Relevant bibliographies by topics / Liberal

Academic literature on the topic 'Liberal'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 26 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Liberal"

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Borovalı, Murat. "Turkey’s ‘liberal’ liberals." Philosophy & Social Criticism 43, no. 4-5 (December 21, 2016): 406–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453716682375.

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Hay, Daisy. "Liberals,LiberalesandThe Liberal: a reassessment." European Romantic Review 19, no. 4 (October 2008): 307–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10509580802405650.

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Savery, Daniel. "Justifying Liberal Neutrality to Liberals." Res Publica 19, no. 2 (June 22, 2012): 193–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11158-012-9195-1.

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Van Velthoven, Harry. "Het tumultueuze politieke leven van Leo Augusteyns. Radicaal-liberaal en Vlaamsgezind volksvertegenwoordiger (1906-1919), activist, Vlaams-nationalist, antifascist." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 68, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 163–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v68i2.12425.

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Tot vlak voor 1914 stond de liberale arbeidersbeweging, mee opgebouwd door vader Augusteyns, in Antwerpen sterker dan zijn socialistische en christendemocratische concurrenten. Toen het ziekenfonds Help U Zelve zich onder de naam Liberale Volkspartij als politieke deelgroep organiseerde en in 1906 binnen de liberale partij het recht op een volksvertegenwoordiger afdwong, schoof zij Leo Augusteyns naar voren. Hij zou zich als radicaal liberaal, republikein en flamingant doen gelden, wat tot grote spanningen met de Antwerpse liberale boegbeelden leidde. De Eerste Wereldoorlog betekende een keerpunt. Augusteyns zou blijk geven van een gematigd activisme. In 1919 werd hij veroordeeld en verloor hij zijn politieke rechten. Hij werd in eerste instantie Vlaams-nationalist. Maar ook binnen die beweging nam hij een aparte positie in, want hij zou de fascistische wending ervan tot op het laatst fel bekampen. Tevergeefs en zijn politieke relevantie werd steeds kleiner. Zijn houding tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog had overigens de Liberale Volkspartij zwaar verdeeld. Binnen het Antwerpse liberalisme verloor ze veel van haar voordien contesterende en rebelse houding.________The tumultuous political life of Leo Augusteyns: radical-Liberal and Pro-Flemish Member of Parliament (1906-1919), activist, Flemish-nationalist, antifascistUntil just before 1914 the liberal workers' movement, which father Augusteyns helped to develop, was stronger in Antwerp than its Socialist and Christian-Democrat competitors. When the health insurance 'Help U Zelve' ('Help yourself') organised itself into a political subgroup named the Liberal People's Party and enforced its entitlement to a Parliamentary representative within the Liberal Party, they put forward Leo Augusteyns. He was to assert himself as a radical liberal, a Republican and Pro-Flemish, which was to create major tensions with the Antwerp liberal standard bearers. The First World War signified a turning point. Augusteyns was to display a moderate activism. In 1919 he was convicted and he lost his political rights. At first he became a Flemish-Nationalist. But even in that movement he occupied a separate position, for he was to fight against the fascist turn of the party until the end. It was in vain and his political relevance continued to diminish. In fact, his attitude during the First World War had caused great divisions within the Liberal People's Party. Within the Antwerp Liberal Group it lost much of its previously contesting and rebellious attitude.
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Barry, Brian. "How Not to Defend Liberal Institutions." British Journal of Political Science 20, no. 1 (January 1990): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005676.

