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Published: 9 March 2023

Last updated: 10 March 2023

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1

Becker, Rotraud. "Das Präzedenzrecht des Praefectus Urbis." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 97, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 175–236. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qfiab-2017-0011.

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Riassunto Nel 1631 papa Urbano VIII conferi al suo nipote Taddeo Barberini il titolo di Praefectus Urbis, di cui erano stati insigniti a partire dal 1435 anche altri nipoti secolari dei papi, elevando percio lui e la sua famiglia al rango principesco. Come segno esteriore della sua posizione di rilievo egli avrebbe dovuto occupare, nel cerimoniale pontificio, il primo posto tra i dignitari secolari, ottenendo in tal modo la precedenza sui rappresentanti delle potenze a Roma. La disposizione provoco l’opposizione nella maggior parte dei principi che ordinarono ai loro diplomatici di non partecipare piu alle cerimonie papali, e in particolare alle processioni solenni e le messe celebrate nella Cappella Sistina. Una via per imporre il nuovo ordine gerarchico sarebbe potuta essere quella di far leva sull’imperatore, il quale si trovava in serie difficolta a causa delle vittorie svedesi, per convincerlo a chiedere al suo ambasciatore di dare la precedenza al prefetto urbano. Se ci si fosse riusciti, tutti gli altri rappresentanti diplomatici sarebbero dovuti adeguarsi. A lungo la casata Barberini tento di indurre Ferdinando II a fare questo passo, ricorrendo all’aiuto dei nunzi, a lettere lusinghiere, promesse, doni dissimulati, all’azione persuasiva di consiglieri imperiali e parenti, ma fin dall’inizio la corte imperiale era decisa di non agire senza prima accordarsi con la Francia e la Spagna. Pertanto il progetto era destinato al fallimento, perche la resistenza francese era scontata e ben nota; si evito pero, sulla base di alterne motivazioni, di dare una risposta negativa definitiva. Dai rapporti dei nunzi emerge inoltre che Ferdinando II, pur non volendo accettare un cerimoniale pontificio in cui i rappresentanti dell’imperatore e dell’Impero sarebbero stati retrocessi, si mostrava comunque attento a non inasprire le tensioni gia esistenti. Si intendeva dunque risolvere il problema rinviando, anzi astenendosi consapevolmente da ogni decisione, ma tale atteggiamento provoco ulteriori malumori e porto alla brusca fine della carriera di un nunzio. E, soprattutto, fini a danneggiare la reputazione del papato anche nei territori cattolici dell’Impero.

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2

Becker, Rotraud. "Das Präzedenzrecht des Praefectus Urbis." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 97, no. 1 (March 5, 2018): 175–236. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2017-0011.

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Riassunto Nel 1631 papa Urbano VIII conferì al suo nipote Taddeo Barberini il titolo di Praefectus Urbis, di cui erano stati insigniti a partire dal 1435 anche altri nipoti secolari dei papi, elevando perciò lui e la sua famiglia al rango principesco. Come segno esteriore della sua posizione di rilievo egli avrebbe dovuto occupare, nel cerimoniale pontificio, il primo posto tra i dignitari secolari, ottenendo in tal modo la precedenza sui rappresentanti delle potenze a Roma. La disposizione provocò l’opposizione nella maggior parte dei principi che ordinarono ai loro diplomatici di non partecipare più alle cerimonie papali, e in particolare alle processioni solenni e le messe celebrate nella Cappella Sistina. Una via per imporre il nuovo ordine gerarchico sarebbe potuta essere quella di far leva sull’imperatore, il quale si trovava in serie difficoltà a causa delle vittorie svedesi, per convincerlo a chiedere al suo ambasciatore di dare la precedenza al prefetto urbano. Se ci si fosse riusciti, tutti gli altri rappresentanti diplomatici sarebbero dovuti adeguarsi. A lungo la casata Barberini tentò di indurre Ferdinando II a fare questo passo, ricorrendo all’aiuto dei nunzi, a lettere lusinghiere, promesse, doni dissimulati, all’azione persuasiva di consiglieri imperiali e parenti, ma fin dall’inizio la corte imperiale era decisa di non agire senza prima accordarsi con la Francia e la Spagna. Pertanto il progetto era destinato al fallimento, perché la resistenza francese era scontata e ben nota; si evitò però, sulla base di alterne motivazioni, di dare una risposta negativa definitiva. Dai rapporti dei nunzi emerge inoltre che Ferdinando II, pur non volendo accettare un cerimoniale pontificio in cui i rappresentanti dell’imperatore e dell’Impero sarebbero stati retrocessi, si mostrava comunque attento a non inasprire le tensioni già esistenti. Si intendeva dunque risolvere il problema rinviando, anzi astenendosi consapevolmente da ogni decisione, ma tale atteggiamento provocò ulteriori malumori e portò alla brusca fine della carriera di un nunzio. E, soprattutto, finì a danneggiare la reputazione del papato anche nei territori cattolici dell’Impero.

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3

Ocker, Christopher. "Augustine, Episcopal Interests, and the Papacy in Late Roman Africa." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42, no. 2 (April 1991): 179–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690000004x.

