the analyses shows that the members of the ELDR have over time reached a rather advanced level of integration, both organisationally and ideologically. Although it is possible to identify constraining factors to this development, the ELDR has, at least from what is known from literature, reached about the same level of development as the two other European parties, the Christian democratic EPP and the Social democratic PES. The internal integration of the ELDR is the outcome of a successive transfer of power from the member parties to the ELDR. By now, the ELDR can therefore be defined as a rather independent actor and as a type of party at the European level. This type of party is, however, not comparable to national parties. It is instead adapted to the institutional structure of the European Union, with, at least partly, a different organisation and different functions from those of national parties.digitalisering@umu
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Messeleka, Boyer Cynthia. "Des libéraux aux libéraux-démocrates en Grande-Bretagne (1945 – 2010) : évolutions et mutations." Thesis, Rennes 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014REN20041.
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Au lendemain de la première guerre mondiale, l’échiquier politique britannique se redéploie du fait en particulier de l’élargissement de l’électorat permettant au Parti travailliste émergeant de consolider sa base électorale populaire. Dans un système politique essentiellement organisé autour du bipartisme, le Parti libéral est progressivement supplanté par le Parti travailliste en tant que parti de l’opposition au Conservatisme ce qui scelle inexorablement le déclin de celui-ci. Cette décadence s’est lentement effectuée jusqu’à atteindre son paroxysme le plus visible lors de la victoire des travaillistes aux élections d’après-guerre. Dans un système normalisé parl’alternance bipartisane, le Parti libéral amorce la période la plus sombre de son histoire.Cette thèse vise à apporter un éclairage relatif à l’évolution du Parti libéral, de sa quasi-extinction jusqu’à son renouveau et l’émergence d’une nouvelle force politique d’entité libérale-démocrate. La communication politique du Parti libéral et du LibDem constitue l’élément central de cette étude. Le cadre constitutionnel, représente un élément majeur dans les stratégies électorales des libéraux et des libéraux-démocrates ainsi que dans les fondements des alliances successives jusqu’à la formation d’une coalition gouvernementale en 2010. C’est en envisageant les raisons qui ont écarté les libéraux du pouvoir et celles qui leur ont permis de survivre comme un ensemble unifié autour d’une quête tendue vers la réforme électorale que se dessinent les élémentsexplicatifs de l’évolution du partiIn the years following the First World War, the British political spectrum underwent a change, in particular as a result of the enlargement of the electorate, which enabled the Labour Party to strengthen its popular electoral grassroots. In a political system essentially organised around bipartisanism, the Liberal Party was gradually displaced and superseded by the Labour Party as the opposition party to Conservatism, which development marked a low point in the inexorable decline of the Liberals. This decline slowly continued until it reached a critical level, culminating in the overwhelming victory of Labour in the post-war elections. In a system typified by bipartisan alternation, the Liberal Party entered its darkest era. This dissertation aims to shed new light onthe Liberal Party's evolution from near-extinction to its revival, along with the emergence of a new political force in the shape of the Liberal Democrats.The Liberal Party’s and LibDems’ political communication is the core element of this work. The constitutional framework represents a major factor in the shaping of electoral strategies implemented by Liberals and Liberal Democrats, as well as in the making of successive alliances until the governmental coalition in 2010. By considering the reasons which alienated Liberals from power, and those which enabled them to survive as a united party, unified by the quest for electoral reform, one may offer a new approach to the history of the Liberal Party’s and LibDems’ evolution
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Korf, Lindie. "D.F. Malan : a political biography." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3991.