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Liberal institutions (freedom of speech and religious worship, for example) will naturally be supported by liberals – that is to say, those with a liberal outlook. But what arguments can be addressed to non-liberals? There are some traditional arguments but these are too limited in scope to provide a general justification for liberal institutions. A recent argument that claims to do the job is to the effect that justice entails neutrality and neutrality entails liberal institutions. However, neutrality is a principle that could appeal to non-liberals only if they had already swallowed a large dose of liberalism, since it requires that they regard their deepest convictions as preferences or personal opinions. It is also doubtful whether liberals are well advised to embrace neutrality.
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Tomasi, John. "SHOULD POLITICAL LIBERALS BE COMPASSIONATE CONSERVATIVES? PHILOSOPHICAL FOUNDATIONS OF THE FAITH-BASED INITIATIVE." Social Philosophy and Policy 21, no. 1 (January 2004): 322–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052504211141.

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It is easy and popular these days to be a political liberal. Compared to ‘ethical liberals’, who justify the use of state power by way of one or another conception of people's true moral nature, ‘political liberals’ seek a less controversial foundation for liberal politics. Pioneered within the past twenty years by John Rawls and Charles Larmore, the ‘political liberal’ approach seeks to justify the coercive power of the state by reference to general political ideas about persons and society. Since it abandons the debates about personal moral value that have historically dogged liberal theory, political liberalism offers itself as a more latitudinarian, indeed a more liberal, form of liberalism. Being a political liberal is not the only way to be a good liberal, but this approach has become prevalent enough that I shall focus upon it here.
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Elizondo Reyes, Julián, and José Francisco Zárate Ortíz. "The Liberal Ethics of Charles Taylor in the Political Context of Liberal Societies." Eidos, no. 31 (March 24, 2020): 91–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.14482/eidos.31.7221.

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JOHNSON, MATTHEW. "THE LIBERAL WAR COMMITTEE AND THE LIBERAL ADVOCACY OF CONSCRIPTION IN BRITAIN, 1914–1916." Historical Journal 51, no. 2 (June 2008): 399–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08006766.

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ABSTRACTThe advent of conscription in Britain in 1916 was greeted with profound dismay by many in the Liberal party. At Westminster, however, a significant minority of Liberal MPs, who were members of the Liberal War Committee (LWC), were amongst the most enthusiastic advocates of compulsory service, from a surprisingly early stage in the war. It has usually been assumed that those Liberals who embraced conscription were effectively abandoning their progressive principles, and moving to another, more reactionary, political allegiance. This article argues that this was not the case. The Liberal advocates of conscription represented a range of political opinions, but all insisted that they remained Liberals, and many went to considerable lengths to reconcile their support for universal military service with their continued adherence to the Liberal creed. This article reassesses the phenomenon of Liberal support for compulsory service, examining the arguments, activities, and personnel of the LWC. It sheds new light on the vitality of Liberal principles in wartime, demonstrating that Liberal doctrine was often far more flexible than scholars have realized.
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Gayada, F. A. "Russian Liberal of the Beginning of the 20th Century in Politics." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 6 (February 28, 2018): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-6-28-43.

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The article examines the political views and practices of Russian liberals in the early twentieth century. Russia’s political destiny of this period directly depended on building constructive relations between the authorities and society. Liberal ideas had a significant impact on the educated public. At the same time, the constructive cooperation between the liberals and the government was the most important condition for the possibility of application of these ideas in domestic political practice. The article examines the political experience of the two largest liberal political parties in Russia – the Cadets and the Octobrists. The author comes to the conclusion that the Russian liberal politician of the early twentieth century could not get out of the role of an idealist oppositionist. He was incapable of recognizing the existing realities and the need for political compromises, which were often perceived as a sign of impotence or immorality. The liberals perceived themselves as the only force capable of bringing Russia to the right, «civilized» path. In the opinion of the liberals, this path was inevitable, therefore, under any circumstances, the liberal movement should have retained its leading role. In the spring of 1917, the liberal opposition was able to defeat its historical enemy (autocracy), but retained power for a very short time. The slaughter of the state machine, which the liberals themselves did not intend to preserve, led them to defeat. Thus, the state was the only guarantor of the existence of a liberal movement in Russia.
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Chen, Selina. "Liberal Justification: A Typology." Politics 18, no. 3 (September 1998): 189–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00077.

