Journal articles on the topic 'Les 400 coups (1959)'

Abstract This paper focuses on the motif of permanent crisis and the “ghost” in Tsai Ming-liang’s art through a close analysis of films such as I Don’t Want to Sleep Alone (Hei yan quan, 2006), What Time Is It There? (Ni na bian ji dian, 2001), Vive l’amour (Ai qing wan sui, 1994), The Skywalk is Gone (Tian qiao bu jian le, 2002), The Hole (Dong, 1998), and the relevant discourse of Jacques Derrida and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, pointing out new, previously undiscussed connections between What Time Is It There? and François Truffaut’s The 400 Blows (Les quatre cents coups, 1959). The aesthetics of the spectral is presented as a possible way of approaching films that not only reckon with the increasing immaterialization of the medium in the digital age, but also extend this to understand and represent new qualities of human relationships and existence in the world, using the motif of the ghost as an allegory of the medium and a “haunting” of traditional cinematic plot organization and narrative.

One of the many ironies of Fiji's May 2000 general election was the demise of one of the "godfathers" of the indigenous Taukei movement, Apisai Tora. The man who was once a firebrand trade unionist and who jointly led the 1959 oil workers' strike, later became an indigenous nationalist and helped unleash the forces that overthrew the first Labour Party coalition government in two military coups in 1987.

AbstractThe morphology and intraspecific variability of the nematode species Mesodorylaimus bastiani (Bütschli, 1873) Andrássy, 1959 are described. In addition to type specimens, material has been examined from ten localities in south-eastern Spain and three localities in Belgium and The Netherlands. Detailed descriptions, tables of measurements and ratios, and illustrations are included. A revised diagnosis of the species is presented, being characterised by its medium sized body (L = 1.30-1.80 mm), lip region diam. 11-14 μ m and continuous or offset by a weak depression, odontostyle 13.5-16.5 μ m, V = 48-56, pars refringens vaginae with two quite close sclerotisations, female tail elongated and consisting of a conical part followed by a slender portion which tapers to an acute or finely rounded tip (75-100 μ m, c = 14-23, c′ = 3.0-4.0), spicules 39-52 μ m and eight to 11 spaced ventromedian supplements. Previous records of the species are critically discussed. Nématodes de l'ordre des Dorylaimida provenant d'Andalousie orientale, Espagne. Le genre Mesodorylaimus Andrássy, 1959. III. Sur l'identité de M. bastiani (Bütschli, 1873) Andrássy, 1959 – La morphologie et la variabilité intraspécifique chez le nématode Mesodorylaimus bastiani (Bütschli, 1873) Andrássy, 1959 sont décrites. En plus des spécimens types, a été étudié du matériel provenant de dix localités d'Espagne du sud-est et de trois localités de Belgique et des Pays Bas. Sont inclus des descriptions détaillées, des tableaux de mensurations et rapports et des illustrations. Est présentée une diagnose révisée de l'espèce qui se caractérise par: longueur moyenne du corps (L = 1.30-1.80 mm), diamètre de la région labiale de 11-14 μ m, continue ou légèrement séparée du reste du corps par une légère dépression, odontostyle long de 13,5-16,5 μ m, V = 48-56, pars refringens vaginae avec deux sclérotisations assez rapprochées, queue (femelle) allongée, la portion antérieure conique suivie par une portion plus étroite et se terminant en une extrémité pointue ou finement arrondie (75-100 μ m, c = 14-23, c′ = 3,0-4,0), des spicules long de 39-52 μ m et huit à 11 suppléments ventromédians espacés. Les signalisations antérieures de l'espèce sont discutées de manière critique.

Part I of this chapter was included in the January 1997 issue of the Journal, Vol. 50, p. 65.The Smith Brothers, 1919. Captain Ross M. Smith, of the Australian Flying Corps based in Palestine, flew a Handley Page 0/400 late in 1918 on a special flight to Baghdad and beyond, carrying as passenger Major General W. G. H. Salmond, the RAF's Middle East Commander. Flying as co-pilot was Brigadier-General Borton, Commander of the Palestine Brigade. Smith had been flying, in support of Lawrence's forces, another 0/00 which Borton had brought from England.