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Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLSIH ABSTRACT: This study is a political biography of D.F. Malan (1874–1959), the first of the apartheid-era Prime Ministers, and covers the years 1874 to 1954, when Malan retired from politics. It endeavours to provide a warts-and-all account of D.F. Malan which challenges prevalent myths and stereotypes surrounding his public persona and his political orientation. While the overwhelming focus is on Malan’s political career, special attention is paid to his personal life in order to paint a multi-faceted picture of his character. The biography is written in the form of a seamless narrative and employs a literary style of writing. It is based on archival research which utilised Malan’s private collection, as well as the private collections of his Nationalist contemporaries. Malan takes the centre stage at all times, as the biography focuses on his perceptions and experiences. Malan’s views regarding Afrikaner nationalism, which was his foremost political priority, are described, and are related to his views of British imperialism as well as other ideologies such as communism and totalitarianism. This study demonstrates that there is a notable link between Malan’s perceptions of race relations and his concerns about the poor white problem. It reveals that Malan’s racial policy was, to some extent, fluid, as were his views on South Africa’s constitutional position. Debates about South Africa’s links to Britain and the nature of the envisioned republic preoccupied Afrikaner nationalists throughout the first half of the twentieth century – and served as an outlet for regional and generational tensions within the movement. Malan’s clashes with nationalists such as Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog and J.G. Strijdom are highlighted as an indication of the internecine power struggles within the National Party (NP). By emphasising these complexities, this study seeks to contribute to a nuanced understanding of the South African past.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is politieke biografie van D.F. Malan (1874–1959), die eerste van die apartheid-era Eerste Ministers, en dek die jare 1874 tot 1954, toe Malan uit die politiek getree het. Dit poog om onversuikerde beeld van Malan te skets wat heersende mites en stereotipes aangaande sy openbare beeld en sy benadering tot die politiek uitdaag. Die fokus is hoofsaaklik op Malan se politieke loopbaan, maar besondere aandag word aan sy private lewe geskenk om sodoende veelsydige portret van sy karakter te skilder. Die biografie is in die vorm van naatlose narratief geskryf en maak van literêre skryfstyl gebruik. Dit is gebaseer op argivale navorsing, waartydens daar van D.F. Malan se privaat versameling gebruik gemaak is, sowel as die privaat versamelings van sy tydgenote. Malan is ten alle tye die sentrale figuur en die biografie fokus op sy persepsies en ervarings. Malan se denke oor Afrikaner nasionalisme, wat sy vernaamste prioriteit was, word beskryf en in verband gebring met sy opinie van Britse imperialisme, sowel as ander ideologieë soos kommunisme en totalitarisme. Die studie wys op die verband tussen Malan se denke oor rasseverhoudinge en sy besorgdheid oor die armblanke vraagstuk. Dit dui daarop dat Malan se rassebeleid tot sekere mate vloeibaar was. Dit was ook die geval met sy benadering tot Suid-Afrika se konstitusionele posisie. Afrikaner nasionaliste het tydens die eerste helfte van die twintigste eeu baie aandag geskenk aan debatte oor Suid-Afrika se verhouding tot Brittanje en die aard van die voorgenome republiek. Dit was tot mate weerligafleier vir reeds bestaande spanning tussen die onderskeie streke en generasies. Malan se botsings met nasionaliste soos Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog en J.G. Strijdom word belig as aanduiding van die diepgewortelde magstryd binne die Nasionale Party (NP). Deur op hierdie kompleksiteite klem te lê, poog die studie om bydrae te lewer tot meer genuanseerde begrip van die Suid-Afrikaanse verlede.
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Chen, Chaojung, and 陳昭蓉. "The Best Partners of Coalition Government in Japan：The Cooperative Relationship between the Liberal Democratic Party and the New Komeito Party." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/12652845869289118402.
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碩士國立臺北大學
公共行政暨政策學系
100
In this article, it takes the observation of creation and development of the coalition government on politics in Japan as a point of departure. Since 1955, the Liberal Democratic Party and the Socialist Party made the “five-five system”formed, the Liberal Democratic Party had taken the leading power of politics in Japan, up to 38 years. In 1993, the Liberal Democratic Party failed to obtain over half of the seats in the House of Representatives in the election and lost the ruling power temporarily. The politics was instable in Japan during this period of time. In 1996, the Liberal Democratic Party obtained the majority seats of the House of Representatives in the election and took the ruling power back, but still less than half of the seats, it should look for partner(s) to organize the coalition. In 1999, the New Komeito Party cooperated with the Liberal Democratic Party. No matter there was a third party in the Cabinet or not, the two parties had maintained the stable cooperation of coalition for 10 years since then. In this paper, it will first make an introduction to “the theory of coalition” and “the theory of path-dependent ”, and then take the most suitable model from “the theory of coalition” to explain the cooperation of the Liberal Democratic Party and the New Komeito Party. There are four dimensions of cooperation in the theory of coalition: (1) the cooperation of the elections; (2) the cooperation of the Congressional seats; (3) the cooperation of executive positions; (4) the cooperation of legislation; it focus on the cooperation of the elections in this paper. After all, it will take “the theory of path-dependent” as basic to analyze a decade-long partnership between the two parties, including that it worked or not of cooperation in election and whether the two parties reached their separate goal and common goal set before election or not, which effected the continuance of the cooperation between the two parties or not and whether the two parties would cooperate before the election again at next time or not. In the result of this paper, we can find that the cooperation of the elections between the Liberal Democratic Party and the Komeito Party was a process of “path-dependent” . The consensus of symbiosis came into existence between the two parties from the process of the cooperation of the elections and the two parties shared the achievements of the elections. The results of the elections fitted in with the expectations of the two parties. The Liberal Democratic Party was still the largest party in parliament after the elections in 2000, 2003 and 2005. Although the New Komeito Party was a small party, it could be a member of the coalition and thus retained that kind of power as the ruling party. It could also avoid the fate of most of small parties that disappeared like bubbles.
