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Castellanos, i. Corbera Roger. "El præcipitium epistèmic entre el coneixement de la natura i el coneixement de la política en el Leviathan de Thomas Hobbes." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671573.
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El præcipitium epistèmic entre el coneixement de la natura i el coneixement de la política és un recurs metodològic que ens ha permès estudiar la filosofia política de Hobbes, de manera autònoma i no subordinada a la resta de seccions orgàniques del seu projecte de sistema filosòfic, alhora que ha consistit en el punt de partida de l'anàlisi sobre la seva concepció de la sobirania i les seves limitacions a la realitat present; car les restriccions polítiques que poden contribuir a mantenir unes condicions de sobirania i de subjecció íntegres, amb el propòsit de preservar la pau, es construeixen científicament a partir d'un fonament hipotètic sobre la condició natural humana. D'aquí se'n desprèn una tensió epistèmica medul·lar i irresoluble que implica que no puguem arribar a concebre una solució política definitiva ni universalment vàlida per al conflicte social, de manera que la dissolució o mort de la sobirania resulta aparentment inevitable al món real; alhora que les condicions per a la seva institució romandrien i, de nou, seria nogensmenys possible la seva reproducció.El præcipitium epistémico entre el conocimiento de la naturaleza y el conocimiento de la política es un recurso metodológico que nos ha permitido estudiar la filosofía política de Hobbes, de manera autónoma y no subordinada al resto de secciones orgánicas de su proyecto de sistema filosófico, a la vez que ha consistido en el punto de partida del análisis sobre su concepción de la soberanía y sus limitaciones a la realidad presente; porque las restricciones políticas que pueden contribuir a mantener unas condiciones de soberanía y de sujeción íntegras, con el propósito de preservar la paz, se construyen científicamente a partir de un fundamento hipotético sobre la condición natural humana. De aquí se desprende una tensión epistémica medular e irresoluble que implica que no podamos llegar a concebir una solución política definitiva ni universalmente válida para el conflicto social, de manera que la disolución o muerte de la soberanía resulta aparentemente inevitable en el mundo real; a la vez que las condiciones para su institución permanecerían y, de nuevo, sería sin embargo posible su reproducción.
The epistemic præcipitium between the knowledge of nature and the knowledge of politics is a methodological resource which has allowed us to study Hobbes's political philosophy, autonomously and not subordinated to the other organic sections of his project of philosophical System. At the same time, it has consisted in the starting point of the analysis on his conception of sovereignty and its limitations on present reality; for the political constraints that may contribute to maintaining conditions of full sovereignty and subjection, for the purpose of preserving peace, are scientifically constructed from a hypothetical foundation of the human natural condition. From this, a medullary and unsolvable epistemic tension emerges, which implies that we cannot conceive of a definitive or universally valid political solution to social conflict. So that, the dissolution or death of sovereignty is apparently inevitable in the real world; at the same time, the conditions for its institution would remain and, again, its reproduction would nevertheless be possible.
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AZZAN, SIMONA. "'ATOMI DELLE SCRITTURE': IL RUOLO DELL'INTEPRETAZIONE BIBLICA NEL LEVIATHAN DI THOMAS HOBBES." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/675148.
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In Leviathan Hobbes confronts with the Bible devoting no less than half part of his work to religious and theological matter. In the parts three and four of Leviathan we can find eighteen voluminous chapters devoted to the discussion of various elements of the Christian faith such as prophecy, revelation, miracles and salvation. In doing so Hobbes deals with a lot of passages from the Old and New Testament. In my thesis I consider the reasons, the method, and the role of Hobbes’s account on the Bible to show how the biblical interpretation and the political theory of Hobbes are strictly related.
In the first part, I consider how the historical and intellectual reasons that lead Hobbes into a so closer study of the Bible are innumerable and varied. I considered how the dilemma of choosing between papal and clerical abuse to the monopoly over right interpretation, and between protestant Sola Scripura arising from the individual right to read the bible for oneself, appears a theoretical problem in Leviathan. Hobbes faces this problem confronts with the Bible to show how the Scripture affirms that the Sovereign should control both civil and ecclesiastical power and how one unified and scientific method of reading the Bible could potentially eliminate all religious conflict. In this way Hobbes can reply, as much as political libido dominandi of catholic Church to the religious enthusiasm of puritans.
In the second part of the thesis I considered how, in his account of the Bible Hobbes adopts an hermeneutic principles that provide for the use of mere natural reason and strictly excluded Enthusiasm or supernatural inspiration. In the chapter XXXIII of Leviathan Hobbes explains that men should expect an agreement between the truth of reason and God’s word and so Christians should not renounce to their senses or experiences nor does their natural reason because they are useful to understand better the word of God. Hobbes cannot deny that, in Scripture, there be many things above reason, but he parenterally affirms that there is nothing contrary to it. Hobbes develops in his biblical exegesis a strong critic against scholasticism. Hobbes’s rejection to schoolman is based in fact on his conclusion that their way of philosophizing has contributed to the abuse of the scripture by constructing an abstract and confusing language which is contrary to natural reason and adepts can manipulate the citizens.
In the third part I considered how this is true especially for his account on the Hebrew Bible, the first five book of the Bible, known also as Torah, or “the law”. While tracing back the history of Jews, in his discussion on the Prophetic kingdom of God, Hobbes ascertains that civil and ecclesiastical powers have always been an exclusive privilege exercised by a one and single person, holder of the supreme authority to interpret the law and the word of God. According to Hobbes is the Mosaic covenant, described in the book of exodus, is the historical example of unified authority: political and religious. As Moses controlled both the civil and the ecclesiastical power so the sovereign is allowed to establish regulations for the conduct of civil life, and he has the power to judge the word of God and impose obligation in God’s name, since is God that gives the authority to interpret divine commands to the people invested with sovereignty. In this sense the political exegesis of the Hebrew Bible is something crucial in Hobbes’s argumentations.
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Gold, Samuel Emory gold. "Leftist Leviathan." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1525351112377153.
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Linger, Scott W. "Resisting the global Leviathan." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/19248/.
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The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the burgeoning neo-republican literature by proposing a novel solution to the problem of transnational domination. In doing so, the thesis will offer a coherent and defensible account of transnational domination, one which claims that the problem of transnational domination can arise in two distinct forms. The first form of transnational domination occurs when external agents interfere or threaten to interfere in the affairs of states, since any interference with states will correlatively interfere with the lives of the individuals living within that state. The second form, what I will term individualised transnational domination, occurs when transnational control bypasses the state and interferes in the lives of individuals. Addressing the two forms of transnational domination and securing an internationally just political framework requires that we look to create a multi-level system of cosmopolitan democratic governance in which: states’ capacity to secure social and political justice is protected; transnational agents, including multinational corporations, are subject to constitutional constraints; and individuals are able to influence and direct the governance that they’re subject to, thereby rendering the framework democratically legitimate.