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The bishops of Roman Africa vacillated in their relations with the papacy in the three decades preceding the Vandal invasion and, more specifically, during the papacies of Innocent, Zosimus, Boniface, and Coelestine. Theyseemed grossly inconsistent, first praising papal authority, then curbing its ability to influence African jurisdiction. In synodal letters of 416 associated with the Pelagian controversy, the bishops exalted Roman authority, even ascribing to the pope a ‘greate dignity’ and a ‘special gift of grace’. An additional private letter of five African bishops contrasted the African ‘brook’ with the Roman ‘spring’. Augustine also acknowledged the special authority of Rome. These were no mere effusions of polite speech. The Africans intended to sway a papal hand in their campaign against Pelagius and his supporters by seeking papal approbation of their condemnations of Pelagianism. The Council of Sardica and Roman law had earlier granted the papacy the authority to function as a ‘court of appeals’ in the Western Church. Accordingly, Innocent responded to the African bishops with a condemnation of the heresy, however equivocal in points of doctrine, dramatically clothed in the style of imperial rescript. Boniface and Coelestine soon provided official approbation of African canons issued in 418 at the Council of Carthage, and Augustine and subsequent popes regarded this as the proof of a consistent papal position in support of African doctrine, leaving Zosimus' temporary exoneration of Pelagius and Caelestius the unsuccessful exception to the rule.

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4

Scarlett, Brian. "Veritatis Splendor: A Philosophical Critique." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 7, no. 2 (June 1994): 207–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x9400700205.

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The article first outlines the argument of the papal encyclical letter and treats in particular its understanding of the relationship between critical thought and ecclesiastical authority. It proceeds to examine the letter's use of natural law theory and Thomas Aquinas, concluding that the letter rests on an uncertain philosophical base.

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5

Phillips, Peter. "A Catholic Community: Shrewsbury. Part II: 1850–1920." Recusant History 20, no. 3 (May 1991): 380–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200005495.

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The Papal Brief restoring the English hierarchy was promulgated on September 29th 1850. On October 25th the Shrewsbury Chronicle reprinted without comment a straight summary taken from the French Catholic paper, L’Univers. Soon enough anti-Catholic feeling, fanned to fury by Cardinal Wiseman’s provocative and flamboyant Letter from the Flaminian Gate, was unleashed across the length and breadth of the nation. In the next few weeks the Chronicle reprinted a whole series of letters on the controversy, an open letter from the Bishop of London to his clergy, John Russell’s open letter to the Bishop of Durham, endorsing the bishop’s remark that this example of ‘papal aggression’ was both ‘insolent and insidious’. Replies were also published: Bishop Ullathorne’s letter to The Times and an article in The Spectator both insisting on the spiritual nature of the issue, rather than presenting it as a threat to the constitution of the English Church and nation. These seemed to go unnoticed. An advertisement appeared from the clergy of Shrewsbury signed amongst others by the Archdeacon of Salop, and Kennedy (of Shorter Latin Primer fame), then Headmaster of the Schools. A petition was to be left for signing in Mr. Lake’s, in Market Square, protesting about the ‘illegal usurpation of power, insulting to our most gracious sovereign… openly intimating a design eventually to subjugate England to papal control’. The local papers seemed happy enough to encourage the debate.

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6

Brodie, Hugh. "Punching above Gwynedd's weight: Llywelyn ap Gruffudd's diplomatic communication and the road to war in 1277." Studia Celtica 53, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/sc.53.2.

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The decade between 1267 and 1277 was crucial in Gwynedd's struggle to establish a native Welsh polity. It required a small territory with slender resources to mount diplomacy promoting Llywelyn's status as 'princeps Wallie' not merely with the English crown but with the papal curia. Llywelyn's diplomatic letters have hitherto been scrutinised for the light they shed on the course of events. This article examines instead their style and effectiveness as a mode of diplomatic communication. It compares them with diplomatic letters of Alexander III of Scotland and sheds light on how native Wales was interacting with Anglo-French culture. The analysis draws on a number of previouslyunpublished original documents, transcribed here for the first time, including Pope Gregory X's letter to Edward I in August 1274, inspired by Llywelyn, and preparatory drafts of Edward's letter to Llywelyn in May 1275.

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7

Saltman, Avrom. "John of Salisbury and the world of the Old Testament." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 3 (1994): 343–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900003379.

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It is likely that during the years of his exile (1163/4-70) John of Salisbury’s attachment to the bible was strengthened at the expense of his ‘classical humanism’. A glance at the index to Brooke’s volume of the later letters of John of Salisbury does much to confirm this hypothesis. As Smalley pointed out in this context, ‘the holy page reasserted her rule over the artes’. The ancient pagan sources which bulked large in his earlier writings are submerged under a flood of biblical quotations, allusions and exempla. The main topics of these later letters arc the Becket controversy, the papal schism and the empire-papacy conflict. The very nature of these themes must have influenced John’s mental processes. He was no hypocrite, and would not have recommended his exiled archbishop to study the psalms and Gregory’s Moralia had he himself not done likewise.

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8

Smith, Thomas W. "Honorius III and the Crusade: Responsive Papal Government Versus the Memory of his Predecessors." Studies in Church History 49 (2013): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002059.

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The medieval papacy was an institution steeped in its own history and traditions, but how far did the popes’ recollection of their predecessors’ ‘blessed memory’ influence their own political decision-making? Through access to earlier letter registers, combined with their memories of experiences at the curia before election to the papal throne, popes could potentially delve into their own institutional history when making contemporary political decisions. In 1977 James Powell suggested that, in negotiations with Emperor Frederick II (1220–50) over his Holy Land crusade vow, Pope Honorius III (1216–27) had reached decisions based on his memory of the negotiations between Pope Clement III (1187–91) and Frederick II’s grandfather, Emperor Frederick I (1155–90).

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9

Headley, John M. "“Ehe Türckisch als Bäpstisch”: Lutheran Reflections on the Problem of Empire, 1623–28." Central European History 20, no. 1 (March 1987): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011547.