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Falconer, Thirstan. "An ethnic coalition: the Liberal Party of Canada and the engagement of ethnocultural communities, 1959-1974." Thesis, 2017. https://dspace.library.uvic.ca//handle/1828/8821.
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During the 1960s and 1970s the Liberal Party of Canada sought to engage ethnocultural communities in an effort to win federal elections. The author argues that the Liberal Party’s relationship with ethnocultural communities in Metro Toronto during the 1960s was characterized by indifference. Though it adopted a programme that encouraged the courting of ethnocultural communities, the Pearson-led Liberal Party showed limited interest in recognizing ethnocultural communities as a part of the party’s electoral coalition. The efforts of Andrew Thompson, the Liberal Party’s Ethnic Liaison Officer during the Pearson years, were separated from the rest of party’s organization and campaign structure. Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau ended Pearson’s lost decade and strengthened party bonds with ethnocultural communities. Trudeau welcomed ethnocultural communities to the Liberal Party, declared Canada as multicultural, and distributed patronage to leaders of non-English and non-French communities. This dissertation differentiates between groups and categories, and critically analyzes how people and organizations do things with categories. This dissertation argues that Thompson and the Liberal Party grouped ethnocultural communities as “ethnic groups” and “ethnic voters” in order to simplify diverse and unbounded peoples they did not understand.Graduate
2019-10-27
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Černá, Pavlína. "Politický vývoj Národní strany svobodomyslné do roku 1914." Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-436202.
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This Master's thesis is depicting the development of the National Liberal Party, from the earliest stage in the 1860s, up to the year 1914. This depiction is based on expert texts as well as historical and political science literature. The thesis is focused on the political background in Austria and subsequently also Austria-Hungary. The historical part of the thesis is primarily focused on the absolute regime, as well as the national efforts to liberalize the constitutional and political demands. A standalone part of the thesis is dedicated to the division between the Old Czech Party and the Young Czech Party, primarily focusing on their political differences and shared nationalism. The establishment of the National Liberal Party in 1874 was followed by its political and agenda development. The political development is depicted in its election results, as well as its functioning in the parliament of Cisleithania. Since 1879, both the Old Czech Party and the Young Czech Party participated in defending the human rights in Vienna's Czechen-Club. The year 1891 brought about a large change when the National Liberal Party won in the election against the National Party and so became the hegemon of Czech politics. This thesis pays special attention to the work of the Young Czech Party in the Národní listy...
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Dias, Ana Raquel Almeida. "Is Canada back? Human security and national unity during the Governments of Jean Chrétien and Justin Trudeau." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/65294.