AbstractTwo new species belonging to the genus Mesodorylaimus Andrássy, 1959 are described and illustrated from natural areas in south-eastern Spain. M. nevadensis sp.n. is characterised by a medium sized body (L = 1.40-1.67 mm in females and 1.27-1.63 mm in males), angular lip region offset by a more or less marked depression, odontostyle 12.5-14.0 μ m long or 1.1-1.3 times as long as the lip region width, pharyngeal bulb 106-155 μ m long, V = 48-55, pars refringens vaginae with two divergent, triangular to dropshaped sclerotisations well separated by a more or less distinct sclerotised area, female tail relatively long and straight (93-134 μ m, c = 10.4-15.1, c′ = 4.0-5.6), spicules 41-47 μ m long, and eight to ten ventromedian supplements. M. baeticus sp.n. is distinguished by its medium sized body (L = 1.38-1.80 mm), lip region continuous or offset by a weak depression, odontostyle 13-15 μ m or 1.1-1.3 times the lip region diam., pharyngeal bulb 126-158 μ m long, V = 49-56, pars refringens vaginae with two adjacent, trapezoid to drop-shaped sclerotisations, female tail (83-126 μ m, c = 12-19, c′ = 3.7-5.6) tapering abruptly at first, then thickening very slightly and finally tapering gradually to a cylindrical terminal portion, and males unknown. These two species being quite close to M. bastiani (Bütschli, 1873) Andrássy, 1959, a compendium is presented of the relatives of M. bastiani together with a comparative discussion. M. similibastiani Zell, 1986 is regarded as junior synonym of M. bastiani. Nématodes de l'ordre des Dorylaimida d'Andalousie orientale, Espagne. Le genre Mesodorylaimus Andrássy, 1959. V. Deux nouvelles espèces proches de M. bastiani avec un compendium des espèces voisines - Deux nouvelles espèces, provenant de zones naturelles dans le sud-est de l'Espagne, appartenant au genre Mesodorylaimus Andrássy, 1959 sont décrites et illustrées. M. nevadensis sp.n. est caractérisé par un corps de taille moyenne (L = 1.40-1.67 mm chez les femelles et 1.27-1.63 mm chez les mâles), une région labiale angulaire et séparée du reste du corps par une constriction plus ou moins prononcée, un odontostyle long de 12.5-14.0 μ m ou 1.1-1.3 diam. de la région labiale, un bulbe pharyngien long de 106-155 μ m, V = 48-55, la pars refringens vaginae munie de deux sclérotisations bien séparées, divergentes, de forme triangulaire à ovoïde, une queue relativement longue et droite chez la femelle (93-134 μ m, c = 10.4-15.1, c′ = 4.0-5.6), des spicules longs de 41-47 μ m, et huit à dix suppléments ventromédians. M. baeticus sp.n. se distingue par son corps de taille moyenne (L = 1.38-1.80 mm), la région labiale continue ou séparée du reste du corps par une légère constriction, l'odontostyle long de 13-15 μ m ou 1.1-1.3 diam. de la région labiale, le bulbe pharyngien long de 126- 158 μ m, V = 49-56, la pars refringens vaginae munie de deux sclérotisations adjacentes trapézoïdales à ovoïdes, la queue de la femelle (83-126 μ m, c = 12-19, c′ = 3.7-5.6) se rétrécissant d'abord brutalement, puis s'épaississant très légèrement pour finalement se rétrécir graduellement jusqu'à une portion cylindrique terminale et l'absence mâles. Ces deux espèces sont proches de M. bastiani (Bütschli, 1873) Andrássy, 1959 et un compendium des espèces voisines de M. bastiani est donné de même qu'une discussion comparative. M. similibastiani Zell, 1986 est considéré comme synonyme mineur de M. bastiani.

