Relevant bibliographies by topics / Liberal Democrats (Great Britain) – History

Academic literature on the topic 'Liberal Democrats (Great Britain) – History'

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Published: 27 July 2024
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Liberal Democrats (Great Britain) – History"

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Dutkiewicz, Piotr, and Yuriy M. Pochta. "Issues of Democratic Development and Construction of National Identity at the End of the Age of Imitations: Editorial Introduction." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 3 (August 31, 2021): 339–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-3-339-347.

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In the article, the guest editor Piotr Dutkiewicz and editor-in-chief Yuriy M. Pochta introduce the current issue of the journal, interpreting cross-cutting topics such as democratic development and the construction of national identity in the societies of the East and the West. They believe that the most appropriate heuristic explanation for these issues today is the idea that after the end of the Cold War the hopes for the final victory of the liberal democratic project on a global scale ended in disappointment. The end of history never took place, just like the victory of communism did not take place previously. All these years we have been witnessing an imitation of liberalism, the era of which is already over. There is currently a global revolt against the liberal imitation imperative. From this point of view, there is a great interest in articles devoted to Russian-Turkish relations, the place of the Central Asian states in the international rankings of democratic development, the evolution of the political development of the Lebanese Republic, the formation of democratic political regimes in such Eastern European EU member states as Poland and Hungary, the role of parties in the political life of Great Britain and Nigeria, as well as such theoretical and methodological problems of political science as the processes of forming future political leaders, methodology of the study of GR-management and approaches to the study of the political and psychological characteristics of the heads of Russian regions. In general, this issue of the journal pictures the current state of democratic development of Western and non-Western countries in the context of globalization, which is at the stage of transition from American monopolarity to multipolarity, from imitation of the Western liberal-democratic project to the search for its own development projects. The authors believe that from the point of view of Russia and its interests the materials of this issue allow for outlining the prospects for further research on ways to build the most effective relations with world and regional powers, the possibilities of protecting its sovereignty and its geopolitical interests, and the mechanisms for forming the Russian post-Soviet identity at the national and regional levels.
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Eisfeld, Rainer. "Political Science in Great Britain and Germany: The Roles of LSE (The London School of Economics) and DHfP (The German Political Studies Institute)." Polish Political Science Review 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0022.

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Abstract The London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) and the Deutsche Hochschule für Politik (DHfP, German Political Studies Institute) in Berlin both emerged extramurally. LSE was founded in 1895 by Fabian socialists Sidney and Beatrice Webb; DHfP was established in 1920 by liberal-national publicists Ernst Jäckh and Theodor Heuss. However, superficial resemblances ended there, as shown in the paper’s first part. The founders’ aims differed markedly; incorporation into London and Berlin universities occurred at different times and in different ways. The chair of political science set up at LSE in 1914 was held, until 1950, by two reform-minded Fabians, Graham Wallas and Harold Laski. DHfP, which did not win academic recognition during the 1920s, split into nationalist, “functionalist”, and democratic “schools”. Against this backdrop, the paper’s second part discusses Harold Laski’s magnum opus (1925) A Grammar of Politics as an attempt at offering a vision of the “good society”, and Theodor Heuss’ 1932 study Hitler’s Course as an example of the divided Hochschule’s inability to provide adequate analytical assessments of the Nazi movement and of the gradual infringement, by established elites, of the Weimar constitution. Laski’s work and intellectual legacy reinforced the tendency towards the predominance, in British political science, of normative political theory. West German political science, initially pursued “from a Weimar perspective”, was also conceived as a highly normative enterprise emphasising classical political theory, the institutions and processes of representative government, and the problematic ideological and institutional predispositions peculiar to German political history. Against this background, the paper’s third part looks, on the one hand, at the contribution to “New Left” thinking (1961 ff.) by Ralph Miliband, who studied under Laski and taught at LSE until 1972, and at Paul Hirst’s 1990s theory of associative democracy, which builds on Laski’s pluralism. On the other hand, the paper considers Karl Dietrich Bracher’s seminal work The Failure of the Weimar Republic (1955) and Ernst Fraenkel’s 1964 collection Germany and the Western Democracies, which originated, respectively, from the (Research) Institute for Political Science – added to Berlin’s Free University in 1950 – and DHfP, re-launched in the same year. In a brief concluding fourth part, the paper touches on the reception, both in Great Britain and West Germany, of the approaches of “modern” American political science since the mid-1960s.
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Lebo, Matthew J., and Everett Young. "The Comparative Dynamics of Party Support in Great Britain: Conservatives, Labour and the Liberal Democrats." Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties 19, no. 1 (January 22, 2009): 73–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17457280802587261.