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Ferkaluk, David. "TheGod of the Leviathan:." Thesis, Boston College, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108481.
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Thesis advisor: Susan M. ShellOne does not typically join the name of Thomas Hobbes with God or theology. Yet, much of what Hobbes says within his magnum opus, Leviathan, contains many thoughts and ideas on theology, especially God. By employing close textual analysis of Leviathan, I seek to uncover what Hobbes intends regarding his thoughts on God, and what role God plays, if any, in Hobbes’s political commonwealth. Understanding Hobbes’s thoughts on God contributes to a greater comprehension of what Hobbes intends with his political philosophy as well as his political theology. This thesis contributes to the growing literature of Hobbes’s thoughts on religion and political theology
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2019
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Harmon, Jonathan. "Leviathan drawn out by its tail: The religious ideas of the second half of Leviathan." Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1401.
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Thesis advisor: David M. RasmussenLeviathan drawn out by its tail: The religious ideas of the second half of Leviathan Jonathan Harmon In this dissertation, I examine the religious writings of Thomas Hobbes, primarily as they occur in the second half of Leviathan (but drawing from other sources as necessary). My aim is to illustrate the continuity between Hobbes' thoughts on religion and other areas of his philosophy, especially his political theory. Hobbes' distinctive philosophical position, filtered through the lens of the Bible, is what animates the theology of the second half of Leviathan. In short: Hobbes is a materialist, a determinist, an empiricist, a nominalist, a political absolutist, and a social and intellectual elitist. He came of age in a Anglican-Calvinist context and had a humanist education. He was born on the cusp of the scientific revolution, and considered himself a scientist and a mathematician. All of these influences affect the views presented in Leviathan. Hobbes approaches the Christianity of his era hypercritically, with an eye to excising foreign and irrational influences (Greek, Scholastic philosophy, pagan religion, Catholic hierarchy) and replacing them with (ostensibly) Biblically-grounded and philosophically-robust doctrines. In effect, Hobbes is attempting to rationally reconstruct Christianity on the basis of Scripture and his own philosophical system, and his overriding concern is with political stability and the absolute authority of the sovereign. In Chapter 1, I focus on the first half of Leviathan. My discussion explores issues and controversies in the natural theology of Hobbes. Chapter 2 draws some parallels between Hobbes' determinist physics and the doctrine of predestination most often associated with Jean Calvin. Chapter 3 begins the analysis of the second half of Leviathan. I consider Hobbes' position on the relationship between reason and revelation. I consider the sources of religious belief from a Hobbesian perspective - miracles, prophecy, and scripture. Hobbes subjects all of these to rigorous epistemological critiques. In Chapter 4, I examine Hobbes' unique account of eschatology, and the purposes to which he puts it. Hobbes' account of heaven and hell, the soul and salvation, are startling to the modern reader, but actually are a idiosyncratic blend of the radical ideas of some of Hobbes' contemporaries and his own philosophical commitments. I consider some of the potential sources for these innovations in his theory, whether direct or indirect. Hobbes embraces a vision of the relationship between Church and State that emphasizes their unity and absolute subordination to the sovereign. In Chapter 5, I analyze this extended argument, highlighting Hobbes' encyclopedic attempt to demolish any argument that splits authority into temporal and spiritual realms. In Chapter 6 I consider the double question of Hobbes' religious sincerity: both as an individual and as the author of Leviathan. I consider the thoughts of the Straussian school as they apply to Hobbes. I return to the thoughts of Hobbes' contemporaries and what they believed that Hobbes was saying about religion. I compare Hobbes to Machiavelli on a major point of overlap
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2010
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Philosophy
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Bötker, Peter. "Leviatan i arkipelagen : Staten, förvaltningen och samhället. Fallet Estland." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Sociology, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-6756.
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Sedan Max Weber har många forskare påvisat tendenser till ett samband mellan svaga regeringar och starka byråkratier. Man har i sammanhanget lyft fram två faktorer som gör att en byråkrati kan komma att dominera över sina politiska principaler: Å ena sidan har man menat att eftersom politikerna omöjligen kan ha egen expertis på alla områden och kunna sköta allt vardagligt behöver de delegera uppgifter till en förvaltning. Med tiden, och om principaler byts ut ofta, leder detta till att det till sist är förvaltningen som med sin expertis tenderar att bestämma över sina politiska huvudmän. Å andra sidan har man även påpekat att eftersom staten intervenerat i allt fler samhällsområden har detta gett förvaltningen möjligheter att där etablera olika allianser som i sin tur kan användas som källa till expertis och som en påtryckargrupp för att främja förvaltningens egna syften och planer. I denna studie försöker jag med hjälp av processer i den estniska statsförvaltningen under huvudsakligen 1990−talet visa att det inte med nödvändighet existerar ett kontinuum där man å ena sidan skulle hitta starka och aktiva regeringar med rationella, neutrala och lydiga kanslier till sitt förfogande och å andra sidan svaga regeringar som domineras av kansliet.
Eftersom staten snarare är en social relation än ett givet subjekt utgår jag ifrån att de politiska ledaraktörerna och förvaltningen likt en ekologisk enhet ingår i en levande kontext som också påverkar dess interna processer och flöden. Därmed kan mycket av förvaltningens interna liv förstås om man relaterar det till händelser och beroendeskap i en organisk kontext. Jag kommer således att betrakta staten som en social relation. En viktig aspekt i resonemanget i detta avsnitt blir alltså dragkampen på scenen och dess omgivning. Tanken är att denna dragkamp bestämmer statens kapacitet, aktörernas relationer på scenen och på vilket sätt dessa aktörer kan få fotfäste i det omgivande samhället. Därför väljer jag att till beskrivningen av statens position i sin omgivning även lägga massorganisationernas och folkrörelsernas roll, vilka med sin utbreddhet i samhället kan lägga en bred grund för att bära upp de aktörer som intar staten alternativt omöjliggöra för staten att i politikskapande manövrera förbi dem. I detta ligger också att staten med hjälp av sin uppburenhet eller samarbete med stora medborgerliga sammanslutningar blir djupt inbäddad i samhället. Dock har massorganisationerna och folkrörelserna under de senaste decennierna förlorat sin förmåga att samla och organisera människor.
I denna avhandling kommer jag att redogöra för de faktorer som medför att medborgarsammanslutningarnas förmåga att sammanfläta staten med medborgarna försvinner. Resultatet av denna process har blivit att de politiska organisationer som intog statsarenan saknar en bred och djup inbäddning bland befolkningen. När partierna därefter tvingas att garantera sin fortsatta delaktighet i utformandet av regeringsmaskineriet måste de vända sig till väljarkåren som de saknar all organisationell samhörighet med. Detta, menar jag, har fått vidare konsekvenser för politikskapandet och statens roll i samhället, samt i förlängningen även medfört konsekvenser för statsapparatens funktioner.