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No question today … either among learned men is more discussed or among the highest princes of the Christian world is more controversial than that of monarchy.…” Few persons in early seventeenth-century Europe could have spoken with greater authority on the matter of emperor and empire than that archival miner and assembler of political texts, Melchior Goldast. In his dedicatory letter to the Archbishop of Bremen the political publicist proceeded to accuse the Papacy, more wolf than pastor, of having intruded upon both church and secular authority, arrogating to its own monarchy the supreme Sacerdotium and the supreme Imperium. The disturbed publicist concluded his account of papal usurpation and artifice: “If there were no Roman emperors, there would be no Roman pope: if there were no Roman pope, Roman emperors would still flourish.

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10

Delacroix-Besnier, Claudine. "Revisiting Papal Letters of the Fourteenth Century." Medieval Encounters 21, no. 2-3 (July 2, 2015): 150–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342189.

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The fourteenth century is a key moment for papal diplomacy. The popes, then based in Avignon, implemented a very active policy toward the Eastern Christian Churches, the purpose of which was to bring the Greek Schism to an end. In achieving this aim, the popes were helped by the particular historical conjuncture resulting from the Turks’ pressure upon the Greek Empire. Revisiting papal correspondence issued during that period shows numerous groups of letters that were addressed to the West as well as to Constantinople, specifically to the emperor or to the Greek authorities. A study of the letters enables us to detect an evolution, albeit a small one, of the papal position on the schism, and the causes of this evolution, which related to the fact that the new actors involved were more and more often Greek or Greek-speaking.

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11

Blumenthal, Uta-Renate. "Ad communem utilitatem: Päpste und der Gottesfrieden um 1100." Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 48, no. 1 (June 20, 2018): 158–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890433-04801008.

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The paper analyzes papal utterances, primarily at councils but also in letters, referring too different aspects of the Peace and Truce of God from the time of Pope Leo IX to Pope Innocent II. It seeks to identify papal motives for the appropriation of this originally local institution to further a peaceful Christian ordering of daily life and to include it in the universal papal agenda. Textual comparisons show that utilitas communis was the central concern.

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12

Hennessy, Paul K. "The Infallibility of the Papal Magisterium as Presented in the Pastoral Letters of the Bishops of the United States after Vatican I." Horizons 23, no. 1 (1996): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900029820.

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AbstractMuch of the confusion about the proper interpretation of the carefully formulated definition of Pastor Aeternus on the infallibility of the papal magisterium stems from improper presentations, even immediately after the Council. Only Archbishop Spalding of Baltimore took the time to nuance his presentation. The sympathy evoked worldwide among Catholics for the loss of the Papal States and the freedom of the Roman Pontiff also added to the confusion. The texts of the letters and statements of the bishops are important objects of study for anyone wishing to trace the course of “papal infallibility.”

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13

Stutz, D. Dudley. "Papal Legates against the Albigensians: The Debts of the Church of Valence (1215–1250)." Traditio 68 (2013): 259–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900001677.

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In 1232 Pope Gregory IX (r. 1227–41) imposed a tenth of episcopal revenues on prelates of Occitania to subsidize the church of Valence, which owed 10,000 poundstournoisto various bankers of Vienne, Rome, Lyons, and Siena. In 1865 B. Hauréau first noted the event when he edited one of the main documents in theGallia christianavolume concerning the ecclesiastical province of Vienne. With the publication of Gregory IX's register from 1890–1908 most of the facts of the tax were more widely available. In 1910 Ulysse Chevalier briefly mentioned the tax in his monograph on the long tenure of John of Bernin, archbishop of Vienne (r. 1218–66). In 1913, Heinrich Zimmermann cited Hauréau's text in a note in his detailed treatment of early thirteenth-century papal legations. Recently Alain Marchandisse reviewed eight of the eleven papal letters pertaining to the tax in his study of William of Savoy (d. 1239) as bishop-elect of Liège. These scholars provided no reason for the debt or why the papacy would take such measures to ensure payment. Perhaps they did not study this tax further because a church indebted to moneylenders is not in itself surprising. It appears that the church of Valence acquired the debt, very large compared to the church's income, when bishop-elect William of Savoy (r. 1225–39) waged war against Adhémar II of Poitiers-Valentinois, count of the Valentinois (r. 1189–1239). Struggles between bishops and the local nobility occurred on a regular basis throughout the Middle Ages, so what in this unimportant Rhone-valley diocese interested the pope enough to impose taxes on prelates of Occitania over twenty years to ensure payment of this debt? Adhémar II faithfully supported Raymond VI (r. 1194–1222) and Raymond VII (r. 1222–49) of Saint-Gilles, counts of Toulouse, throughout their struggle with the papacy during and following the Albigensian crusades. Adhémar II was also their vassal for the Diois, which borders the Valentinois on the southeast and comprised the northern portion of the marquisate of Provence. These lands had been reserved for the church in the Treaty of Meaux-Paris (1229), which ended the Albigensian crusades. Thus William of Savoy as bishop-elect of Valence defended the papacy's claims on the marquisate of Provence, which the papacy deemed part of the larger struggle between the Roman church and the counts of Toulouse. The facts on the nature of the debts and the steps the papacy took to aid the diocese show that the local struggle between the bishop of Valence and the count of the Valentinois embodied a part of the larger struggle between the papacy and the counts of Toulouse over the marquisate of Provence, which began as early as 1215.

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Rolker, Christof. "III. The Collectio Britannica and its Sources: Reviewing the Trustworthiness of a Key Witness of Medieval Papal Letters." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 108, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 111–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgk-2022-0003.