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Contemporary liberalism exhibits a broad agreement among its proponents as to its content but widespread disagreement on what fundamental values justify its principles. This paper provides a typology of ways in which liberals approach the task of justifying liberalism. It sets out a fourfold typology for categorising different liberal theories by distinguishing between the various reasons why liberals reject or accept neutrality. Such a typology is helpful in showing exactly how and where liberal theories differ in their approaches to the issues of justification, neutrality and pluralism, and in showing where their strengths and weaknesses lie.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Liberal"

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Caney, Simon. "Liberal perfectionism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390274.

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Tan, Wei-Li jJoachim. "Liberal Neutrality." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.522803.

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Slade, IV Joseph W. "Aristotelian Liberal Virtues." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2008. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/philosophy_theses/34.

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I analyze the potentially self-destructive tension inherent in liberalism between conceptions of negative liberty and positive liberty. In doing so, I utilize Aristotle’s theory of virtue to show that virtue is the best method of resolving this tension. In addition, I demonstrate that liberal virtues are best construed as virtues of intellect to be exercised in the public sphere. In particular, I show the importance of not construing liberal virtues as virtues of character (often referred to as moral virtues), because advocating such virtues is, in fact, contrary to the central tenets of liberalism. That is, I argue that it is illiberal to ask liberal citizens to develop a certain moral character, and that it is, instead, essential for said citizens to develop intellectual virtues as a method of resolving this tension within liberalism between the virtues needed to sustain liberalism and liberalism’s resistance towards promoting those virtues.
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Curry, Paul F. "Citizenship Beyond Liberal Neutrality." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23674.

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The liberal tradition has borne great fruits since the dawn of the modern era by emphasizing the value of equality and personal liberty, and by developing a theory of rights. Despite its incredible success, many authors have been pointing to fissures in the liberal structure, including practical and theoretical problems with state neutrality, with the state’s stance vis-à-vis different cultures, and with liberalism’s purported radical individualism. It is my belief that the gains of liberalism can be reconciled within a new theory that better answers to such critiques. Citizenship Beyond Liberal Neutrality begins with an analysis of contemporary debate between liberalism and its critics. This leads to a discussion of the state’s relationship toward cultural identities, and to a discussion of the meaning of citizenship within a liberal-democratic state. What we need, I argue, is a civic identity that is both capable of judging cultural practices, and capacious enough for a citizenry characterized by reasonable pluralism. This common identity, moreover, provides a locus for attachment that is often found wanting in contemporary liberal theory. I draw on relevant insights from virtue theories, constitutional patriotism, and an ‘analogical’ understanding of public reason to inform a new, liberal-like conception of citizenship. In order to exemplify this conception, and to bolster the case for it, I consider how such a philosophy could play out with respect to two public policy areas that are central to citizenship, namely education and immigration. Distilled to its simplest, I argue for a theory of citizenship that admits a conception of the good, that can promote virtue while respecting autonomy, and that can provide a basis for civic unity.
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Galassini, Margherita. "Religion and Liberal Legitimacy." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/204075.

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Rhyn, Heinz. "Allgemeine Bildung und liberale Gesellschaft : zur Transformation der Liberal Education in der angelsächsischen Aufklärung /." [S.l : s.n.], 1995. http://www.ub.unibe.ch/content/bibliotheken_sammlungen/sondersammlungen/dissen_bestellformular/index_ger.html.

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Cornish, Sara Elizabeth. "Imposing the Liberal Peace: State-building and Neo-liberal Development in Timor-Leste." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Language, Social and Political Sciences, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/10287.