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Bötker, Peter. "Leviatan i arkipelagen : staten, förvaltningen och samhället. Fallet Estland /." Stockholm : Sociologiska institutionen, Stockholms universitet : Södertörns högskola, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-6756.
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Chesman, David D. "Whither Leviathan : Canadian federalism and Alberta." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/60257.
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Secession is federal failure and a phenomenon of identity politics. This thesis applies a theory of federal failure, as distilled from existing scholarship, to the relationship between Canadian federalism and Alberta. The theory posits that the successful conduct of federalism is constrained to avoid the initial phase of secession, “secessionist alienation”, defined as a constituency that can be mobilized in favour of secession within a specific federal territory. Secessionist alienation is composed of two (2) essential, interdependent elements: “secessionist capacity” and “secessionist will”. Secessionist capacity requires a separable territory within which its constituents share a territorial identity. Secessionist will is an intense fear of the federal union triggered by the emergence of the Federal Leviathan, central government oppression in the form of the appropriation of, or interference with, a federal territory’s authority in breach of the federal bargain that presents as an existential crisis for the territory’s identity. The application of the theory to the relationship between Canadian federalism and Alberta reveals that Alberta possesses secessionist capacity as a consequence of Canadian federalism and that the factors that facilitate the emergence of the Federal Leviathan are routinely present in the relationship between Alberta and Canadian federalism. Accordingly, if the successful conduct of Canadian federalism is constrained to avoid secessionist alienation in Alberta, the central government must respect Alberta’s territorial identity, economic subnationalism, that presents as its intense commitment to Alberta’s ownership and control of its oil and gas resources.Arts, Faculty of
Graduate
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Alderson, Kai. "Educating leviathan : socialization and the state system." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284948.
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Pereira, Maria Helena de Queirós. "Da ficção em Leviathan de Paul Auster." Master's thesis, Porto : [Edição do Autor], 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10216/18124.
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O presente trabalho estuda o tratamento que a obra de Paul Auster e, especificamente, Leviathan, dá à tendência actual que relativiza o poder da linguagem e da ficção para representar o real associando-a a uma visão construcionista do mundo. A análise da construção narrativa de Leviathan salientará a importância da multiplicação de versões na sua estruturação, a qual será ligada ao inevitável processo de ficcionalização da realidade e do homem inerente à condição humana, retratado e problematizado na obra. Investigar-se-ão depois as ambiguidades do texto ao nível das instâncias narrativas e das personagens, pondo a descoberto as relações de dependência e influência entre os diferentes discursos presentes e conduzindo à exploração do papel do autor e à aceitação de uma concepção palimpséstica do texto e do homem. Esta investigação será equacionada com a questionação subversiva de Auster dos poderes e limites da linguagem e da ficção na descrição e/ou criação do real.
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Pereira, Maria Helena de Queirós. "Da ficção em Leviathan de Paul Auster." Dissertação, Porto : [Edição do Autor], 1997. http://aleph.letras.up.pt/F?func=find-b&find_code=SYS&request=000062319.
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O presente trabalho estuda o tratamento que a obra de Paul Auster e, especificamente, Leviathan, dá à tendência actual que relativiza o poder da linguagem e da ficção para representar o real associando-a a uma visão construcionista do mundo. A análise da construção narrativa de Leviathan salientará a importância da multiplicação de versões na sua estruturação, a qual será ligada ao inevitável processo de ficcionalização da realidade e do homem inerente à condição humana, retratado e problematizado na obra. Investigar-se-ão depois as ambiguidades do texto ao nível das instâncias narrativas e das personagens, pondo a descoberto as relações de dependência e influência entre os diferentes discursos presentes e conduzindo à exploração do papel do autor e à aceitação de uma concepção palimpséstica do texto e do homem. Esta investigação será equacionada com a questionação subversiva de Auster dos poderes e limites da linguagem e da ficção na descrição e/ou criação do real.
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Chamseddine, Mnasri. "Re-interpreting the Soviet system : the Leviathan revolution." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30697.
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Leninism-Stalinism has been conceived as part of Marxism as a political ideology. However, both the crisis and collapse of the Soviet system have led to a reconsideration of the fundamental theoretical grounds upon which the practices of the Leninist-Stalinist state were premised. This thesis is an attempt to redefine the nature of the Soviet state in its Leninist-Stalinist dimension. My thesis differs from others both in terms of aim and method. The ultimate aim of this work is to prove that the equation "Marxism = Leninism = Stalinism" is debatable. In doing so, I start by investigating Lenin's work and its impact on the future of socialism in the Soviet state. I will also argue that the authoritarian state which emerged from the Russian Civil War resulted in the Stalin tyranny (I dub it leviathanism). The method of approach I adopt in this thesis is political-philosophical. I argue that the theoretical father of the Soviet state was Thomas Hobbes rather than Karl Marx. In arguing so, I mainly focus on aspects in Hobbes's "leviathan theory" which coalesce with the political practices from 1917 to the 1930s. Adopting such a method, I seek to challenge the dominant "Continuity thesis" which argues that the Soviet practice was but a logical application of Marxian theory. I challenge such a thesis by arguing that Leninism-Stalinism was an autholitarian (both authoritarian and totalitarian) system which, like Hobbes's sovereign, was concerned more with the consolidation of the state rather than 'smashing' it.
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Lalwani, Sameer Prem. "Selective leviathans : explaining state strategies of counterinsurgency and consolidation." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/95555.
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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2014.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 622-679).
States respond to rebellion differently, often shaping the intensity, duration, and outcome of the conflict as well as prospects for stability and state consolidation. Puzzling cross-national variation in counterinsurgency-sometimes brutal, sometimes minimalist-has drawn some inquiry, but sub-national variation by the same state incumbent has largely been neglected. This study develops a core-periphery theory to explain why states choose different strategies to fight rebellions based on what is at stake and who is rebelling. The theory identifies the variation in state strategy along two dimensions of effort and violence and contends the sub-national variation can best be explained by the value of the contested territory and the identity of the rebelling group. First, the contested territory's value, in economic, strategic, and ideational terms, will shape the strategy of effort the state is willing to deploy. When a rebellion, regardless of its size, threatens core territory, the state is likely to employ a strategy involving significant effort to decisively defeat the rebellion and regain control. Peripheral territory offers comparatively lower incentives resulting in minimalist containment strategies. Second, the positional status of the identity group composing the rebel base will shape the state's incentives and constraints for the strategic use of violence. Core social identity groups with high group worth and embeddedness within the state will motivate greater restraint as co-identity serves to limit state violence through affective mechanisms of empathy and trust and strategic mechanisms of vulnerability and information. Peripheral rebel groups are less likely to trigger such restraint and are therefore met with strategies of greater violence. The theory is tested with 29 cases of rebellion from India and Pakistan to leverage within-country variation with macro-structures of state capacity and institutions fairly constant. The study draws on extensive fieldwork, including over 150 interviews, as well as primary and secondary sources to examine state counterinsurgency through a medium-N analysis for each country's set of campaigns, as well as structured, focused comparisons of a select number of cases along specific dimensions of these conflicts and strategies. The two approaches provide strong support for the theory relative to competing explanations.
by Sameer Prem Lalwani.