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Abstract The Collectio Britannica, compiled in the late 11th century and preserved in only one manuscript (London, BL, Add MS 8873), contains numerous excerpts from papal letters dating from the fifth to the eleventh centuries, including many that are not known from other sources. For a long time it was considered a reliable source, but between the 1940s and 1980s some scholars expressed doubts about the authenticity of various letters found in the Britannica, and even in more recent research the collection is still viewed with suspicion. However, a re-examination of the relevant studies shows that many arguments against the authenticity of the papal letters as found in the Britannica were speculative at best. Most ‘suspicious’ elements are in fact found only in the extant London copy of the Britannica, not in the version used in the 1090s by Ivo of Chartres and his collaborators. Only in very few cases is there reason to believe that the sections of the Britannica in question contain extracts from forged or falsified papal letters. With the exception of the section on Leo IV, the relevant parts of the Britannica can usually be relied upon to faithfully retain the content, wording, cursus, and even the order of the papal registers on which they are ultimately based. Content: I. Introduction, The Extant Copy, Why Think the Britannica Draws on Registers? – II. Possible Manipulations by the Britannica Compiler, p. 121, Sancta octo and the Ecumenicity of Constantinople IV, The Britannica Interpolated by Ivo?, Kuttner’s Doubts on JL 5383 and JE 3180, Confusing Nicholas I, Hincmar, and Saint Cyprian, Summary. – III. Much Smoke but Little Fire: Supposed Forged Sources Behind the Britannica, p. 132, Leo’s pallium Grant for Hincmar, The Excommunication of the Emperor, A ‘Great Stumbling Block’: Ullmann and JE 2646, Ullmann on the Letters of Gelasius I, The ‘Archbishop of Dol’ in JE 3003, Summary. – IV. Chronological Order, p. 149, Gelasius I and Pelagius I, Alexander II, John VIII, Saint Boniface, Urban II, Leo IV (and Stephen V), Summary. – V. Selection Criteria, p. 161. – VI. Conclusions, p. 165

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ZUTSHI, P. N. R. "The Registers of Common Letters of Pope Urban V (1362–1370) and Pope Gregory XI (1370–1378)." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 51, no. 3 (July 2000): 497–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046999002845.

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The importance to scholars of the papal registers and other records in the Vatican Archives as a source for later medieval history scarcely needs to be emphasised. From the thirteenth century onwards, the different series of records proliferated. They begin with registers of outgoing correspondence, known as the Vatican Registers, in the pontificate of Innocent III (1198–1216) and financial accounts of the apostolic chamber under Nicholas III (1277–80). For the fourteenth century, there are new series of registers of outgoing letters (the Avignon Registers and the Lateran Registers) and a vast increase in the quantity of surviving records of the apostolic chamber. However, with the increasing abundance of such records, the proportion to have been published diminishes. It is in the fourteenth century that the sheer wealth of the surviving sources (there are, for instance, sixty registers of papal letters from the pontificate of Gregory XI, which lasted seven years and three months) first becomes a serious problem for those pursuing the publication of papal records.

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16

Garai, Gréta, and Zorán Vukoszávlyev. "Supreme Pastor of the Church Cares for the Hungarian Church: Church Architecture of the Hungarian Church During the First Decade of John Paul II’s Papacy." Periodica Polytechnica Architecture 48, no. 1 (June 13, 2017): 53–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3311/ppar.10882.

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One of the first longer letters of Pope John Paul II was addressed to the Hungarian Episcopacy and the Hungarian Catholics. Besides the traditional Polish-Hungarian friendship, he highlighted the person of Saint Stephen and the role of Hungary in the history of the Christian religion. “ […] the Catholic Church, which had such a significant role in the history of Hungary, can still pervade the spiritual image of your country, and can make the lightness of Jesus Christ’s gospel, that gave light to the sons of the Hungarian people during so many centuries, shine for your sons and daughters.”- wrote in his letter.

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Wickersham, Jane K., and Paul Maurice Clogan. "Papal Letters, Manual for Confessors, and Romance." Sixteenth Century Journal 35, no. 4 (December 1, 2004): 1221. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477215.

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Bolton, Brenda. "‘Serpent in the Dust: Sparrow on the Housetop’: Attitudes to Jerusalem and the Holy Land in the Circle of Pope Innocent III." Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 154–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840001439x.

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Shortly after his election on 8 January 1198, one of the earliest duties of the youthful and energetic new pope, Innocent III (1198-1216), was to inform the ecclesiastical and lay rulers of Christendom of his succession following the death of his predecessor, the nonagenarian Celestine III (1191-98). His immediate task, therefore, was to undertake a ‘mail-shot’ of a series of personal letters announcing that he had been so chosen. One recipient of such a missive was Aimery the Monk, Patriarch of Jerusalem (1194/97-1202), who was suffering, together with others, the dire consequences of recent events in the Holy Land. Given these circumstances, Innocent’s letter to Aimery was couched in somewhat mild and unexpectedly innocuous language. All he did was to assure the Patriarch of his papal solicitude and to promise that one of his many future duties as pope would be to attempt a resolution of the Holy Land problem. It would be through God’s help and with fasting, tears, and prayers, that the people of the Holy Land might expect to be freed. Eighteen years later they were still waiting.

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19

Meijns, Brigitte. "Papal Bulls as Instruments of Reform: The Reception of the Protection Bulls of Gregory VII in the Dioceses of Liège and Thérouanne (1074–1077)." Church History 87, no. 2 (June 2018): 399–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640718000860.

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In research concerning the spread of eleventh-century ecclesiastical reform ideas, papal protection bulls have been somewhat overlooked as scholarship has privileged more obvious instruments of papal politics, such as legates, councils, canon law, papal letters, and friendship networks. This is not surprising considering the fact that the only documents preserved are very often the bulls themselves, making it virtually impossible to reconstruct the impact that they had on the local churches. Therefore, the availability of several narrative sources discussing the reception of the bulls Gregory VII issued in favor of the Benedictine abbey of Saint Hubert in the diocese of Liège in 1074 and of the priory of regular canons in Watten in the diocese of Thérouanne in 1077 is truly unique. While these accounts are heavily biased, they permit us to catch a rare glimpse of how bulls were received at the grassroots level. As becomes clear from their stormy reception, the charters prompted discussion in the episcopal entourage about questions of ecclesiastical hierarchy, procedure, papal obedience, and episcopal authority. They cleverly rooted the papal reform program in the midst of far-off but politically important dioceses and forced bishop and clergy to take a stance in the reform debate.