During the dramatic wave of democratization in the 1980s, Venezuela stood out as South America's wise elder. While neighboring militaries had shifted in and out of power, sometimes ruling for decades, Venezuela had maintained a stable democracy since 1959. After a relatively brief period of adjustment, the country settled into a political system in which two dominant political parties alternated in power and the armed forces remained peacefully in the barracks. Yet twice in 1992, important sectors of the armed forces took up arms to displace what they and many other Venezuelans viewed as a decrepit and corrupt political system. The coups failed, but they left the political system shaken and the military's political subordination seriously in doubt. The coup attempts also raised doubts about Venezuelan strategies for military control that had been a model for the rest of Latin America.

Modern-day Guatemalan history is marked by the thirty-six-year-long civil war that ravaged the nation. The 1954 CIA-backed military coup of President Jacobo Arbenz led to an extended period of violence and armed conflict, the longest in Central American history. The civil war began in 1960. Military strategies included kidnappings, torture, disappearances, and death lists. More than 245,000 civilians were disappeared or killed and over 400 villages destroyed. In addition, over 1 million people were displaced from their homes. The armed conflict thus damaged the people, the environment, and the very psyche of Guatemala, creating a culture of corruption, fear, and silence. The civil war ended in late 1996 with the signing of the Peace Accords. However some scholars and activists argue that while the Accords were signed, peace has yet to be established in present-day Guatemala.

Le soleil émet une multitude de rayonnements électromagnétiques filtrés par l’atmosphère terrestre. Arrivant à la surface de la planète, ces rayonnements sont indispensables pour l'installation et le développement de la vie. Le spectre solaire au sol comporte les ultraviolets (UV) B (290-320 nm) et les UVA (320-400 nm), la lumière visible et des infrarouges (IR). Les UV activent des molécules, appelées chromophores, contenues dans la peau et qui sont susceptibles de se modifier et ils déclenchent ainsi une cascade de réactions photochimiques ayant des conséquences biologiques et cliniques majeures. Les effets peuvent être soit aigus, soit d'apparition rapide et généralement de courte durée, ou chroniques, d'installation progressive et de longue durée. Les exemples des effets aigus comprennent les coups de soleil et la production de vitamine D, alors que le photovieillissement et le cancer de la peau sont les résultats d'une exposition chronique depuis de nombreuses années. Si le soleil est indispensable à la vie, son énergie potentiellement destructrice impose à l'homme de savoir l'apprivoiser et de photoprotéger sa peau.

La Historia Clínica Criminológica contiene datos investigativos de un acto delictivo. A nivel internacional han surgido avances en el estudio criminológico, basados en el uso de la historia clínica criminologíca. Objetivo: Describir la evolución de la Historia Clínica Criminológica, en el Instituto de Criminología Julio Endara. Metodología: Se realizó un estudio observacional descriptivo retrospectivo de 400 historias, tomadas de los años comprendidos entre 1936 al 2016. Resultados: La mayoría de cambios se dieron en los años 1959 y 1979. En el año 2005, última actualización, únicamente se introdujo una variable. Otro hallazgo fue el alto número de datos incompletos, o registros inexistentes. Al comparar las variables propuestas en este estudio, las mayores semejanzas fueron con los modelos de los años 1959 y 1979. Conclusiones: Se observó un retroceso, en la actualización, ya que la mayor semejanza encontrada, entre la propuesta, fue con la historia clínica criminológica del año de 1979.