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Russell, Andrew, David Cutts, and Ed Fieldhouse. "National–Regional–Local: The Electoral and Political Health of the Liberal Democrats in Britain." British Politics 2, no. 2 (June 11, 2007): 191–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200056.

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Vershinina, D. B. "THE 2019 ELECTIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF EVOLUTION OF THE WOMEN's AGENDA IN BRITISH POLITICAL PARTIES." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 7, no. 1 (March 23, 2023): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2023-7-1-103-111.

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The article attempts to determine the role of the women's agenda in the activities of political parties and the place of women in the parliamentary factions of the leading parties of Great Britain. Based on the analysis of the policies of Labour, Conservatives and Liberal Democrats to the problem of women's promotion in politics, the role of gender quotas as a tool for attracting the female electorate is analyzed. The 2019 General Elections and the tasks political parties were faced with in terms of women's agenda are described in the broad historical context of the evolution of women's politics of the Labour, Conservative and Liberal Democratic parties in the late 20th – early 21st centuries. The author analyzes the election manifestos of the parties in the 2019 elections and concludes about the differences in the approaches to solving women's problems by the right and left parties. In addition, the author reveals the relationship between the women's agenda in the manifestos, the participation of women in the parliamentary factions of parties and women's voting in General Elections.
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WEINSTEIN, BENJAMIN. "LIBERALISM, LOCAL GOVERNMENT REFORM, AND POLITICAL EDUCATION IN GREAT BRITAIN AND BRITISH INDIA, 1880–1886." Historical Journal 61, no. 1 (April 9, 2017): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1600056x.

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AbstractThis article attempts to shed new light on the character of late Victorian Liberalism by investigating its political priorities in British India. It takes as its particular focus the debates which raged between 1881 and 1883 over the Government of India Resolution on Local Self-Government. Along with the Ilbert Bill, the Resolution comprised the centrepiece of the marquis of Ripon's self-consciously Liberal programme for dismantling Lytton's Raj. When analysed in conjunction with contemporaneous Liberal discourse on English local government reform, the debates surrounding the Resolution help to clarify many of the central principles of late Victorian Liberalism. In particular, these debates emphasize the profound importance of local government reform to what one might call the Liberal project. Beyond its utility in effecting retrenchment, efficiency, and ‘sound finance’, local government reform was valued by Liberals as the best and safest means of effecting ‘political education’ among populations, in both Britain and India, with increasingly strong claims to inclusion within the body politic.
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Podolsky, Vadim. "History of the social policy in the United Kingdom." Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, no. 5 (2021): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086904990016102-4.

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In the XVII century Great Britain became the first country in the world with a full-scale system of social support, which was regulated at the state level. The “Old Poor Law” of 1601 and the “New Poor Law” of 1834 are well-studied in both foreign and Russian science, but the solutions that preceded them are less known. The aim of this study is to describe the development of social policy in Great Britain up to 1834, when the system of assistance to people in need was redesigned according to the liberal logic of minimal interference of the state. The article is based on comparative and historic approach and analysis of legal documents. It demonstrates the evolution of institutions and practices of social support in Great Britain. In this country social policy grew from church and private charity and developed at local level under centrally defined rules. Consistent presentation of social policy history in Great Britain is valuable for studies of charity, local self-government and social policy.
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Johnson, M. "The Liberal Party and the Navy League in Britain before the Great War." Twentieth Century British History 22, no. 2 (December 17, 2010): 137–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwq055.

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BELL, JONATHAN. "SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND THE RISE OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN CALIFORNIA, 1950–1964." Historical Journal 49, no. 2 (June 2006): 497–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005309.