Ph. D.
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Angoulvent, Anne-Laure. "Nature et Etat dans le Leviathan de Thomas Hobbes." Paris 2, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA020150.
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L'objet de cette these est l'inscription du leviathan dans une theorie philosophique. Psychologique et esthetique du baroque par des principes politiques et juridiques. Ainsi le passage de l'etat de nature a l'etat civil traduit la necessaire reconnaissance de l'ordre social par la representation. Mais l'obtention du salut eternel par le respect des regles civiles fait de la republique chretienne le triste compromis entre une illusion naturaliste fondatrice et une illusion civile redemptrice. Des lors le leviathan apparait comme une utopie. Expression d'un temps mythique qui se veut le reflet d'un temps chretien en quete de lui-memeThe objet of this thesis is to place the leviathan in the context of a philo sophical, psychological and esthetic theory of baroque, using political and juri dical principals. The passage from the state of nature to the civil state translates the recognition of a necessary social into representation. But the achievement of eternal salvation through the observance of civil legislation makes the christian republic a sorry compromose betwwen a founding naturalist illusion and a redeeming civil iollusion. From this point, the leviathan appears to be an utopia, expression of a mythical time which would be the reflection of a christian time in search of it self.
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Manns, Jeffrey David. "Limiting Leviathan : civil society and the state in Singapore." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.395228.
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Otto, Andrew J. (Andrew James) Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. ""Read thyself": science and self-knowledge in Hobbes' Leviathan." Ottawa, 1995.
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Orhan, Gökhan. "Leviathan versus democracy : the implementation of sustainable development in Turkey." Thesis, University of Essex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272507.
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Fleming, Sean Reamonn. "Leviathan on a leash : a political theory of state responsibility." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/284919.
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State responsibility is central to modern politics and international relations. States are commonly blamed for wars, called on to apologize, punished with sanctions, admonished to keep their promises, bound by treaties, and held liable for debts and reparations. But why, and under which conditions, does it make sense to assign responsibilities to whole states rather than to individual leaders and officials? The purpose of this thesis is to resurrect and develop a forgotten understanding of state responsibility from the political thought of Thomas Hobbes. Chapters 1 and 2 examine the two dominant theories of state responsibility and propose a Hobbesian alternative. According to the agential theory, states can be held responsible because they are moral agents like human beings, with analogous capacities for deliberation and intentional action. According to the functional theory, states can be held responsible because they act vicariously through their organs, much as principals act vicariously through agents. What makes Hobbes unique is that he considers states to be 'persons'-entities to which actions, rights, and responsibilities can be attributed-even though they are neither agents nor principals. Hobbes' idea of state personality relies on the concepts of authorization and representation, not of agency and intentionality, nor of functions and organs. Chapters 3, 4, and 5 develop the Hobbesian theory of state responsibility and apply it to three sets of problems. Chapter 3 addresses problems of attribution, such as whether the actions of dictators count as acts of state and whether states can commit crimes. Chapter 4 addresses problems of identity, such as whether revolutions and annexations negate the state's identity and hence its responsibilities. Chapter 5 addresses problems of distribution, such as whether the subjects of the state ought to bear the costs of debts and reparations that their state incurred before they were born. I argue that the Hobbesian theory provides better answers to each set of problems than the agential and functional alternatives.
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Cowles, Jan Michael. "A context for understanding the Old Testament sea dragon unmasking Leviathan /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2005. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p090-0322.
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Lessay, Franck. "Le concept de souveraineté absolue dans le Leviathan de Hobbes : essai sur les limites de la légitimité rationnelle." Aix-Marseille 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987AIX10080.
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L'importance centrale du concept de souverainete absolue dans la pensee politique de thomas hobbes (1588-1679) a souvent fait considerer ce dernier comme un theoricien de l'absolutisme classique. Pourtant, a examiner la nature rationnelle et les implications pratiques du contrat social sur lequel il fonde sa doctrine de la souverainete, du gouvernement et des lois, notamment dans le leviathan, il y a lieu de se demander si cette oeuvre ne propose pas, avant tout, une theorie du pouvoir legitime parce que conforme a la raison. Des lors, l'absolutisme que semble exprimer le mythe de leviathan pourrait etre une anticipation paradoxale de l'etat democratique moderne de forme liberale, oriente vers la promotion de la securite et du bienetre de tous.
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Jdanoff, Denis. "Gehorsam und Widerstand in Hobbes' "Leviathan" und Rousseaus "Gesellschaftsvertrag" : ein Vergleich." Berlin wvb, Wiss. Verl. Berlin, 2006. http://www.wvberlin.de/data/inhalt/jdanoff.htm.
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Jdanoff, Denis. "Gehorsam und Widerstand in Hobbes' "Leviathan" und Rousseaus "Gesellschaftsvertrag" ein Vergleich." Berlin wvb, Wiss. Verl, 2005. http://www.wvberlin.de/data/inhalt/jdanoff.htm.
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Ehmke, David Christoph [Verfasser]. "Institutional Congruence : The Riddle of Leviathan and Hydra / David Christoph Ehmke." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1183473141/34.
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Christov, Theodore Krassimirov. "Leviathans Tamed political theory and international relations in modern political thought /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1666166221&sid=35&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Kow, Simon Dir-Ching. "Leviathan against behemoth, hobbes and Milton on religious conflict and the state." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ63763.pdf.
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Ryd, Erik. "To be or not to be : state death and the digital Leviathan." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6237.
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This thesis explores state death and the possibilities to escape death that comes with the digitalising of the state. The analysis, built on earlier theorising of how we could understand what the state is, explicate the connection between the narrative of the identity, or “collective self”, and the survival of the state through a repository of its key information, which in turn could be viewed as an asset in terms of recognition. Hence we could envision the possibility for the state to possess identity repositories where certain information becomes the bearer of identity, which ensures the survival of the narrative of the collective self, after invasion and territorial conquest. This is also put in relation to statehood and its intimate connection to the contemporary notion of spatial domain and how it might be affected by digitalisation.
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Odzuck, Eva Helene [Verfasser]. "Thomas Hobbes' körperbasierter Liberalismus. : Eine kritische Analyse des »Leviathan«. / Eva Helene Odzuck." Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1238437257/34.
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Águila, Marchena Levy del. "Sobre el concepto de libertad en el Leviatán de Thomas Hobbes." Master's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2003. http://tesis.pucp.edu.pe/repositorio/handle/123456789/4711.