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20

Marritt, S. "The Ridale Papal Letters and Royal Charter: A Twelfth-Century Anglo-Scottish Baronial Family, the Papacy, the Law and Charter Diplomatic." English Historical Review CXXVI, no. 523 (December 1, 2011): 1332–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cer322.

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21

Noble, Thomas F. X. "Book Review: Papal Letters in the Early Middle Ages." Theological Studies 63, no. 4 (December 2002): 844–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056390206300412.

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22

Migalnikov, Aleksei. "Pope Gregory the Great’s Arguments Against the Ecumenical Title of the Patriarch of Constantinople: Analysis of the Letters from 595." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 6 (December 28, 2021): 290–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.6.21.

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Introduction. At the end of the sixth century a dispute broke out between the popes and the patriarchs of Constantinople – first of all, between pope Gregory I the Great (590–604) and patriarch John IV the Faster (582–595) – over the epithet “Ecumenical”, which appeared in the title of John of Constantinople. This dispute is quite widely represented in the scientific literature, but since researchers almost always pay attention to this topic in general, their papers often miss many nuances contained in the texts of the letters of pope Gregory. Methods. This article attempts a detailed analysis of the first series of letters of pope Gregory dedicated to the dispute and related to 595. These are letters to emperor Maurice (582–602), empress Constantina, the patriarch John IV of Constantinople, and the papal apocrisiary in Constantinople, deacon Sabinianus. The purpose of this study is to reconstruct pope Gregory’s argumentation system against the use of the Ecumenical title. Analysis. The author identifies several types of arguments that pope Gregory puts forward in his polemic against the title: canonical, biblical, dogmatic, ecclesiastical, political, pastoral and ascetic. Results. The article shows, on the one hand, what the letters have in common, and on the other, how the arguments of the pope vary depending on the recipient. Generally, pope Gregory expresses a sharply negative attitude to the title, and many researchers tend to see this fact as a contradiction to the concept of papal primacy, as it developed in a later period. Basing on the significant differences in argumentation between the letters to the emperor, the empress and the patriarch John – with the same purpose of all the messages – the article makes a conclusion about the care with which pope Gregory selects arguments. This can serve as one of the indirect indicators of the high importance of the dispute over the Ecumenical title for him, and also characterizes his perception of the idea of Church power in general.

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Bouchard, Constance B. "Forging Papal Authority: Charters from the Monastery of Montier-en-Der." Church History 69, no. 1 (March 2000): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170577.

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“We confirm with all our authority, to the abbot of that house, everything that our predecessors as popes granted them in writing, as well as everything in the letters of our beloved son Charlemagne … that all the possessions of the monastery be under the protection and defense of inviolable apostolic privilege, that is everything that has been or will be given to that church.” Thus read a papal privilege created in the second half of the eleventh century at the Benedictine monastery of Montier-en-Der, a privilege that purported to have been given to the monks three centuries earlier. By forging papal documents in a time of difficulties, the monks sought to demonstrate that they had powerful allies, who would help them even if the local counts and bishops did not.

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Duggan, Charles. "The Case of Bernard of Osma: Royal Influence and Papal Authority in the Diocese of Osma." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 9 (1991): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001885.

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The election of Bishop Bernard of Osma, former prior of Osma, took place not later than 15 February 1174. But the validity of his election was subsequently challenged on grounds of simony, and he was deposed sometime after mid-July 1176. A decretal of Alexander III to Archbishop Cerebruno of Toledo, Consuluit nos, dealt in its opening section with the question of appeals where manifest crimes were involved, or frustratory tactics employed, and in its second part with the charges raised against the election of Bernard, quondam bishop of Osma. The letter was received into the canonical collections from 1179 onwards, and ultimately into the official Decretales of 1234. There is no ambiguity about the provenance of this letter.

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Robinson, Andrew. "Identifying the Beast: Samuel Horsley and the Problem of Papal AntiChrist." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43, no. 4 (October 1992): 592–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900001986.

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The tortuous history of apocalyptic speculation took a new turn in the late eighteenth century, and one of its proponents was the ebullient bishop of Rochester, Samuel Horsley. The new and alarming ideas emanating from abstruse considerations of the Book of Daniel, of Revelation and the eighteenth chapter of Isaiah were puzzled over in a series of reviews in the Gentleman's Magazine, one of which was a review of the letter from an anonymous ‘Country Clergyman’ to the bishop. It was clearly the opinion of the ‘Country Clergyman’ that Horsley's views were novel.

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Lucy Wooding. "Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers Relating to Great Britain and Ireland: Papal Letters (review)." Catholic Historical Review 96, no. 2 (2010): 352–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.0.0668.

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Schabel, Christopher David. "Géraud de Veyrines, Bishop of Paphos, and the Defense of the Kingdom of Armenia in the 1320s." Perspektywy Kultury 30, no. 3 (December 20, 2020): 81–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2020.3003.07.