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In the 1950s the Democratic Party in California grew from a struggling, rump organization into the major political party in the state. This was in large part due to the activities of a network of liberal activists in the California Democratic Council, a group formed in 1953 to encourage the creation of local Democratic ‘clubs’ across California in which those interested in left-of-centre politics could debate issues of the day and campaign for Democratic candidates in elections. This article argues that the rise of the Democrats in the Golden State was predicated on the espousal by both amateur activists and party politicians of an explicitly social democratic ideology that provided a bridge between the policies of the New Deal in the 1930s and the more ambitious goals of the Great Society at the national level in the 1960s. The article examines the ideas embraced by liberal politicians in the 1950s and looks at how those ideas underpinned a massive expansion of California's welfare state in the early 1960s.
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Bromund, Ted R. "Uniting the whole people: proportional representation in Great Britain, 1884–5, reconsidered*." Historical Research 74, no. 183 (February 1, 2001): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00117.

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Abstract This article examines the ideological context and political role of proportional representation in the reform crisis of 1884–5. It demonstrates that proportional representation was part of a broader liberal project to promote social cohesion both at home and in the empire. As shown by the cross-bench support for the Proportional Representation Society, proportional representation roused unexpected enthusiasm in the Commons in 1884. It was rejected because single-member districts were more acceptable to Gladstone while promising to achieve the same narrowly political ends as proportional representation, though not its liberal purposes. This reconsideration of proportional representation revises the history of the reform crisis and lends support to the contention that Victorian liberalism emphasized not rights-based individualism but rather the building of voluntary communities.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Liberal Democrats (Great Britain) – History"

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Häusler, Clemens Albert Josef. "The transatlantic exchange between American liberals, British Labourites, and German social democrats from the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609089.

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Sanderson-Nash, Emma Victoria. "Obeying the iron law? : changes to the intra-party balance of power in the British Liberal Democrats since 1988." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/7467/.

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This study examines intra-party power in the Liberal Democrats, looking at the formal role and remit of the various sectors that make up the party bureaucracy, and evaluating the exercise of power with regard to policy, campaigning and the use of resources. It is interested in two overarching questions: has the party professionalised, and has power moved toward the top? If so could this have had an impact on its electoral success? The theoretical context for this study is a well-established tradition of scholarship on party organisation going back to Moise Ostrogorski (1902) and Robert Michels (1911). The hierarchical nature of party organisations has been a constant refrain in this literature, especially in respect of major parties that are serious contenders for governmental office (McKenzie 1963; Kirchheimer 1966; Panebianco 1988; Katz & Mair 1995). This thesis offers a test of these theories by applying them to a smaller party that gradually evolved from a party of opposition to a party of government. While the incentives for intra-party centralisation are clear in office-seeking parties (the leadership requires maximum autonomy in order to devise and adapt a competitive strategy), this research explores whether it is a necessary precursor to electoral success. It will test whether the party has become more professional, or top-down, by looking at the policy making process, at the way the party campaigns, and at its distribution of resources. Finally the thesis examines the role of intra-party politics in achieving and maintaining the coalition with the Conservatives negotiated in May 2010. The research spans the lifetime of the party from 1988 to present day, and relies on an extensive series of semi-structured interviews with 70 individuals connected to the party including prominent politicians, senior staff and ordinary members. It argues that the party has become significantly more professional during this time, and that this was a contributory factor in delivering office.
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DE, WAARD Jacob Marinus. "John Morley and the liberal imagination : the uses of history in English liberal culture, 1867-1914." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6997.