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From the mid-1990s, the amalgamation of security, development, and humanitarian imperatives under the single umbrella of ‘state-building’ has provided a compelling justification for increasingly intrusive interventions into the political, economic, and social affairs of subject countries. Guided by the assumptions of liberal peace theory, state-building initiatives engage directly with states, seeking to achieve a reformulation of structures of government as a first step towards the implementation of wider socio-economic reforms. The state-building project is geared towards the construction of a particular form of statehood in subject states; state institutions are to be reconstructed in accordance with a liberal template, and tasked with establishing the necessary institutional environment for market-led development and the liberal peace. Contemporary discourses of state-building and development are fundamentally interlinked, representing a unified process of neo-liberal replication in subject states, whereby fundamental transformations of social, political, and economic structures are to be implemented and sustained through the construction of liberal state institutions. Pressure to court international approval due to conditions of aid dependence curtails the potential for meaningful democracy in subject countries. Key questions of social and economic policy are subsumed as technical matters of good governance and removed from domestic democratic contestation, facilitating a transfer of formerly domestic considerations into the international sphere. These interlocking processes of state-building and neo-liberal discipline have contributed to an inversion of sovereign statehood, whereby the state serves to channel inward an externally driven agenda, rather than acting as a sovereign expression of domestic interests. This reality raises important questions regarding the nature of democracy in post-conflict environments, and in particular the impact of state-building activities on the prospects for broadly inclusive democracy in subject states. This study will examine the evolution of state-building as a critical components of peace-building missions, its central assumptions and goals, and its implementation in practice in Timor-Leste. The state-building process in Timor-Leste has contributed to the formation of an insulated state with little basis in Timorese society. The democratic experience in Timor-Leste has been profoundly disempowering; conditions of aid dependence have constrained elected governments in key areas of social and economic policy, resulting in a loss of popular legitimacy and mounting public disenchantment. Closer examination of food and agricultural policy and management of Timorese oil reserves reveals the extent to which government policy remains constrained by international preferences. In these areas, the government’s inability to act in the interests of the Timorese public has compounded social hardships and popular discontent, contributing to the build-up of anti-government sentiment that manifested itself in the 2006 crisis.
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Bennett, Fred. "A liberal theory of borders." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/10429.

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The thesis investigates normative justifications for any particular division of the world into political units; it investigates the moral considerations which arise when changes to political frontiers are proposed. It is argued that the right of individuals to associate with whom they please is the moral factor which determines the moral legitimacy of political boundaries. Groups of individuals occupying a contiguous territory have a moral right to secede from any existing political unit for any or no reason other than the fact that the majority wishes it, unless it can be demonstrated that such an action would violate someone's rights. Such factors as culture, language, historical accident, etc., are morally irrelevant; they may account for psychological motivations but carry no moral weight. The argument would countenance the secession of Quebec from Canada, the partition of Quebec, or the expulsion of Quebec from the federation by other Canadians.
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Zamboni, Fausto José da Fonseca [UNESP]. "Literatura, ensino e educação liberal." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103630.