As a youngster, Art Rust, Jr., one of New York's first prominent black sportscasters, lived on St. Nicholas Avenue, a stone's throw equally from Minton's and Monroe's, the after-hours clubs where Charlie Parker and Thelonious Monk created bebop, and the Polo Grounds, home of the New York Giants. Rust remembered the day in the 1930s when “Billy the Cop,” just off duty, told Rust's father that Giant manager Bill Terry, the last National League player to hit over 400, complained to the precinct commander. Terry didn't want any “nigger cops” patrolling the Polo Grounds, at least not near the executive entrances. Almost twenty years later, in the early 1950s, George Weiss, the general manager of the New York Yankees, a team whose Ruthian dominance prevailed in the Stadium, built with intentional perversity within eyesight of the Polo Grounds just across the East River in the South Bronx, responded to charges that the Yankees had failed to sign black players. In private, Weiss said, “I will never allow a black man to wear a Yankee uniform. Boxholders from Westchester don't want that sort of crowd. They would be offended to have to sit with niggers.” Publicly, in the spring of 1952, he responded that the team had been looking long and hard for a black player, “good enough to make the Yankees.” Weiss's accuser, Jackie Robinson, then entering his sixth season with the Brooklyn Dodgers, rejoined, “Bullshit.”

Рецензия посвящена монографии А.В. Толочко, рассказывающей о жизни и деятельности бывших российских военных моряков в эмиграции в 1920-1930-е гг. Особое внимание автор уделяет характеристике правового положения моряков-эмигрантов, образованию и эволюции их организаций и объединений, повседневной жизни морской семьи, политическим ориентациям её представителей, участию в политической жизни. Автор рецензии отмечает интересное наблюдение: структура офицерского корпуса СССР и РФ, существовавшая до 2009 г., имела много общего с той, которую предлагали эмигранты. Во многом совпадает с их проектами и современная система переподготовки офицерских кадров. Монография представляет интерес не только для историков Русского зарубежья, военно-морского флота, но и всех, кто интересуется историей России. The monograph by A.V. Tolochko about the life and work of the former Russian naval sailors in exile in the 1920s-1930s is under review in the paper. The author of the book characterizes the legal status of emigrant sailors, their organizations, the daily life of the sea family, the political orientations of its representatives, their participation in political life, etc. The structure of the officer corps of the USSR and the Russian Federation until 2009 had much in common with the one proposed by the emigrants, as well as the modern system of retraining of officers. The monograph is of interest not only to historians of the Russian emigration and the Navy, but to anyone interested in Russian history.

In 1959 Professor N. Platon excavated a Neolithic well, unique in Crete, in the vicinity of the modern village of Kastelli Phournis in E. Crete. It is located in the Phourni plateau at an elevation of c.400 m. With the exception of two EM I sherds, pottery forms a very homogeneous assemblage. It includes 34 handmade and thick-walled vases, and 138 undiagnostic sherds. Necked jars prevail, and all shapes are fully adapted to the special function of this group, that of drawing and transporting water. This assemblage finds close parallels at FN Phaistos and occasionally at the FN Eileithyia cave and the FN Nerokourou open settlement. Data on local hydrology and modern subsistence economy give us a good idea of the use and purpose of the well in Neolithic times.

Η παρούσα εργασία στοχεύει στο να δείξει ότι ο αυτοαναφορικός στοχασμός τον κινηματογράφου πάνω στα αισθητικά και τεχνικά μέσα που χρησιμοποιεί συνδέεται άμεσα με τον κινηματογραφικό ιδεολογικό λόγο. Η σύνδεση αυτή είναι εμφανής σε δύο ταινίες σχετικά με την παιδική ηλικία του Φρανσουά Τρυφώ, Τα 400 χτυπήματα και Το χαρτζιλίκι. Οι ταινίες αυτές εξέφρασαν το ανατρεπτικό για την εποχή κίνημα της Nouvelle Vague (Νέο Κύμα) και μπορούν να θεωρηθούν ως ένα κινηματογραφικό δοκίμιο για την παιδική ηλικία, γυρίστηκαν αντίστοιχα το 1959 και 1976, δηλαδή πριν και μετά το Μάη του '68 στη Γαλλία. Οι ταινίες αυτές διαμορφώνουν έναν χώρο στοχασμού και διαμάχης όπου οι διπολικότητες «σχολείο-μαθητές», «οικογένεια-παιδιά», «ενήλικοι-ανήλικοι», «κανόνες-παραβατικότητα» μας επιτρέπουν να κατανοήσουμε τον «κόσμο των πραγματικών παιδιών», πέρα από οποιαδήποτε προκατασκευασμένη έννοια περί παιδιού. Η αναζήτηση της νοηματοδότησης της παιδικής ηλικίας μ' αυτό τον τρόπο μάς επιτρέπει να κατανοήσουμε πως τα παιδιά που απεικονίζονται στις συγκεκριμένες ταινίες ενηλικιώνονται -πέρα από το όποιο βλέμμα/χειραγώγηση των ενηλίκων-, ενώ ταυτόχρονα συμβάλλει στην αποδέσμευση του θεατή από το βλέμμα του σκηνοθέτη.