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Defence date: 26 June 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Martin van Gelderen, (EUI) ; Prof. Ann Rigney, (Utrecht University) ; Prof. Arfon Rees, (EUI) ; Prof. Norman Vance, (University of Sussex)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The aim of the present study is to offer a new understanding of the ‘uses of history’ in English liberal culture between the passing of the Second Reform Act of 1867 and Britain’s entrance in the First World War in August 1914. Culturally as well as politically, this period is commonly recognised as having a distinctive character for which the epithet ‘liberal’ offers an apposite shorthand. Although the period saw long spells of conservative administration (under Derby, Disraeli, Salisbury, and Balfour) as well as the liberal ministries of Gladstone, Rosebery, Campbell-Bannerman, and Asquith, it is often called a liberal age, or construed as the heyday of English liberal politics, because liberal values and the memory of an exceptional liberal heritage pervaded political life and the organisation of society. Just to sum up: the years from 1867 to 1914 saw the extension of the franchise to almost all the male population (in the Reform Acts of 1867 and 1884), diminishing property qualifications, disestablishment of the Church in Ireland and Wales, political consensus in regard to free trade up until the late 1890s, and the last days and slow demise of the Gladstonian minimal state with its reliance on subsidiarity, voluntarism, self-help, and a spirit of civic duty. In comparison to the heavily centralised states of the European continent, England continued to have a ‘minimally centralised system of governance’ until the end of the nineteenth century, a system in which citizens saw a source of national pride and proof of England’s superior, vanguard role in the world as the cradle of parliamentary government and civic liberties.
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Higgins, Roisin. "William Robertson Nicoll and the Liberal Nonconformist press, 1886-1923." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14853.

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William Robertson Nicoll (1851-1923) founded the British Weekly in 1886 to exploit the need for a Liberal Nonconformist newspaper. Nicoll became the most important editor of a Free Church journal in the Edwardian period. The British Weekly provided a regular focus for political Nonconformity and Nicoll was a primary raiser of the Nonconformist consciousness and shaper of the collective conscience. This thesis considers the role of newspapers as conduits of political thought. As distributors of information, newspapers had a definite role in setting the political agenda and this work considers the programme which Nicoll pressed at the British Weekly. The newspaper is also considered as a nexus of religious and financial considerations. The analysis provides an examination of the British Weekly from its foundation in 1885, placing it in political context and setting down the editorial agenda. Nonconformist concerns were threatened both by the political preponderance of Irish interests and by the extension of the franchise to working class voters more concerned with social than religious equality. This thesis therefore looks at Nicoll's alignment with the Liberal Imperialists because they would rid the party of its commitment to Home Rule and (less importantly) because they appeared to respond to the needs of the working class. In 1902 the British Weekly misplaced its national efficiency agenda and became prominent in the Passive Resistance campaign against the Education Act. The thesis examines the way in which the protest was used to energise political Nonconformity. The campaign brought Nicoll into contact with Lloyd George and this work explores the mutual benefits of this relationship and also the way in which Nicoll was compromised as a lobbyist by the association. This is the first comprehensive examination of the political nature of the British Weekly. It highlights the increasing complexity of reconciling religion and politics in the twentieth century as pressing social issues could not be repaired by Victorian moral crusades.
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Redman, Lydia Catherine. "Industrial conflict, social reform and competition for power under the Liberal governments 1906-1914." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708257.

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TURNER, VOAKES Lucy. "English liberal culture and the Italian question, c. 1850-1918." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/26094.

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Defence date: 30 January 2009
Examining board: Prof. Martin van Gelderen (European University Institute)-supervisor ; Prof. Sebastian Conrad (European University Institute) ; Prof. Lucy Riall (Birkbeck College, University of London) ; Prof. Norman Vance (University of Sussex)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The years between 1850 and 1918 in Britain saw the ascendancy of political Liberalism. The same period in Italy included the central years of the Risorgimento, a process of economic, social and cultural revival during which foreign rulers were expelled from the Italian peninsula, and the various Italian states unified. The aim of the thesis is to trace the Victorian debate on the Italian Question – the question of whether, if and how Italy might be united as a single nation – in order to shed new light on English Liberal culture, understood both as a system of governing values and as the common languages and media through which these were communicated.
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Books on the topic "Liberal Democrats (Great Britain) – History"

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Duncan, Brack, and Little Tony, eds. Great Liberal speeches. London: Politico's Pub., 2001.

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Joyce, Peter. Realignment of the left?: A history of the relationship between the Liberal Democrat and Labour parties. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1999.

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1962-, Dale Iain, and Liberal Party (Great Britain), eds. Liberal Party general election manifestos, 1900-1997. London: Routledge, 2000.

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Winfield, Rif. Liberals in Parliament: An electoral history 1924-1994. Llanrhystud: R. Winfield, 1994.

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Ben, Yong, ed. The politics of coalition: How the Conservative-Liberal Democrat government works. Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2012.

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John, Stevenson. Third party politics since 1945: Liberals, Alliance and LiberalDemocrats. Oxford: Blackwell, 1993.