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La clásica argumentación hobbesiana a favor de la necesidad de establecer un
Estado soberano, dotado de plenas atribuciones para disponer de la suerte, los
recursos e incluso la vida de sus ciudadanos, caracterizados como súbditos,
tiene, aunque resulte paradójico, un núcleo originariamente liberal. En efecto, el
punto de partida del razonamiento filosófico-político hobbesiano es la libertad
de los individuos, concebidos capaces de decidir en términos propios, al
margen de cualquier predeterminación exterior del sentido de su querer y su
acción. Este punto de partida, sin embargo, termina completamente
ensombrecido por la ulterior legitimación de la autoridad socialmente irrestricta
de la instancia soberana de gobierno bajo el ordenamiento dado en el Estado
civil.Tesis
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Ahlskog, Rafael. "Är Leviathan giftig? : Autonomi och repression som förklaringar till regimskillnader i förväntad livslängd." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för folkhälso- och vårdvetenskap, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-238868.
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During the last decade a number of studies have been published that investigate how the most fundamental aspect of political organization, the regime type, affects population health. The results unanimously show that citizens of democracies live longer and healthier lives than citizens of non-democracies. Many explanations for this have been suggested, among these are that democracies redistribute more and invest more in salutogenic resources, and that the tendency of dictatorships to control the media negatively affects the ability to spread information crucial to public health. When these mechanisms are controlled for, however, it turns out that democracy has a large residual correlation with for example life expectancy, which suggests that other mechanisms are also involved. In this paper two new mechanisms regarding the possible psychosocially mediated health effects of the regime type are investigated, namely political repression, and the possible negative effects this might have on the levels of chronic stress, and autonomy, which connects to a large previous literature in social epidemiology. In the paper an ecological cross-country design is used and country-level data, provided mainly by the World Bank and Freedom House, is analyzed with a simple multiple OLS-regression model. The results show that that all residual correlation is captured by autonomy, while there is no evidence for political repression as a mediating factor. This could suggest that the feeling of personal autonomy that democracies can fulfill is an equally important factor to take into account as distribution of resources and access to information.
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Ahlskog, Rafael. "Är Leviathan giftig? : Autonomi och repression som förklaringar till regimskillnader i förväntad livslängd." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för folkhälso- och vårdvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-242436.
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Det senaste decenniet har en rad studier publicerats som undersöker hur ett lands mest fundamentala politiska organisationssätt, regimtypen, påverkar befolkningens hälsa. Resultaten pekar entydigt på att invånare i demokratier lever längre och friskare liv än invånare i icke-demokratier. Flera förklaringar till detta har förts fram, bland annat att demokratier omfördelar mer och är bättre på att investera i hälsofrämjande resurser, och att diktaturers tendens att kontrollera media går ut över förmågan att sprida hälsofrämjande information. När dessa mekanismer kontrolleras för visar det sig dock att demokrati har en stor kvarvarande samvariation med exempelvis medellivslängden, vilket talar för att andra mekanismer också är inblandade.I denna uppsats undersöks två ytterligare mekanismer som berör de eventuella psykosocialt medierade hälsoeffekter som regimtypen kan ha, nämligen via politisk repression, och de negativa effekter på kronisk stress detta kan tänkas ha, samt autonomi, vilket ansluter till en omfattande tidigare socialepidemiologisk litteratur. I uppsatsen används en ekologisk tvärsnittsdesign och landnivådata, huvudsakligen från Världsbanken och Freedom House, analyseras med enkel multipel OLS-regression. Resultaten visar att all kvarvarande samvariation fångas upp av faktorn autonomi, medan politisk repression inte får något stöd som medierande faktor. Detta kan tyda på att den känsla av personlig autonomi som demokratier kan tillgodose är en minst lika viktig faktor att ta i beaktande som fördelning av resurser och tillgång till information.During the last decade a number of studies have been published that investigate how the most fundamental aspect of political organization, the regime type, affects population health. The results unanimously show that citizens of democracies live longer and healthier lives than citizens of non-democracies. Many explanations for this have been suggested, among these are that democracies redistribute more and invest more in salutogenic resources, and that the tendency of dictatorships to control the media negatively affects the ability to spread information crucial to public health. When these mechanisms are controlled for, however, it turns out that democracy has a large residual correlation with for example life expectancy, which suggests that other mechanisms are also involved.In this paper two new mechanisms regarding the possible psychosocially mediated health effects of the regime type are investigated, namely political repression, and the possible negative effects this might have on the levels of chronic stress, and autonomy, which connects to a large previous literature in social epidemiology. In the paper an ecological cross-country design is used and country-level data, provided mainly by the World Bank and Freedom House, is analyzed with a simple multiple OLS-regression model. The results show that that all residual correlation is captured by autonomy, while there is no evidence for political repression as a mediating factor. This could suggest that the feeling of personal autonomy that democracies can fulfill is an equally important factor to take into account as distribution of resources and access to information.
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Oliveira, José Edelberto Araújo de. "Finalismo em Thomas Hobbes." Programa de Pós-Graduação em Filosofia da UFBA, 2009. http://www.repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/11482.
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Para Thomas Hobbes, a Filosofia é um exercício voltado para a obtenção de conhecimento que permita mudar a vida das pessoas. Averiguar os rudimentos das relações do homem com o corpo natural e do homem com o corpo moral significa, nesta medida, para Hobbes, buscar um projeto cientificista confiável, tendo o homem e o Estado como objetos, identificando-se com o espírito galileano do século 17. Tal projeto, a soma das filosofias natural e moral, foca o movimento quantificável dos corpos, naturais ou políticos. Contudo, Hobbes admite propósitos ou fins como causa da organização da natureza. Esta dissertação trata da relação entre a fundamentação mecanicista e as concessões ao finalismo em Hobbes, com o intuito de compreender como o sistema filosófico do autor permanece coeso.
Salvador
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Kawashima, Motohiro. "The sacred leviathan : why whales have become a symbol of nature in the West." Thesis, University of Essex, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.410233.
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Gootenberg, Paul. "Fishing for Leviathans? Shifting Views on the Liberal State and Development in Peruvian History." Economía, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116809.
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This essay examines the shifting conceptions of the state and development through recent waves of Peruvian historiography. The broad structuralist-dependency interpretations of the 1970s and 1980s gave way to a more diffuse and creative ‘political turn’ during and after the 1990s. These changing historical ideas, which still defy synthesis, relate to distinctive global conceptions and phases of economic liberalism, the changing perceived role of states in development, and the integration and social disciplining of a vastly unequal Peruvian nation. Aspects of these Peruvian historical debates may help to shed light on similar controversies through much of the region.Este ensayo examina las concepciones cambiantes del Estado y el desarrollo dentro de los recientes materiales de la historiografía peruana. Las amplias interpretaciones de una dependencia estructural de las décadas de 1970 y 1980 dieron paso a un «giro político» más difuso y creativo durante la de 1990 y después. Estas cambiantes ideas históricas, que todavía no se logran sintetizar del todo, se relacionan con diferentes concepciones globales y fases de liberalismo económico; el cambiante papel que se percibe de los Estados sobre el desarrollo; y la integración y disciplinamiento social de una nación peruana enormemente desigual. Algunos aspectos de estos debates históricos peruanos pueden ayudar a esclarecer controversias similares en gran parte de la región.