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Dissertação de mestrado em Ciência PolíticaA search for national purpose has always played a central role throughout the several governments of Canada. Particularly after the end of World War II, the Golden Years of Canadian Foreign Policy were inaugurated, a broad slogan which Canadians assume as part of their existence as a political community, thus establishing a parallel between National Unity and Foreign Policy. Such approach brands Canada as a mediatory middle power, remarked by a permanent engagement and cooperative behavior, endorsing universal values through the promotion of a more institutionalized and just international world order: a vision with permanent presence in its processes of agenda setting and execution. Framed within the broad agenda of internationalism, different liberal governments have branded their political program in order to rescue the Golden Age and achieve their political interests may these be internal, external, or both. This thesis starts by analyzing how the Human Security Agenda emerged through the Government of Jean Chrétien during the 1990’s as a response to an internal crisis of national unity in the eve of the Quebec Referendum, calling for a sense of national unity among Canadians by increasing their sense of national pride and belonging, also being remarked as the last internationalist period in Canadian politics. In the eve of the 2015 federal election, Justin Trudeau has brought to discourse the so called Canadian liberal values after a decade of Conservative rule, offering a positive and even nostalgic vision of Canada by enhancing the need to return liberal internationalism to Canadian politics. Once in power, Trudeau announced that “Canada is back”, opening the door for an innovative, idealistic and very personal styled Foreign Policy agenda that Canadians identified with and even a likely possibility of rebuilding a new Human Security Agenda. However, much of Trudeau’s rhetoric has lost credibility as its actions and experiences as prime minister did not keep up with the promised idealistic brand for a too turbulent world.
A busca por um sentido de unidade nacional desempenhou sempre um papel central nos vários governos do Canadá. Com o final da Segunda Guerra Mundial foram inaugurados os Anos Dourados da Política Externa Canadiana, um amplo slogan que os canadianos assumem como parte de sua existência enquanto comunidade política, estabelecendo um paralelo entre Unidade Nacional e Politica Externa. Tal abordagem demarca o Canadá como uma potência média moderadora, conhecida por um envolvimento permanente e um comportamento cooperativo na defesa de valores universais na promoção de uma ordem mundial internacional mais institucionalizada e justa: uma visão com presença permanente nos seus processos de definição e execução da agenda politica. Enquadrados na ampla agenda do internacionalismo, diferentes governos liberais rotularam o seu programa político para resgatar a Idade de Ouro e alcançar os seus interesses políticos, sejam estes internos, externos ou ambos. Esta tese começa por analisar de que forma a Agenda de Segurança Humana emerge através do governo de Jean Chrétien durante os anos 90 enquanto resposta a uma crise interna de unidade nacional na véspera do referendo do Québec que exigiu um novo sentido de unidade nacional entre os canadianos, aumentando o seu sentimento de orgulho e pertença, sendo também considerado como o último período internacionalista na política canadiana. Na véspera da eleição federal de 2015, Justin Trudeau discursou acerca dos chamados valores liberais canadianos após uma década de governo conservador, oferecendo uma visão positiva e até nostálgica do Canadá, aumentando a necessidade de retornar o internacionalismo liberal à política canadiana. Uma vez no poder, Trudeau anunciou que “o Canadá está de volta”, abrindo as portas para uma agenda de política externa, inovadora, idealista e muito pessoal, com a qual os canadianos se identificaram e até mesmo uma possibilidade de reconstruir uma nova agenda de segurança humana. No entanto, grande parte da retórica de Trudeau perdeu credibilidade uma vez que as suas ações e experiências como Primeiro-Ministro não acompanharam a prometida marca idealista para um mundo demasiado turbulento.
Books on the topic "Liberal/National Party Coalition"
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A Howard government?: Inside the coalition. Pymble, NSW, Australia: HarperCollins Publishers, 1995.
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Dutton, David. Liberals in schism: A history of the National Liberal Party. London: Tauris Academic Studies, 2008.
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Indian national movement and the liberals. Allahabad, India: Chugh Publications, 1986.
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Party, Liberal-Conservative. Programme du Parti national libéral-conservateur. [Canada?: s.n., 1996.
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Searle, G. R. Country before party: Coalition and the idea of "national government" in modern Britain, 1885-1987. London: Longman, 1995.
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The new politics: Liberal conservatism or same old Tories? Bristol, UK: Policy Press, 2011.
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Hancock, Ian. National and permanent?: The federal organisation of the Liberal Party of Australia 1944-1965. Carlton, Vic: Melbourne University Press, 2000.
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Grassroots Liberals: Organizing for local and national politics. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2011.
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Margarita, Sayo, ed. The dilemma of Philippine campaign politics: Alternative campaign strategies in the 2004 national elections. [Manila?]: Liberal Philippines, 2005.