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Julian, Astle, ed. Britain after Blair: A Liberal agenda. London: Profile Books, 2006.

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Thomas, Geoffrey. Liberal democracy: The radical tradition. Dorchester: Liberal Democrat Publications, 1994.

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Britain), Liberal Democrats (Great, ed. Unlocking Britain's potential: Making Europe work for us : Liberal Democrat European election manifesto. London: Published on behalf of the Liberal Democrats by Liberal Democrat Publications, 1994.

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Straw, Jack. Telling it as it is: A campaign document on the Liberal Democrats. [England?: s.n., 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Liberal Democrats (Great Britain) – History"

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Torrance, David. "The ‘Strange Death’ of Liberal Scotland: 1922–1946." In A History of the Scottish Liberals and Liberal Democrats, 71–84. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399506380.003.0005.

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Although the Liberals in Scotland (as in the rest of Great Britain) remained a sizeable political force until the late 1920s, by the following decade the party was riven by splits and moribund organisationally. With Labour now one of two parties of government, Scottish Liberalism struggled to articulate its arguments in a vastly altered political landscape. This chapter looks at the Scottish Liberal Federation’s attempts to regain relevance, often as part of the various coalitions which characterised British politics during this period.
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Torrance, David. "‘Home Rule in a Federal Britain’: 1964–1979." In A History of the Scottish Liberals and Liberal Democrats, 112–35. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399506380.003.0007.

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This chapter examines the changing fortunes of the Scottish Liberal Party after 1964, a period of electoral growth followed by a reverse at the 1970 general election. Crucially, it was not the only third force in Scottish politics at this time, and a major theme of this chapter were Scottish Liberal attempts to reach an accommodation with the Scottish National Party on the basis that both supported constitutional change. This produced renewed internal tension, something partially resolved by the emergence of David Steel as UK leader in 1976. Another theme of this chapter is the party’s breakthrough in Scottish local government.
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"6 ‘Home Rule in a Federal Britain’: 1964–1979." In A History of the Scottish Liberals and Liberal Democrats, 112–35. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781399506403-007.

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McKibbin, Ross. "Great Britain." In Twisted Paths, 33–59. Oxford University PressOxford, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199281855.003.0003.

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Abstract Of all the major European powers, Britain’s history between 1914 and 1945 is probably the most exceptional. Alone of these powers she fought in both world wars from their beginning to their end. In 1914 she was one of five (six if we include Italy) European states of roughly comparable power. In 1945 she was one of only two; and much weaker militarily than the other, the Soviet Union. But undefeated she remained. She was the first European state to be affected by mass unemployment; but the international depression of the 1930s struck her comparatively lightly. For a substantial part of the population the 1930s meant steadily rising living standards and ‘modernity’ in social and economic life. Despite real class tension in the early 1920s, the decline of the great Liberal Party, and the rapid growth of a mass working-class party, the Labour Party, Britain’s political institutions— unlike those of the other major European states— retained a high degree of legitimacy and supported a remarkably stable political and social structure.
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Torrance, David. "‘The Party of National Patriotism’: 1832–1880." In A History of the Scottish Liberals and Liberal Democrats, 6–18. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399506380.003.0002.

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This chapter traces the early history of Scottish Liberalism, from the Whigs and the Great Reform Act of 1832 to Gladstone’s historic Midlothian campaign of 1879-80, a decisive moment in the organisational development of the party. It also looks at the ideological forces at play within the party and conflict between conservative and radical Liberals over education and disestablishment. Important Liberal personalities such as Lord Rosebery are introduced for the first time.
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Geiger, Roger. "The Reformation of the Colleges in the Early Republic, 1800-1820*." In History of Universities, 129–82. Oxford University PressOxford, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199248421.003.0005.