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Gordon, David Stuart. "Shadow of the Leviathan : the role of dominance in the evolution of costly punishment." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/15664.
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Costly ‘altruistic’ punishment, where an individual intervenes to punish someone for behaving unfairly towards another or for violating a social norm, seems to be vital for large-scale cooperation. However, due to the costs involved, the evolution of this behaviour has remained a puzzle. The thesis initially describes why punishment is costly and explains why current theories do not sufficiently explain its evolution in the context of these costs. The thesis then offers a solution to this puzzle in the form of a dominance-based theory of the evolution of punishment. The theoretical underpinnings of this theory are discussed in reference to the previous literature, specifically how a dominant position provides sufficient heterogeneity in the cost and benefits of punishment to allow the behaviour to evolve at the individual-level of selection. Across 10 studies, the thesis empirically investigates the role dominance is theorised to play in costly punishment behaviour. First, the judgements observers make about punishers are investigated. It is demonstrated that punishers are perceived as dominant but, unlike individuals who engage in other aggressive behaviours, punishers are also well liked. While successful punishers are judged to be of the highest rank in a social group, the wider social judgements of punishers are dependent on the attempt at punishment only; successful and unsuccessful punishers are seen as equally dominant and well liked, suggesting that the willingness to attempt punishment can honestly signal both dominance and ones pro-sociality. However, additional studies show that observers a) perceive subordinate punishers will face a great deal of retaliation, b) show surprise when subordinates attempt to punish, and c) expect that dominants will punish and be successful, whereas subordinates are expected to never punish. Thus, while there are reputational benefits from punishment, only dominant individuals can actually access them. Second, the effect of a dominant position on punishment behaviour is investigated. Two studies sought to simulate the greater access to resources that dominants enjoy, and demonstrate that individuals who receive more resources from group-level cooperation will punish free-riding more frequently and more severely than those who receive less resources. Moreover, individuals who are in a stable dominant position, i.e. who can continually benefit to a greater degree than others from group cooperation, punish even more frequently and severely than when individuals receive additional resources alone. The results show that individuals only punish when it is cheap for them to do so and when investment in the public good (by punishing) can produce higher future returns for them. A dominant position provides the opportunity for both of these. Further studies demonstrate that individuals at the centre of a social network, an example of a ‘real life’ informal dominant position, are more sensitive to unfairness when making punishment decisions compared to those at the periphery of a group. However, when punishment decisions are public, and there are no economic incentives to punish, individuals behave in a similar manner regardless of social position. Taken together, the results of the empirical studies support the proposed dominance-theory of costly punishment. The theoretical implications of the dominance-theory of punishment are discussed in reference to both the proximate occurrence of punishment and its evolutionary origins in dominance and dominant behaviours. The practical implications of this theory will also be discussed, specifically in regard to when and why individuals will act in defence of the public good. While further investigation is necessary, a dominance-theory of punishment explains both results of this thesis and the findings of the wider literature, and as such provides a coherent and compelling explanation for the evolution of costly punishment and its associated emotions.
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Hendrix, Cullen Stevenson. "Leviathan in the Tropics? environment, state capacity, and civil conflict in the developing world /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3307529.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 22, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 203-220).
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Reid, Elizabeth. "Of leisure, learning and leviathan : enhancing the use of interpretation in Australian whale watching /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phr3544.pdf.
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Guadalupe, Mendizábal César. "De Leviatán a Rémora: algunas hipótesis de trabajo sobre el sistema político peruano." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115439.
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McClean, Tom. "Shackling Leviathan : a comparative historical study of institutions and the adoption of freedom of information." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3102/.
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This thesis is about the origins and development of freedom of information laws. The number of countries with these laws has risen dramatically in recent decades, and now stands at around ninety. This is widely taken as evidence that governments across the world are converging in their institutional arrangements because they face similar challenges and demands. Access to information is increasingly claimed to be a human right, essential to the effective functioning of democracy and fundamental to legitimate public administration in the information age. This thesis seeks to challenge this assumed causal homogeneity by explaining why countries in which these principles were well-entrenched legislated at different times. The explanation offered here emphasises institutions: the manner in which important political actors are organised, and the structure of authority and accountability relations between them. It shows that differences in these institutional arrangements meant access laws were introduced at different times in different countries because they were introduced for different reasons and in response to different pressures. It supports these claims by conducting a comparative historical study of freedom of information in Sweden, the USA, France, the UK and Germany. This thesis contributes to empirically-oriented scholarship on a prominent aspect of contemporary government. It provides a framework for further rigorous comparative scholarship. It also provides detailed accounts of how access developed in two countries which have not received much attention in English-language scholarship, France and Germany, and original insights into three others about which more has been written. Whether one is interested in improving actually-existing laws or understanding democratic government in the information age, this study is valuable because it complements visions of why transparency laws are desirable with historically-informed comparative knowledge about why they are introduced at all.
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Kersch, T. J. "Is there an Hobbesian tradition in international thought." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29985.
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Hobbes' argument in Leviathan can be viewed as a response to the question of why rational human beings should choose to organize themselves into a state. In Hobbes' words, the argument, in large part, attempts to establish the 'causes' of a 'commonwealth'.
However, the fact of the matter is that human beings do not organize themselves into a. state; rather, they organize themselves into a plurality of states. The question then becomes one of determining — again in Hobbes' words — the 'causes' of a plurality of 'commonwealths'. In other words, why do rational human beings choose to organize themselves into separate states? It is not clear to me that Hobbes' answered this question; nor is it clear to me that Hobbes' arguments can be extended in order to provide a satisfactory answer to this question.
Since international theory is concerned with the plurality of states, it seems reasonable to suppose that an 'Hobbesian' tradition in international thought would have provided at least some insight into the question of the 'causes' of such a plurality. In other words, an 'Hobbesian' tradition in international thought must have at least considered why it is that several Leviathans would emerge from the state of nature. However, having examined the current conception of the 'Hobbesian' tradition, I found that it was simply the 'realist' tradition under a different label; a tradition to which Hobbes' name had been appropriated. Furthermore, I found that the appropriation of Hobbes' name was justified on the basis of his chapter 13 analogy which compared— albeit in a limited way — his theoretical inference of the state of nature with his observations of relations among sovereigns. I argue that the analogy, being neither a definition nor an inference, has no theoretical relationship with Hobbes' main argument; in which case it cannot form the basis of a genuine Hobbesian tradition.