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Laurier, Wilfrid. Discours de Sir Wilfrid Laurier, premier ministre du Canada, au Monument national, Montréa[l], le 10 octobre 1910. Québec: Presses de la Compagnie-Vigie, 1995.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Liberal/National Party Coalition"
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Cook, Chris. "Consenting Adults: The Liberal—Conservative Coalition." In A Short History of the Liberal Party, 317–26. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137056078_23.
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Bryden, P. E. "4. The Liberal Party and the Achievement of National Medicare." In Making Medicare, 71–88. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442662414-007.
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Heyer, Anne. "Manipulation or Participation? Membership Inclusion in the Party Organizations of the German Social Democratic Workers’ Party and the British National Liberal Federation." In Organizing Democracy, 185–209. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50020-1_10.
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Schickler, Eric. "Facing a Changing Party." In Racial Realignment. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691153872.003.0009.
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This chapter analyzes the battle for control of the national Democratic Party as the players empowered by the coalitional and ideological changes after 1937 battled not just against southern Democrats but also against national party leaders desperate to hold together the fragile North–South coalition. The bland national platforms that Democrats adopted in the 1940s and 1950s belied the vigorous efforts by the liberal civil rights coalition to push for a strong platform plank, which became a regular focal point of dispute starting in 1944. The national platform fights exemplify both the much stronger push for civil rights on the part of important Democratic constituencies (compared to Republicans) and the efforts of national party leaders to avoid a clear stand. A survey of convention delegates from 1956 shows that despite the two parties' similar national platforms, the distribution of delegate preferences was decidedly more pro-civil rights among Democrats.
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Pettai, Vello. "Estonia." In Coalition Governance in Central Eastern Europe, 170–206. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198844372.003.0005.
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Since re-emerging as an independent state in 1991, Estonia has had to build up an entirely new constitutional and political system. This has meant that following an initial period of fluidity amongst parties and voters, patterns of politics have slowly begun to consolidate along more predictable lines. In particular, Estonia’s coalition politics have been dominated by centre-right constellations, mainly because of the strong role played as of the mid-1990s by the market-liberal Reform Party. The party has been a pivotal, if not leading force, in all of Estonia’s government coalitions between 1999 and 2016. This has allowed it also to influence greatly patterns of consolidation in coalition governance, namely the professionalization of coalition agreements, the development of coordination mechanisms between coalition partners, and mechanisms of mutual oversight in coalitions. While governments have not succeeded in lasting a full parliamentary term, the re-organizations that have taken place between elections have not generated prolonged crises of governing. The main blockage or weakness in the system was the continued side-lining of the left-leaning Centre Party from playing a direct role in coalition politics. Although the party regularly obtained up to a quarter of the national vote and filled an important place in the party landscape by representing the bulk of minority-Russian voters, it was never considered as a government formateur because of the overbearing style of its founding leader (Edgar Savisaar). It seems that only after he is replaced will a major re-shuffling of Estonia’s coalition landscape be possible.
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Drutman, Lee. "The Collapse of the Four-Party System and the Rise of Zero-Sum Politics." In Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop, 83–104. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190913854.003.0005.
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This chapter explains the role that America’s political institutions had in separating the party coalitions and raising the stakes. In an earlier era, when parties were looser coalitions, America had a hidden four-party system-with Liberal Democrats, Conservative Democrats, Liberal Republicans, and Conservative Republicans. This created space for more fluid and flexible coalitions that differed on an issue by issue basis. Especially from the mid-1960s through the mid-1980s, this allowed for broadly responsive policymaking. However, as politics nationalized around "culture war" questions, conservative Democrats and liberal Republicans began to go extinct. Given the winner-take-all nature of elections, parties shrunk to their separate geographic cores, becoming much more distinct. The close balance of power nationally turned national partisan competition into trench warfare, with an increasingly dysfunctional Congress as ground zero.
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Charnock, Emily J. "A Tale of Two PACs." In The Rise of Political Action Committees, 222–48. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075514.003.0009.
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This chapter traces the diffusion of the PAC concept from the left to the right of the political spectrum in the late 1950s, with the formation of conservative electoral groups such as the Americans for Constitutional Action (ACA) to counter liberal ones like the Americans for Democratic Action (ADA). By the early 1960s the business community had cast off its earlier resistance to overt electioneering, with the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) forming the Business-Industry Political Action Committee (BIPAC) to channel campaign resources to favored congressional candidates. Though they initially sought to bolster the conservative coalition, these groups soon embraced a dynamic partisan strategy focused on the Republican Party, seeking to shift it rightward much as labor and liberal groups sought to push the Democratic Party to the left. This reactive process culminated in the presidential election of 1964, a contest to which the roots of modern partisan “polarization” are often traced.