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L’educazione letteraria, nelle scuole e università, si trova ad affrontare oggi innumerevoli difficoltà, soprattutto a causa di un grande contingente di alunni senza interesse negli studi. Ortega y Gasset credeva che ogni studio non motivato da un interesse vitale fosse una falsità, e questo è il caso di molti alunni della scuola di massa che, negli ultimi secoli, si è trasformata profondamente, diffondendosi ampiamente e proponendosi come valido ausilio per la formazione professionale e l’Ingegneria Sociale. Le scienze umane, dall’altra parte, sono state fortemente influenzate da un’ondata di studi critici che hanno messo in difficoltà l’autorità della Tradizione e dei valori fondanti della nostra civiltà. La crisi dell’educazione è, in fondo, il risultato di una crisi ancor maggiore, dentro la quale l’uomo ha perduto la fede nei valori, su cui ha edificato la propria cultura. Ora il suo compito è trovare una propria centralità in questo universo confuso in cui riconoscere se stesso e poter ordinare l’ammasso di informazioni e conoscenze che la nostra epoca continua a produrre abbondantemente. Non ci sono alternative che non emergano direttamente dalla Tradizione, anzi diciamo pure dalle tradizioni che la Tradizione stessa ci offre. Dobbiamo conoscerle per poter scegliere quelle che ci servono, per realizzare “l’esame del moderno in faccia all’eterno” (CARPEAUX, 1999, p. 203). Questo è l’obiettivo dell’Educazione Liberale, basata sullo studio dei classici – specialmente delle opere letterarie – poiché la letteratura è la base su cui si edificano le culture e tutti i tipi di discorsi e conoscenze umane. Essa può aiutarci a vincere le deficienze di un’educazione utilitaristica, guidandoci nella ricerca del Sapere e del senso della vita; insomma, di un nuovo stile di esistenza
A educação literária, nas escolas e universidades, enfrenta inúmeros problemas, e o principal é a falta de motivação profunda dos alunos. Ortega y Gasset dizia que todo estudo que não se funda num interesse vital é uma falsidade, e essa é a situação geral do ensino massificado da nossa época. A escola e a universidade se transformaram enormemente nos últimos séculos, passando a atender outros propósitos, como a preparação profissional e a modelagem de atitudes e mentalidades em vista de objetivos políticos. As humanidades, por sua vez, foram tomadas por uma onda de estudos críticos que combatem a autoridade da Tradição e dos valores que fundaram a nossa civilização. A crise da educação é, no fundo, uma crise muito maior, na qual o homem perdeu a fé nos valores que edificaram o Ocidente, sem que pudesse encontrar um centro em que reconhecesse a si mesmo e pudesse ordenar a massa de informações e conhecimentos que a nossa época produz em abundância. Não há, porém, alternativas que não emerjam diretamente da Tradição, ou melhor, das tradições que a Tradição oferece. Devemos conhecê-las para escolher aquelas que nos servem, para fazer “o exame do moderno em face do eterno” (CARPEAUX, 1999, p. 203). É nisso que consiste a Educação Liberal, que se baseia no estudo dos clássicos – especialmente as obras literárias – pois a literatura é a base na qual se fundam as culturas e os outros tipos de conhecimentos. Ela pode nos auxiliar a suprir as deficiências de uma educação utilitarista, guiando-nos na busca da sabedoria e da realização do sentido da vida; em suma, de um novo estilo humano de existência
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Bernstein, Steven Franklin. "The compromise of liberal environmentalism." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ27604.pdf.

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Books on the topic "Liberal"

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Liberale Theologie heute: Liberal theology today. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2019.

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Erdoğan, Mustafa. Liberal toplum, liberal siyaset. [Ankara]: Siyasal Kitabevi, 1993.

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Zimmermann, Bernhard. Von artes liberales zu liberal arts. Freiburg: Rombach, 2013.

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Liberal anxieties and liberal education. London: Profile Books, 1999.

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Liberal anxieties and liberal education. New York: Hill and Wang, 1998.

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Ullenhag, Erik. Myten om det liberala Sverige: Om liberal humanism. Stockholm: Ekerlid, 1999.

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Vita, Alvaro de. Justiça liberal: Argumentos liberais contra o neoliberalismo. São Paulo, SP: Paz e Terra, 1993.

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Pugh, Michael C. Liberal Internationalism. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137291943.

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Ringmar, Erik. Liberal Barbarism. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137031600.

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Jahn, Beate. Liberal Internationalism. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137348432.

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Book chapters on the topic "Liberal"

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Hendrickx, Kim. "Liberal Food, Liberal Consumers." In Health, Technology and Society, 85–110. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4950-2_5.

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Von Brentano, Margherita. "Letter to an Anti-Liberal Liberal." In Beyond Reason, 199–212. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-3188-9_8.

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Kaul, Volker. "Liberal Nationalism." In Identity and the Difficulty of Emancipation, 15–28. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-52375-6_2.

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Dimock, Susan. "Liberal Neutrality." In Liberalism, 41–58. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-9440-0_3.