Objective: To report a patient with a probable acute tubular necrosis (ATN) induced by chronic exposure to polyethylene glycol (PEG)-400 via long-term, massive dosage of intravenous lorazepam. Case Summary: A 57-year-old man with a history of alcohol abuse was admitted to the intensive care unit for acute respiratory failure. Lorazepam therapy was initiated in anticipation of alcohol withdrawal. Dosages up to 18 mg/h were required to provide adequate sedation and optimize ventilation. On day 43, the patient developed oliguric ATN of unknown etiology. The cumulative intravenous lorazepam dose was 4089 mg, equivalent to approximately 220 mL of PEG-400. Blood urea nitrogen concentrations followed a pattern that paralleled lorazepam dosage increases and decreases. Protein and granular casts were evident in urinalyses performed on days 12 and 29. The patient eventually experienced complete recovery. Discussion: ATN associated with intravenous PEG was last reported in 1959 in 6 of 32 patients receiving a cumulative PEG-300 dose of 120–200 mL over 3–5 days via an intravenous nitrofurantoin preparation. Two of the 6 patients died. Chronic administration of intravenous PEG to rabbits over a 5-week period has caused cloudy swelling of the renal tubular epithelium, increased blood urea concentrations, and death in some animals. Conclusions: ATN probably resulted from chronic PEG exposure via massive doses of lorazepam injection, possibly enhanced by concurrent administration of vancomycin.

It is argued that spruce budworm ( Choristoneura fumiferana (Clemens)) (SBW) outbreaks have tended to be more frequent, severe, and spatially synchronized since the beginning of the 20th century. However, few studies have assessed the long-term (>200 years) variations in SBW outbreak dynamics. We reconstructed the SBW outbreak history at the northern limit of the temperate forest in southern Quebec using dendrochronological material from old buildings and five old-growth stands. Our regional tree-ring chronology (1551–1995) represents one of the longest and most replicated insect outbreak reconstructions in North America. Nine potential outbreaks were identified (1976–1991, 1946–1959, 1915–1929, 1872–1903, 1807–1817, 1754–1765, 1706–1717, 1664–1670, and 1630–1638) with three additional uncertain outbreaks (1647–1661, 1606–1619, and 1564–1578). Results suggested that southern Quebec has experienced frequent and synchronized outbreaks throughout the last 400 years. Although outbreak frequency was higher during the 20th century (approximately 30 years) as compared with the 1660–1850 period (approximately 50 years), similar or even higher outbreak frequency might have occurred prior to 1660 (approximately 28 years). We did not find any evidence that the recent outbreak dynamics in southern Quebec is outside its historical range of the last 400 years. Previous studies based on living trees may have underestimated outbreak frequency and synchrony prior to 1900.