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Charnock, Emily J. "When Business Is Not “Businesslike”." In The Rise of Political Action Committees, 197–221. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075514.003.0008.
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This chapter explores the initial resistance to the PAC concept within the business community and among conservatives more generally in the 1940s and 1950s. Though major business groups like the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) and United States Chamber of Commerce had not entirely ignored elections to this point, they concentrated their energies following World War II on lobbying and publicity campaigns promoting “free enterprise,” while criticizing labor and liberal PACs as coercive, collectivist, and antidemocratic. They also placed faith in the “conservative coalition” of Republicans and Southern Democrats to protect their interests, reflecting their strong belief that both parties should and could promote business aims. As fears grew that labor had successfully “infiltrated” the Democratic Party, however, conservative activists urged business groups to be “businesslike” and respond to labor electioneering in kind. Business leaders thus began to contemplate a partisan electoral counterstrategy centered on the Republican Party.
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Denver, David, and Mark Garnett. "Conservative Revival and the Rise of ‘Others’." In British General Elections Since 1964, 147–88. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198844952.003.0006.
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This chapter examines the closely fought elections of 2010 and 2015, the first of which produced the first British coalition government since 1945 in a period which saw the continued fragmentation of the party system and the rise of United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and the Scottish National Party (SNP).Gordon Brown succeeded Tony Blair as Prime Minister in 2007, and initially impressions were favourable. However, almost as soon as Brown had decided against a ‘snap’ election to exploit his popularity, events turned against him and his party. The worldwide global financial crisis, which began in 2007, hit Britain particularly hard, and like Major’s Conservatives in the previous decade New Labour lost its reputation for economic competence. The Conservatives, under David Cameron who proclaimed himself ‘the heir to Blair’, won the largest number of seats in the 2010 election, which was particularly noteworthy for the introduction of televised leader debates. However, the 2010 contest resulted in a ‘hung parliament’ and a coalition between the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats. The key events of the ensuing five years are examined, including the introduction of a Fixed-Term Parliaments Act which purportedly deprived Prime Ministers of the right to call elections at times of their own choosing. There were also referendums of Electoral Reform (2011) and Scottish independence (2014), in which the status quo was upheld without seeming to put an end to either question. In particular, the SNP continued to prosper despite the 2014 result, and in the 2015 general election it won almost all of the Scottish parliamentary seats. In England, UKIP had become a very serious threat both to Labour and the Conservatives, who had imposed unpopular cuts in public expenditure (‘austerity’) in response to the financial crisis. Meanwhile, the Liberal Democrats had lost much of their electoral appeal during their ill-fated alliance with Cameron’s Conservatives. The overall result of the 2015 election was an overall victory for the Conservatives, but by a margin which left Cameron vulnerable to Eurosceptics within his party.
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"National Coalition Party." In A Political and Economic Dictionary of Western Europe, 247. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203403419-86.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Liberal/National Party Coalition"
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Catlow, Fred. "Experience in Choices for Decommissioning the Dounreay Site." In ASME 2009 12th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. ASMEDC, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2009-16183.
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The paper describes the public participation from the viewpoint of a stakeholder and member of the public. The dialogue between various members of the Dounreay Stakeholders Committee vary widely and do not always seem to represent the views of the wider public. Whilst great care has been taken to select various options for the ultimate condition of the Dounreay site and these have been discussed at great length and the preferred option selected by consensus, there still appears to be some conflict within the local community. It is probable that if the local population had to vote on the options for the future of the Dounreay nuclear site the outcome would be vastly different from that of the Stakeholders Committee. Whilst the politicians have been elected by the people, they represent a distinctly anti-nuclear view (even to the extent of decommissioning) whereas many local people (especially the workers on the Dounreay site) would prefer to see a continuation of nuclear activity at Dounreay. The problem is not only with local politicians but at national level in Scotland itself where the Scottish National Party has formed a coalition with the Green Party on condition all nuclear activities are phased out.
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.
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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.