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Soutphommasane, Tim. "Liberal Patriotism." In Handbook of Patriotism, 1–21. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-30534-9_44-1.

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Burchill, Scott. "Liberal Internationalism." In Theories of International Relations, 28–66. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24743-1_2.

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Griffiths, Martin. "Liberal Internationalism." In Rethinking International Relations Theory, 19–41. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-29414-2_2.

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Elford, R. John. "Liberal Theology." In The Student's Companion to the Theologians, 438–50. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118427170.ch61.

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Schimmelfennig, Frank. "Liberal Intergovernmentalism." In The Palgrave Handbook of EU Crises, 61–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51791-5_3.

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Tucker, David F. B. "Liberal Democracy." In Essay on Liberalism, 109–22. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-1096-9_9.

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Conference papers on the topic "Liberal"

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Wai Keung and Alpha Lee. "LIBERATE: Virtual education platform for Liberal Studies." In 2008 30th International Conference on Information Technology Interfaces (ITI). IEEE, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iti.2008.4588466.

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Glushkova, Svetlana. "Liberal Ideas of B.N. Chicherin: The Past and The Present." In The Public/Private in Modern Civilization, the 22nd Russian Scientific-Practical Conference (with international participation) (Yekaterinburg, April 16-17, 2020). Liberal Arts University – University for Humanities, Yekaterinburg, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35853/ufh-public/private-2020-25.

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Russian liberal heritage, first of all, the scientific works of the famous Russian legal expert Boris Chicherin, is the fundamental basis for the developing science of human rights in modern Russia; it is from this position that this article examines Chicherin’s work. The main purpose of the study is to identify Chicherin’s priorities in shaping new progressive ideas for Russia and to examine the transformation of his views. In examining and analysing Chicherin’s liberal ideas, historical, logical and comparative methods were applied. It has been concluded that Chicherin set the foundation of the liberal theory of human rights, elaborated a set of progressive ideas and a blueprint of reforms, which determined the formation of several generations of liberals in autocratic Russia and are still relevant today. Defending the priority of private law over public law, Chicherin argued: a civil order based on private law must always be free from state absorption. He was among the first in Russia to develop the idea of a constitutional state in relation with the creation of free institutions and the formation of a high intellectual and moral level of society. By developing the new policy of ‘liberal measures and strong state authority’ as an optimal model for Russian state and society, Chicherin gave rise to the formation of political science in Russia. The author believes that the analysis and discussion of Chicherin’s academic writings in university classrooms and at academic conferences contribute to the formation of a culture of human rights, a liberal worldview, a new generation of reformers, and the advancement of the emerging science of human rights.
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Sormunen, Eero. "Liberal relevance criteria of TREC -." In the 25th annual international ACM SIGIR conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/564376.564433.

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Жолудов, М. В. "The Liberal Party in the Political System of the Great Britain in the XIXth Century: Forms and Features of Development." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.020.