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The activities of Géraud de Veyrines, papal nuncio and then bishop of Paphos in the 1320s, have been known since 1962, when Jean Richard published Instrumenta Miscellanea in the Vatican Archives on the accounts of his financial dealings as nuncio on Cyprus. These accounts concern his handling of a large fund of 30,000 gold florins for the defense of the Kingdom of Armenia in Cilicia, the raising of clerical tithes and taxes on Cyprus in support of the Kingdoms of Cyprus and Armenia, the legacy of Patriarch Pierre of Jerusalem, and the debts and property of Géraud’s predecessor as bishop of Paphos, Aimery de Nabinaud. This article publishes the remaining Instrumenta Miscellanea pertaining to these accounts—number 1086 and the unpublished portion of number 1045—and updates the history of the Armenian fund in papal letters, many of which Professor Richard only discovered later, while compiling the third volume of the Bullarium Cyprium, published a half-century later, in 2012.

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RETICA, RACHEL. "A New Letter from Byron to Count Alborghetti." Byron Journal: Volume 49, Issue 2 49, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 159–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bj.2021.19.

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This article introduces a newly re-discovered letter, now in the Pforzheimer collection at the New York Public Library, that Byron sent to Count Giuseppe Alborghetti on 11 December 1820. His letter is quick, business-like, and urgent, one of the many that sped between Byron and the Count throughout this period. Alborghetti was Byron’s neighbour in Ravenna and the secretary to the Papal Legate of Lower Romagna. Alborghetti was a political ally but not a revolutionary, a reader of Byron’s poetry, a confidante, and maybe also a friend. Their correspondence spotlights Byron in one of his most complex roles: as a political actor at once naïve and savvy, firing off reports, questions, and opinions on political affairs that entangled him, involved him, and yet found him always at a remove.

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Ertl, Péter. "Klasszikus, bibliai és középkori reminiszcenciák Petrarca Sine nomine-leveleiben." Antikvitás & Reneszánsz, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/antikren.2018.1.41-54.

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The aim of this study is to identify and analyze some classical, biblical and medieval literary reminiscences in Petrarch’s collection of satirical letters against the Papal court of Avignon, called Liber sine nomine. The examples examined illustrate how the poet combined the classical tradition with the Christian one and, thanks to the passages evoked, provided his own text with a further, political-polemical meaning. Moreover, the identification of an allusion to Virgil’s Aeneid allows a slight correction to be made to the critical text of the ninth epistle.

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Gerome, Frank A., G. Symcox, G. Rabitti, and P. D. Diehl. "Italian Reports on America, 1493-1520: Letters, Dispatches, and Papal Bulls." Sixteenth Century Journal 34, no. 1 (April 1, 2003): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20061327.

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Maier, Christoph T. "Ritual, what else? Papal letters, sermons and the making of crusaders." Journal of Medieval History 44, no. 3 (May 27, 2018): 333–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2018.1467580.

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Brasington, Bruce C. "Papal Letters in the Early Middle Ages. Detlev Jasper , Horst Fuhrmann." Speculum 78, no. 3 (July 2003): 909–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400131963.

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Contreni, John J. "Papal Letters in the Early Middle Ages. Detlev Jasper , Horst Fuhrmann." Journal of Religion 83, no. 3 (July 2003): 445–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/491352.

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Beglov, A. L. "Renovationists and the Soviet government in 1923 in the coverage of the Exarch of Russian Catholics." Russian Journal of Church History 2, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 37–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15829/2686-973x-2021-74.

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The publication introduces into scientific circulation three documents of 1923, identified in the archive of the head of the Papal Mission to help the hungry in Russia, fr. Edmund Walsh, stored in the library of Georgetown University (USA). The central document of the published collection is a letter from the Catholic priest Leonid Fedorov, who in 1921-1935 was the head of the Apostolic Exarchate of Catholics of the Byzantine Rite in Russia. The example of the policy in relation to the Renovationist movement is used in the letter to characterize the policy of the Soviet government in relation to religion. Fedorov emphasizes the falsity of the authorities’ assurances about freedom of conscience in the USSR and concludes that the policy is aimed at eradicating all religion. He backs up his opinion with a letter from one of the leaders of the renovationism Mitr. Antonin (Granovsky) with complaints about the tax policy of the authorities. The documents are published for the first time in the original language and translated into Russian.

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WESTERN, JOSEPH. "The Papal Apocrisiarii in Constantinople during the Pontificate of Gregory i, 590–604." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 66, no. 4 (September 2, 2015): 697–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046915001621.

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From the fifth through to the eighth century an ecclesiastical official, the apocrisiarius, streamlined the effective governance of both Church and Empire by serving as the pope's permanent representative at the imperial Byzantine court. The letters of a former apocrisiarius, Pope Gregory i, serve as the best sources for uncovering the duties of this office and its benefits to the Church and the Empire. Investigating this office under Gregory emphasises the independent ambassadorial mandate given to these men and highlights the vital role of personal relationships in the conduct of imperial business.

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Ombresop, Robert. "The Canon Law Society of Great Britain and Ireland and its Newsletter." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 5, no. 25 (July 1999): 284–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00003641.

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The organisation now known as the Canon Law Society of Great Britain and Ireland was founded in 1957, and its Newsletter was first published in 1969. The activities, publications and achievements of the Society within the Roman Catholic Church are manifold, and were acknowledged by Pope John Paul II when he granted an audience to participants of the 1992 annual conference held in Rome. This papal address is printed at the beginning of The Canon Law: Letter & Spirit (London 1995), the full commentary on the 1983 Code of Canon Law prepared by the Society.

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Rousseau, Constance M. "IV. Innocent III: A Lawyer-Pope and His Consensual “Policy” of Marriage? A Reconsideration." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 107, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 172–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgk-2021-0004.