Kingsley Davis (1961) had argued that the reason that the ancient cities failed to survive was that they were too deadly. He suggested that “three of their (cities) main traits....the crowding of many people in little space, their dependence on widespread contacts (due to in-migration), and their wealth...laid them open to contagious diseases, environmental contamination, occasional starvation and warfare”. Even in the medieval age, some European cities provide examples of such problems; but especially so following the Industrial Revolution. Do the events of the 1980s and the 1990s in Karachi suggest that the city may be heading in the same direction. Recently, The Times London in a lead article in November 1994, labelled Karachi as a “City of Riches and Shattered Dreams”. It further said that Karachi had grown into a megalopolis where life moved fast and street violence had become a norm. Indeed, more than 65 percent of Pakistan’s industries and 80 percent of its finance, banking, and business are concentrated in the city and people come to it from all over the country to find jobs and fulfil their dreams [Husain (1994)]. During the past decade, street violence in the form of ethnic clashes has become a sort of regular event in Karachi. At times, these clashes have been more frequent and even bloodier than the ones before. According to the local newspaper accounts, between 1985 and 1988 (in four years), about 400 people died in Karachi due to violence, which has increased substantially over time. Thus, while the number of violent deaths remained between 350–500 during 1991–93, in 1994 alone the number exceeded 1,100, and during the first three months of 1995, over 300 persons have died due to violence. According to the Karachi Police sources, most of the victims of violent deaths in Karachi during 1994 were men in the age group 13–50.

Abstract. Outburst floods from subglacial lakes beneath the Antarctic Ice Sheet modulate ice-flow velocities over periods of months to years. Although subglacial lake drainage events have been observed from satellite-altimetric data, little is known about their role in the long-term evolution of ice-sheet basal hydrology. Here, we systematically map and model past water flow through an extensive area containing over 1000 subglacial channels and 19 former lake basins exposed on over 19 000 km2 of seafloor by the retreat of Pine Island and Thwaites glaciers, West Antarctica. At 507 m wide and 43 m deep on average, the channels offshore of present-day Pine Island and Thwaites glaciers are approximately twice as deep, 3 times as wide, and cover an area over 400 times larger than the terrestrial meltwater channels comprising the Labyrinth in the Antarctic Dry Valleys. The channels incised into bedrock offshore of contemporary Pine Island and Thwaites glaciers would have been capable of accommodating discharges of up to 8.8×106 m3 s−1. We suggest that the channels were formed by episodic discharges from subglacial lakes trapped during ice-sheet advance and retreat over multiple glacial periods. Our results document the widespread influence of episodic subglacial drainage events during past glacial periods, in particular beneath large ice streams similar to those that continue to dominate contemporary ice-sheet discharge.

Abstract: Influencers of the nationalist-cultural views of the school teacher Gustav Martinson (1888–1959) in the First World War The passing of a hundred years since the start of the First World War, a milestone of world history, has also in recent years actualised research in Estonia of the events of that time. One field that has remained unexplored to this day is Estonia’s school teachers as a large social group in the World War. School teachers who participated in the war and survived later helped to defend and build up Estonian independent statehood. The main objective of this article is to elucidate the nationalist-cultural views of the school teacher Gustav Martinson, and the effect of the written word on his views under wartime conditions. Martinson had graduated from the Tartu Teachers’ Seminary, was fluent in several languages (Russian, German, French, Latvian), and taught in Sangaste rural municipality. In addition to the press of that time, the primary sources of this study are Martinson’s diaries from 1916–17 and 1917–21, and his correspondence (62 letters), all of which have been brought into academic circulation for the first time. The exact number of Estonian school teachers who were conscripted into the First World War is not known. We know that in 1914, at least 400 teachers were already mobilised from Estonia. Prior to the World War, 2,249 teachers worked in Estonian elementary schools (excluding city schools). Thus in the first year of the war, at least 18% of school teachers were conscripted into the armed forces. Historians of education consider the calling up of Estonian school teachers for military service as one reason for the decline in the number of schools that took place during the First World War. It is quite probable that school teachers were not enthusiastic about fighting in the war and looked forward to returning to their everyday work. Literate Estonians in the First World War found comfort in the printed word in Estonian, of which the most readily available were newspapers, especially Postimees (Postman) and Sakala. It emerges from several sources that school teachers were active newspaper subscribers since the start of the war. From among the Estonian press, the school teacher Gustav Martinson read the newspapers Postimees and Sotsiaaldemokraat (Social Democrat), and the periodicals Eesti Kirjandus (Estonian Literature) and Vaba Sõna (Free Word). He also had the opportunity to read books sent from home or brought along from when he was on leave, and also books acquired from where he was stationed. Despite of the horrors of war, he was able to think about values that have a constructive effect on life, including the importance of education. Regarding Estonian literature, he held the works of Gustav Suits, Juhan Liiv, Friedebert Tuglas, Ernst Enno and Henrik Visnapuu in particularly high esteem. Optimistic and positive reflections on the future of Estonian culture and the Estonian nationality, inspired by the media and by the books he had read, are the most prominent feature in Gustav Martinson’s diaries. As a great booklover, he drew support in the war from the written word, which was also the primary influence on his national self-identity. As a school teacher, he understood the importance of education and erudition for the process of building independent statehood. Unlike Western Europe, no so-called lost generation emerged in Estonia after the experiences endured in the First World War. Estonian intellectuals, including Gustav Martinson, continued their professional work after they returned from the war and assured the continuity of Estonian cultural traditions in independent Estonia.