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Abstract For the Reverend Samuel Miller, minister of New York’s First Presbyterian Church and a rising force within his denomination, the dawning of the 1800s provided an occasion to take stock of the remarkable century that had passed. His extraordinary compendium, A Brief Retrospect of the Eighteenth Century, celebrated the intellectual milestones of the era: the achievements of the physical and economic sciences and the unprecedented diffusion of knowledge, refinement, and free inquiry. But Miller also noted the unfulfilled promise of much enlightened thought as well as the disappointments linked with these ideas. Miller consigned the American colleges, despite undeniable progress during the century, to this second category. ‘Collegiate honours’, he observed, had become ‘more cheap and common … than in any former age;’ and the colleges seemed ‘so numerous in many parts of the country, as to produce effects directly the reverse of what were intended’. The first person to study the American colleges (see Inset I), Miller sought to analyse why ‘what is called a liberal education in the United States is … less accurate and complete’ than that found in Great Britain.1
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Diaz-Andreu, Margarita. "Archaeology and the 1820 Liberal Revolution: The Past in the Independence of Greece and Latin American Nations." In A World History of Nineteenth-Century Archaeology. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199217175.003.0010.

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Nationalism did not end with Napoleon’s downfall, despite the intention of those who outplayed him in 1815. Events evolved in such a way that there would be no way back. The changes in administration, legislation, and institutionalization established in many European countries, and by extension in their colonies, during the Napoleonic period brought efficiency to the state apparatus and statesmen could not afford to return to the old structures. Initially, however, the coalition of countries that defeated the French general set about reconstructing the political structures that had reigned in the period before the French Revolution. In a series of congresses starting in Vienna, the most powerful states in Europe—Russia, Prussia, and Austria, later joined by Britain and post-Napoleonic France—set about reinstating absolutist monarchies as the only acceptable political system. They also agreed to a series of alliances resulting in the domination of the monarchical system in European politics for at least three decades. These powers joined forces to fight all three consecutive liberal revolutions that raged across Europe and the Americas, in 1820, 1830, and 1848, each saturated with nationalist ideals. The events which provide the focus for this chapter belong to the first of those revolutions, that of 1820 (see also Chapter 11), and resulted in the creation of several new countries: Greece and the new Latin American states. In all, nationalism was at the rhetorical basis of the claims for independence. The past, accordingly, played an important role in the formation of the historical imagination which was crucial to the demand for self-determination. The antiquities appropriated by the Greek and by Latin American countries were still in line with those which had been favoured during the French Revolution: those of the Great Civilizations. However, in revolutionary France this type of archaeology had resulted in an association with symbols and material culture whose provenance was to a very limited extent in their own territory (Chapter 11) or was not on French soil but in distant countries such as Italy, Greece, and the Ottoman Empire (Chapter 3).
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Murray, Tim. "The History, Philosophy, and Sociology of Archaeology: The Case of the Ancient Monuments Protection Act (1882) (1990)." In Histories of Archaeology. Oxford University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199550074.003.0011.

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At the conclusion of his last speech as President of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (RAI) in 1872, Sir John Lubbock announced his intention to try to introduce legislation that would protect the ancient monuments of Great Britain. He was optimistic about his chances for success: ‘As there seems to be a general wish throughout the country to take some adequate steps for the preservation of these ancient monuments and graves of our forefathers, I am not without hope that the bill may meet with favourable reception’ (Lubbock 1872: 442). It transpired that the Ancient Monuments Protection Bill (AMPB) was to sorely try Lubbock’s patience and sap his optimism, because the Ancient Monuments Protection Act (AMPA) was not to receive royal assent until 1882, ten years after Lubbock’s resignation from the presidency of the RAIGBI. The long battle to get the first AMPA onto the statute books had entailed a great many compromises concerning the machinery of protection and the degree of state interference in the property rights of landed citizens. The most important of these compromises was made in 1881, when Lubbock changed his parliamentary tactics. After years of obstruction in the House of Commons, Lubbock abandoned his Private Member’s Bill and carried a resolution through the house that forced the Gladstone Liberal government to introduce a public bill of its own. This bill became the basis of the first AMPA, and it was a pale reflection of Lubbock’s own proposed measure, even exempting the monuments of Ireland from protection until the Ancient Monuments Protection (Ireland) Act 1892. In the second reading debate of the government’s bill (August 11, 1882) Lubbock observed: . . .As regards the present bill, while it was, no doubt, a step in the right direction, especially in providing for the appointment of an inspector, he could not hope that it would prove altogether effectual. It was natural that he should prefer the bill that had been before the house in previous sessions. . . . . . .
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