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Abstract This article intervenes in the previous scholarly conversations of Kenneth Pennington, Charles Donahue, Jr., and Anne J. Duggan and suggests through the reassessment of the surviving evidence, a revisionist interpretation. It argues that Pope Innocent III (1198–1216) was not only a pope with legal expertise reflected in the remarkable consistency of his numerous decisions concerning cases of marriage formation that came to his attention in an ad hoc manner, but also, that he was, and he believed himself to be a legislating pope through his plenitude of power. He, rather than Alexander III (1159–1181), was responsible for creating and implementing the consensual “policy”, in the strictest definition of the term, for the formation of Christian marriage. Through a careful investigation of the pertinent papal letters of Innocent III found primarily in his registers, this article reconfirms and demonstrates Stephan Kuttner’s impression of the consistency of the letters as internal proof of the pope’s legal skill that he suggested long ago in 1974.

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Sashalmi, Endre. "Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini and the Hungarian Succession." Specimina Nova Pars Prima Sectio Medaevalis 6 (May 12, 2022): 163–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/spmnnv.2011.06.10.

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The words taken as the motto of the study are quoted from the letter written by Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini in 1445 who was in the service of Frederick III at that time. The letter was addressed to the Archbishop of Esztergom with the purpose to persuade him and the magnates of Hungary to accept Ladislaus Postnatus (the relative of Frederick III) King of Hungary. Piccolomini’s argument, in the last resort, is based on the principle of public utility which is well attested by the motto: internal discord and division on the one hand, external threat on the other, postulate the necessity of a king − this is the dominant motif of the letter. Arguing in favour of royal government he states that monarchy is more appropriate for the Hungarians than popular government because of Hungary’s long tradition of being a kingdom. Citing different proofs such as ius gentium, papal disposition, ancient observation as the grounds of Ladislaus’s hereditary right, the view of the author can be seen as a learned discussion of the problem of succession in general since Piccolomini was one of the most erudite intellectuals of his age.

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Copenhaver, Brian, and Daniel Stein Kokin. "Egidio da Viterbo’s Book on Hebrew Letters: Christian Kabbalah in Papal Rome*." Renaissance Quarterly 67, no. 1 (2014): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/676151.

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AbstractEgidio da Viterbo (1469–1532) wrote his Book on Hebrew Letters (Libellus de litteris hebraicis) in 1517 to persuade Pope Leo X to reform the Roman alphabet. Behind this concrete, if farfetched, proposal was a millenarian theology that Egidio revealed by introducing his Christian readers to Kabbalah, whose first Christian advocate, Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, had done his pioneering work only a few decades before. Inspired by Pico and by Johann Reuchlin, Egidio also absorbed the Platonism of Marsilio Ficino, applying it in the Libellus to a Kabbalist analysis of the Aeneid, which he reads as a prophecy of papal victory over the Jews at the end of time, while also seeing Pope Leo as a modern-day Etruscan. But the main source of Egidio’s apocalyptic theology is a medieval Hebrew book, the Sefer ha-Temunah, which in Italy was new to Jews at the time Egidio read it.

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SHAW, RICHARD. "When Did Augustine of Canterbury Die?" Journal of Ecclesiastical History 67, no. 3 (June 10, 2016): 473–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046915003395.

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While Bede did not know the year of Augustine's death, he possessed papal letters which provide sufficient information to deduce it with some confidence. The early epistles from popes which Bede quoted or referred to in the ‘Historia ecclesiastica’ associated journeys by delegations sent by the early Church in Kent to Rome with the request for, and collection of, the pallium for the new bishop of Canterbury. In this light the likely purpose for the otherwise unexplained visit of Mellitus to Rome in 610 becomes clear: he had come to ask Pope Boniface IV for the pallium for Laurence, following the death of Augustine on 26 May 609.

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41

Dunn, Geoffrey D. "The ecclesiastical reorganisation of space and authority in late antique gaul: Zosimus' letter Multa contra (JK 334 = J3 740)." Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association 12 (2016): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.35253/jaema.2016.1.1.

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On 29 September 417 'Zosimus', bishop of Rome, wrote 'Epistula' 5 ('Multa contra' - JK 334 = J3 740) to the bishops of the Gallic provinces of Viennensis and Narbonensis Secunda. It followed a synod that had been held in Rome on 22 September to consider alleged violations by Proculus of Marseille of the hierarchical relationship between the churches of southern Gaul and the authority of metropolitan bishops over the other churches of their provinces. Episcopal authority was geographically defined and circumscribed by Roman provincial boundaries, with the bishop of a provincial capital having some authority over the other bishops of the province. What was to happen, though, when those boundaries changed or a new city within a province became capital? In a series of four letters (the others being 'Epistulae' 4 ['Cum aduersus' - JK 331 = J3 737], 6 ['Mirati admodum' - JK 332 = J3 738], and 7 [Quid de 'Proculi' - JK 333 = J3 739) written immediately after the synod, of which this letter is the last, Zosimus supported the claims of Patroclus, bishop of Arles, to be not only the metropolitan of Viennensis but, surprisingly, the sole metropolitan over several Roman provinces. This paper examines how authority within the late antique church was dependent upon spatial organisational arrangements and how temporal arguments could be advanced when such spatial arrangements did not suit the personal plans of some ambitious bishops. It further considers the religious conflict that arose over disputed areas of authority and the mechanism by which attempts were made at its resolution and how Zosimus' action contributed ultimately to a developing concept of papal primacy.

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Morucci, Valerio. "Cardinals' Patronage and the Era of Tridentine Reforms: Giulio Feltro della Rovere as Protector of Sacred Music." Journal of Musicology 29, no. 3 (2012): 262–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2012.29.3.262.