Having established that the current Hobbesian tradition is not a genuine one, I propose that a genuine tradition should a least render an account of the emergence of several Levaithans from the state of nature and conclude that this cannot be done without compromising Hobbes' account of the state.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Chengyi, Peng. "The Western philosophical tradition as the prime culprit : a new interpretation of Hobbes's diagnosis of the English Civil War." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/2328.
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There is little question that Hobbes's Leviathan and Behemoth are largely responding to the civil conflicts that were tearing seventeenth-century England apart, but scholars disagree in their interpretations of Hobbes's diagnosis and prescription for the civil war. Complementing previous interpretations, my MA thesis suggests that Hobbes also traces the source of the civil conflicts to Western philosophical tradition (WPT) itself both methodologically and substantially. Methodologically, ancient Western philosophers do not start their ratiocination process with definitions of the terms used, and Hobbes argues that this lack of adequate method leads to all kinds of absurdities and consequently a whole false reference world. This critique is largely based on Hobbes's materialist accounts of philosophy and mind. Substantially, Hobbes suggests that Aristotle's natural, moral and civil philosophies in particular contribute to the chaotic opinions and the civil conflicts. After detecting this source, Hobbes undertakes perhaps the most ambitious endeavor to exorcise the demon of the tradition in Western history, by radically scientizing the philosophical tradition and establishing a science of politics.
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Alfonso, Vargas Jorge A. "Religión y política en el Leviatán : la teología política de Thomas Hobbes : un análisis crítico." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2011. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/108749.
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La filosofía política de Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) tiene como fundamento último una teología política que deduce del cristianismo el fundamento del poder absoluto del soberano. A esta altura del estado del arte, esto no resulta nada nuevo, y la importante literatura al respecto, que mencionaremos más adelante, así lo demuestra, lo que no deja de sorprender en un pensador que fue considerado por mucho tiempo como un ateo. Sin embargo, nos parece que el uso que hace Hobbes de las Escrituras es muchas veces incorrecto, inadecuado, reductor y acomodaticio, dejando fuera aspectos esenciales del cristianismo y, destacando sólo aquellos que les sirven para sus propósitos. De forma tal, que, por un lado, su teología política es discutible, y, por otro, su interpretación de las Escrituras acrecienta, en vez de disminuir, su fama de ateo. En consecuencia, pensamos, que es necesario realizar un análisis crítico del lugar que ocupa la religión, y el cristianismo, en su sistema de ideas para apreciar lo bien o mal fundada que resulta su filosofía política cuando a los argumentos filosóficos se agregan los teológicos. Éste será nuestro aporte al tema, la crítica a los fundamentos de su teología política. Creemos que Hobbes hace un uso abusivo de las Escrituras para darle un fundamento religioso a su política, de esta forma, pretende darle una mayor fuerza persuasiva a sus escritos, y un fundamento superior a su filosofía política. Ésta es nuestra tesis. Nuestra estudio, en consecuencia, tiene como propósito analizar la relación entre religión y política en la filosofía de Thomas Hobbes con el fin de evaluar el lugar que la religión ocupa en su filosofía política, al punto de que se pueda hablar de la existencia de una teología política en su filosofía. Entendemos por teología política, una política cuyos fundamentos son religiosos o teológicos.
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Andersson, Samuel. "God and the moral beings : A contextual study of Thomas Hobbes’s third book in Leviathan." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för idé- och lärdomshistoria, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-113789.
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The question this essay sets out to answer is what role God plays in Thomas Hobbes’s Leviathan, in the book “Of a Christian Common-wealth”, in relationship to humans as moral beings. The question is relevant as the religious aspects of Hobbes’s thinking cannot be ignored, although Hobbes most likely had rather secular and sceptical philosophical views. In order to answer the research question Leviathan’s “Of a Christian Common-wealth” will be compared and contrasted with two contextual works: the canonical theological document of the Anglican Church, the Thirty-Nine Articles (1571), and Presbyterian-Anglican document the Westminster Confession (1648). Also, recent scholarly works on Hobbes and more general reference works will be employed and discussed. Hobbes’s views provide a seemingly unsolvable paradox. On the one hand, God is either portrayed, or becomes by consequence of his sceptical and secular state thinking, a distant God in relationship to moral humans in “Of a Christian Common-wealth”. Also, the freedom humans seem to have in making their own moral decisions, whether based on natural and divine, or positive laws, appears to obscure God’s almightiness. On the other hand, when placing Hobbes in context, Hobbes appears to have espoused Calvinist views, with beliefs in predestination and that God is the cause of everything. Rather paradoxically it not unlikely that Hobbes espoused both the views that appear to obscure the role of God, and his more Calvinistic views.
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Apolte, Thomas. "How tame will Leviathan become in institutional competition? Competition among governments in the provision of public goods." Gerhard-Mercator-Universitaet Duisburg, 2001. http://www.ub.uni-duisburg.de/ETD-db/theses/available/duett-12272001-094533/.
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This article critically examines the hypothesis of Brennan and Buchanan that competition among governments in the provision of public goods can serve as a substitute for constitutional constraints on governments. Since Leviathan-type governments with free choice of tax instruments will be able to escape competitive pressure by shifting taxes to immobile factors, one could think of a rule of competition which prohibits taxes on immobile factors. Indeed, such a rule leads to a Nash-equilibrium where the tax burden lies on the mobile factor. However, net income of the citizens may or may not increase as a result from such a rule, depending on a number of variables presented in this article. A complete substitution of constitutional constraints by the rule of competition may, depending on the same variables, even decrease net income. Moreover, some potential for increases in net income may be forgone, since capital allocation and the supply of public goods will usually be inefficient in equilibrium. Finally, applying the rule in a real-world environment will be difficult and may even lead to further serious inefficiencies. For these reasons, such a rule will hardly ever be introduced. Hence, competition among governments cannot be viewed as a proper substitute for constitutional constraints. Whoever is afraid of Leviathan should thus not rely on competition among governments (alone).
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Murray, Adam Charles. "Challenging Leviathan : the individual, ideology and realpolitik in the political documentaries and later fiction of George Orwell." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.725237.
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ENA, SANJUÁN Íñigo. "The vertebrae of the Leviathan : municipal debt and state formation in the eighteenth-century Crown of Aragon." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74919.