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В статье рассматриваются особенности развития Либеральной партии Великобритании в XIX в. В своем развитии она преодолела несколько этапов, каждый из которых обнаруживал тесную связь с общеисторическими изменениями в Великобритании. В работе утверждается, что способность правящей элиты страны вовремя перейти к политике либеральных преобразований позволила ей преодолеть серьезный социально-политический кризис и спасти Великобританию от революции. Особое внимание уделено исследованию влияния парламентской реформы 1832 г. на формирование структуры партии. Заслугой либералов было то, что они сумели адаптировать плавным, эволюционно-реформистским путем, не затрагивая самих основ общественного порядка, государственно-правовые институты Великобритании к новым историческим условиям, возникшим в результате промышленного переворота. Используя гибкие компромиссные методы управления и проведения социальной политики в отношениях как с землевладельческой аристократией, так и со средними и низшими слоями британского общества, либералы смогли поддерживать достаточно высокую стабильность общества, сглаживать социальные конфликты, столь частые в других странах Западной Европы XIX в. Автор подчеркивает, что к концу XIX в. британским либералам удалось создать массовую политическую партию современного типа. The article examines the features of the development of the Liberal Party of Great Britain in the XIXth century. In its development, the Liberal Party was going through several stages, each of which revealed a close connection with general historical changes in Great Britain. The paper argues that the ability of the country's ruling elite to switch to a policy of liberal transformations in time allowed it to overcome a serious socio-political crisis and save Great Britain from revolution. Particular attention is paid to the study of the influence of the parliamentary reform of 1832 on the formation of the party structure. The merit of the liberals was that they were able to adapt in a smooth, evolutionary-reformist way, without affecting the very foundations of public order, the state-legal institutions of Great Britain to the new historical conditions that arose as a result of the industrial revolution. Using flexible compromise methods of management and social policy in relations both with the landowning aristocracy and with the middle and lower strata of the British society, the liberals managed to maintain a fairly high stability of society, smooth out social conflicts that are so frequent in other countries of Western Europe of the XIXth century. The author emphasizes that by the end of the XIXth century, the British liberals managed to create a mass political party of the modern type.
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Arnow, David. "Teaching programming to liberal arts students." In the twenty-fifth SIGCSE symposium. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/191029.191087.

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César da Silva Dantas, Júlio, Diego Santos de Medeiros, Marciano Goveia de Araújo, Wallison de Melo, and Jardel Lucena da Silva. "UMA ANÁLISE LIBERAL DOS VOUCHERS EDUCACIONAIS." In VI Congresso internacional das lincenciaturas. Instituto internacional despertando vocações, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.31692/2358-9728.ivcointerpdvl.2017.00239.

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Mason, Dave, Irfan Khan, and Vadim Farafontov. "Computational Thinking as a Liberal Study." In the 47th ACM Technical Symposium. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2839509.2844655.

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Smith, Carol L., Dennis A. Trinkle, Lynda S. Latta, and Joshua Wilson. "Technology as the new liberal art." In the 30th annual ACM SIGUCCS conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/588646.588675.

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Jorgensen, Zach, Ting Yu, and Graham Cormode. "Conservative or liberal? Personalized differential privacy." In 2015 IEEE 31st International Conference on Data Engineering (ICDE). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icde.2015.7113353.

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Andersen, Peter Bøgh, Jens Bennedsen, Steffen Brandorff, Michael E. Caspersen, and Jesper Mosegaard. "Teaching programming to liberal arts students." In the 8th annual conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/961511.961543.

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Reports on the topic "Liberal"

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Johnson, Paul, Max Warner, Carl Emmerson, Christine Farquharson, Tom Waters, and Helen Miller. Liberal Democrat manifesto: a reaction. The IFS, June 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1920/co.ifs.2024.0035.

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Mukand, Sharun, and Dani Rodrik. The Political Economy of Liberal Democracy. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, September 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w21540.

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Marcum, Deanna, and Clara Samayoa. Leveraging Technology for the Liberal Arts. New York: Ithaka S+R, November 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.18665/sr.275024.

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Csajko, Karen. Hugo Grotius and the liberal tradition. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.5595.

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Barfield, Claude. TPP keeps the internet’s rules liberal. East Asia Forum, February 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1456783215.

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Dawson, Peter M. Liberal Hegemony, Democratic Peace, and United States Strategy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, February 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada306983.

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Rose, Andrew. Do WTO Members have More Liberal Trade Policy? Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, November 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w9347.

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Jebb, Cindy R. The Fight for Legitimacy: Liberal Democracy versus Terrorism. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada390205.

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Schonfeld, Roger. The Visual Resources Environment at Liberal Arts Colleges. New York: NITLE, August 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.18665/sr.22338.

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Heydon, Ken. MC13 success critical to the liberal trading order. East Asia Forum, September 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1695765659.

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