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In the history of the Catholic Church, cardinals have exercised a degree of influence almost as vital as that of the pope himself. Standing at the summit of the pontifical administrative system, they typically held a dual role as papal and courtly sovereigns and also served as the pope's electors and main counselors. To date, however, their substantive role in the patronage of sacred music in sixteenth-century Italy has attracted comparatively little musicological attention, largely because the familial archives of cardinals are more difficult to locate and less likely to be catalogued than those of kings, dukes, and popes. Newly discovered correspondence and musical sources serve to establish the significance of Cardinal Giulio Feltro della Rovere as a patron of sacred music. The letters addressed to Giulio Feltro provide new information on the musical careers of Costanzo Porta and other composers working under the cardinal's ecclesiastical sway. These letters also contribute to our understanding of mid-sixteenth-century printing practices and provide concrete evidence of the influence of the Council of Trent on sacred music.

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Coleman, Gerald D. "Reading Samaritanus bonus in Light of Magisterial Teaching and Recent Papal Writings." National Catholic Bioethics Quarterly 21, no. 1 (2021): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ncbq20212115.

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On July 14, 2020, the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (CDF) issued Samaritanus bonus (The Good Samaritan), beckoning the human family to take the Good Samaritan as the ideal in the care of all persons in critical and terminal phases of their lives. The import of this letter is understood best as seen through three prisms: (1) Fratelli tutti, the encyclical of Pope Francis signed at Assisi on October 3, 2020; (2) the Declaration on Euthanasia issued by the CDF in 1980; and (3) “the remarkable progressive development of biomedical technologies [which] has exponentially enlarged the clinical proficiency of diagnostic medicine in patient care and treatment [which] call for growth in moral discernment to avoid an unbalanced and dehumanizing use of the technologies especially in the critical or terminal stages of human life” (CDF, Declaration on Euthanasia, intro)

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44

Żurek, Antoni. "Wierność tradycji. Jan Paweł II a 1200. rocznica soboru nicejskiego II." Vox Patrum 50 (June 15, 2007): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.6679.

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Nell'anno 1987 accadeva 1200 anniversario del concilio ecumenico di Nicea (787). Nella sua Lettera Apostolica Duodecimum saeculum Giovanni Paolo II ha ricordato il problema trattato dal concilio ma anche ha messo in rilievo alcuni punti essenziali risultati dall'insegnamento di Nicea. Cosi il concilio viene non solo ricordato ma anche interpretato dalia prospettiva del successore di S. Pietro. Dal punto di vista papale ci vuole rivolgere attenzione all’insegnamento sulla tradizione della Chiesa. E una tradizione comune della Chiesa: occidentale et orientalne. Dal punto di vista del dialogo ecumenico ąuesto crea un punto di riferimento. In riferimento alla dottrina del concilio sul culto delle immagini sacre Giovanni Paolo II ha presentato i punti cardinali dell'insegnamento della Chiesa rispetto all'arte cristiana e il suo ruolo nell'annuncio del vangelo.

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45

Reuter, Timothy. "John of Salisbury and the Germans." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 3 (1994): 415–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900003410.

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One of the very noticeable features of John of Salisbury’s later letters is the frequency with which they refer to the affairs of the empire and its ruler Frederick Barbarossa; indeed, they are an important source for the history of the empire in the 1160s. There is no mystery about why this should have been so. The papal schism which broke out in 1159 and which was sustained by Barbarossa was of great importance for John and his circle, both in itself as a matter of great concern to those who cared about the church, and in particular because its progress often affected the course of the dispute between Becket and Henry II.

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Karr, Reid. "Missiological Implications of Conscience in Present-Day Roman Catholicism." Unio Cum Christo 6, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc6.1.2020.art3.

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During Jorge Mario Bergoglio’s Papacy, The Theology Of Conscience Has Taken On A Significant Role. A Developed Theology Of Conscience Emerged During The Second Vatican Council, Most Notably With Gaudium Et Spes, And Later Developed As Essential In Moral Theology. Francis Is The First Pope To Fully Embody Vatican II Teachings, In Particular In His Incorporation Of The Conscience Into Theology And Practice. During The First Months Of His Papacy, He Made It Clear That Conscience Is Crucial To His Theology And, In A Letter Exchange With A Prominent Italian Journalist, He Underscored Obedience To One’s Conscience As The Key To Receiving Forgiveness Of Sins. This Development Has Tremendous Theological And Missiological Implications For The Roman Catholic Church. KEYWORDS: Roman Catholicism, Pope Francis, conscience, missiology, morality, Vatican II, Gaudium et spes

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Lincoln, Kyle C. "Two Original Papal Letters about Diocesan Discipline in the Archiepiscopal See of Toledo." Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law 37, no. 1 (2020): 219–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bmc.2020.0005.

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Knight, Gilian. "Politics and Pastoral Care: Papal Schism in Some Letters of Peter the Venerable." Revue Bénédictine 109, no. 3-4 (July 1999): 359–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rb.4.01387.

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49

Cróinín, Dáibhí Ó. ""New Heresy for Old": Pelagianism in Ireland and the Papal Letter of 640." Speculum 60, no. 3 (July 1985): 505–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2848172.

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50

Kondor, Márta. "UPPSALA AND SPALATO." Specimina Nova Pars Prima Sectio Medaevalis 4 (May 15, 2022): 15–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/spmnnv.2007.04.02.

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Scholarship frequently applies the terms centre and periphery to different parts of Western Christendom, but there is no consensus on exactly which lands can be characterized by these terms. This paper aims at appr oaching the centre periphery problem in Western Christendom through two case studies: the archbishoprics of Uppsala and Spalato, both lying on the rim of the Latin West, were chosen as the objects of the analysis. On the basis of papal letters from the tim e of Pope Alexander III (1159 1181) the intensity and nature of contacts between the Holy See and these “faraway places” were studied. The main question addressed was what perceptions the Roman Curia had of these territories in the second half of the twelf th century.

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