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Defence date: 28 September 2022Examining Board: Prof. Pieter Judson (European University Institute); Prof. Tamar Herzog (Harvard University); Prof. Christopher Storrs (University of Dundee); Prof. Regina Grafe (European University Institute)
Why and how did modern states emerge in Southwestern Europe? These are the main questions that this thesis answers by examining the debt of six municipalities of the Crown of Aragon during the 18th century through a multiscale, transversal, and comparative approach. The ancient practices which constituted the Aragonese polity appeared in the mid-fourteenth century and survived at least until the mid-eighteenth century partially thanks to the debt of the municipalities. Towns and kingdoms were in many cases ruled by assemblies of creditors by virtue of debt restructuring agreements. Debt accounts for the long survival of the Aragonese polity, but also for its sclerosis. The financial situation of the debtholders, mostly ecclesiastical institutions, prevented rulers from defaulting on municipal debt and adopting drastic measures against the Church, as they feared a financial meltdown. The emergence of the modern state was an intricate process which started by 1750, mainly due to the collapse of the ancient mechanisms. The modern state appeared as a set of practices devised and implemented by a myriad of actors who tried to recompose social and political life. State formation was first and foremost a local process in which municipal debt proved crucial too. The examination of local dynamics reveals that modern states in Southwestern Europe followed similar paths during the early phases of their formation.
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Bush, Michael R. "The invited Leviathan in Iraq and Afghanistan: strong-men, the Afghan local police, and the Sons of Iraq." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/27803.
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Despite robust scholarship on the general themes of state-building, little scholarship exists on the strategies of exogenous powers on the construction of developing states. Further complicating these strategies is the influence of strong men, local elites who seek to mitigate the influence of both the developing state and the exogenous state on local modes of power and influenceoften through the development of armed militias. Appropriating the construct of Barnett and Zurchers peacebuilders construct and utilizing the Sons of Iraq and the Afghan Local Police as case-studies, this thesis seeks to explore the current relationship between local strong men, developing state governments, and the exogenous state (or the invited leviathan) in two states where U.S. policy has dictated the deployment of hundreds of thousands of U.S. troops. Powerful arguments can be made regarding U.S. policy in support of, and against, these militias. This thesis will show that U.S. empowerment of these militias can not only improve local security conditions, but it can empower disenfranchised groups at the state level. Understanding the dynamics at play in these circumstances can help inform the nature of future interaction with strong men, militias, and developing governments.
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Cortéz, Rodas Francisco. "La ética de la autoconservación y la teoría de los deberes políticos en el Leviatán de Hobbes." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú - Departamento de Humanidades, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/112742.
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The Ethics of Self-Preservation and the Theory of Political Duties in Hobbes’ Leviathan”. In order to present the political argument in Thomas Hobbes’ Leviathan, the author proposes an interpretation of his doctrine developed by Alfred Taylor, Howard Warrender and Michael Oakeshott. According to this interpretation, Hobbesian ethics, as developed in his theory of the laws of nature, once distinguished from his selfish psychology, shows itself as a strict deontological ethics, very close to Kant’s. The second part of the paper attempts to show the problems with this interpretation of Leviathan.Para exponer el argumento político del Leviatán de Thomas Hobbes, se presenta una interpretación de su doctrina –desarrollada por Alfred Taylor, Howard Warrender y Michael Oakeshott. Según esta interpretación, la ética hobbesiana -desarrollada en la teoría de las leyes de naturaleza-, una vezseparada de su psicología egoísta, se manifiesta como una ética deontológica muy estricta, que se puede pensar muy cercana a la de Kant. En la segunda parte, se expone una interpretación de Hobbes con la que se busca señalar los problemas de esta lectura del Leviatán
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Okada, T. "Religious liberty and authority : Hobbes's use of the Bible in Leviathan in the context of the English Civil War." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2015. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1461015/.
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It has long been a great riddle why Hobbes expressed his bizarre view about Christian religion in Leviathan. This thesis is a serious attempt to explain it. The procedure followed is, in the first place, to identify the precise nature of arguments distinctive of Leviathan and of the new religious challenges Hobbes faced in Leviathan, and then to connect them with religious issues in the English Civil War. The issues identified are enthusiasm, “the Foole” in Chapter 15, and the toleration controversy. The first context investigated is several rational justifications for the authority of the Bible as a reaction to enthusiasm. Works by William Chillingworth, Edward Leigh, John Goodwin, Seth Ward and Henry Hammond are examined, and the originality of Hobbes’s view on biblical authority in comparison with them is clarified. It lies in Hobbes’s radical scepticism towards all forms of the pretended word of God as his solution to the political threat of enthusiasm, and in the correspondent certainty of his answer, the civil sovereign as the foundation of biblical authority. Clarification has been given of several layers of his scriptural interpretation underlying the conclusion, such as the philological investigation about revelation in the Bible in Chapter 36, the foundation of Moses’s authority in Chapter 40. This conclusion, in turn, lays a theoretical foundation for Hobbes’s eschatology in Chapter 38. The second context examined is the Anglican defences of toleration as part of the toleration controversy most relevant to Leviathan. The possible influence Hobbes and Jeremy Taylor had on each other concerning mutual toleration is shown, together with their originalities compared with Chillingworth. Moreover an explanation is supplied of some arguments specific to Leviathan as Hobbes’s reaction to the general toleration controversy.
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Severino, Marcina de Barros. "LEVIATÃ HOBBESIANO: A FORÇA DO SÍMBOLO." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Goiás, 2014. http://localhost:8080/tede/handle/tede/871.
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Previous issue date: 2014-02-11This paper proposes a reflection on the origin of the power of the Hobbesian Leviathan, investigating to what extent this power set is sacred and to what extent is configured profane the work Leviathan and other works of Hobbes. The text begins with an analysis of the image used by Hobbes to represent the state. Hobbes Leviathan evokes the religious symbol to enforce obedience to his subjects. The Leviathan is the people based on the social contract, a contract driven by fear of violent death and is kept out of fear of the coercive power of the state. The Leviathan monster inspires fear and dread, since only the reason is not enough for the people to accept the absolute sovereignty of the Leviathan. Beside the power positively valued by the state is necessary to use symbolic language to strengthen his power. It is understood that the theological influences present in the work Leviathan underpinning to maintain the power of the sovereign.
Este trabalho propõe uma reflexão sobre a origem do poder do Leviatã hobbesiano, investigando até que ponto este poder configura-se sagrado e até que ponto configura-se profano na obra Leviatã e em outras obras de Hobbes. O texto inicia-se com a análise da imagem utilizada por Hobbes para representar o Estado. Hobbes evoca o símbolo religioso Leviatã para impor a obediência aos súditos. O Leviatã representa o povo com base no contrato social, um contrato impulsionado pelo medo da morte violenta e que é mantido com base no medo do poder coercitivo do Estado. O monstro Leviatã inspira medo e temor, já que só a razão não é suficiente para que o povo aceite a soberania absoluta do Leviatã. Ao lado da força positivada do Estado é necessário recorrer à linguagem simbólica para reforçar o seu poder. Entende-se que as influências teológicas presentes na obra O Leviatã servem de fundamento para manter o poder do soberano.