Abstract. The "δ11B-pH" technique was applied to modern and ancient Porites from the sub-equatorial Pacific areas (Tahiti and Marquesas) spanning a time interval from 0 to 20 720 calendar years to determine the amplitude of pH changes between the Last Glacial Period and the Holocene. Boron isotopes were measured by Multi-Collector-Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometry (MC-ICPMS) with an external reproducibility of 0.25‰, allowing a precision of ±0.025 pH-units. The boron concentration [B] and isotopic composition of modern samples indicate that the temperature strongly controls the partition coefficient KD for different aragonite species. Modern coral δ11B values and the reconstructed sea surface pH values for different Pacific areas match the measured pH expressed on the Sea Water Scale and confirm the calculation parameters that were previously determined by laboratory calibration exercises. Most ancient sea surface pH reconstructions near Marquesas are higher than modern values. These values range between 8.20 and 8.26 for the Holocene and reached 8.31 at the end of the last glacial period (20.7 kyr BP). At the end of the Younger Dryas (11.50±0.1 kyr BP), the central sub-equatorial Pacific experienced a dramatic drop of up to 0.2 pH-units from the average pH of 8.2 before and after this short event. Using the CO2SYS program, we recalculated the aqueous pCO2 to be 400±24 ppmV at around 11.5 kyr BP for corals at Marquesas and ~500 ppmV near Tahiti where it was assumed that pCO2 in the atmosphere was 250 ppmV. Throughout the Holocene, the difference in pCO2 between the ocean and the atmosphere at Marquesas (ΔpCO2) indicates that the surface waters behave as a moderate CO2 sink (−67 to −11 ppmV) during El Niño-like conditions. In contrast, during the last glacial/interglacial transition, this area was a moderate source of CO2 (−9 to 56 ppmV) for the atmosphere, highlighting predominant La Niña-like conditions. Such conditions were particularly pronounced at the end of the Younger Dryas with a large amount of CO2 released with ΔpCO2 of +140 ppmV. This last finding provides further evidence of the marked changes to the water mass pH and temperature properties in the equatorial Pacific at the Younger Dryas- Holocene transition and the strong impact of oceanic dynamic on the atmospheric CO2 content.

http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7925.2016v29n4p43As variações da vegetação em função da posição topográfica têm despertado o interesse dos pesquisadores. Entretanto, poucos estudos verificaram as associações florísticas formadas pela posição topográfica de uma encosta. Neste trabalho, analisamos se as variações na vegetação permitem detectar agrupamentos florísticos em uma Floresta Pluvial Subtropical. A vegetação foi amostrada em 25 parcelas de 400 m² distribuídas sistematicamente, onde foram medidos os indivíduos com DAP ≥ 5,0 cm. Amostramos 1.727 indivíduos e 144 espécies. A ordenação NMDS segregou três grupos em função da posição topográfica da encosta (Monte Carlo, P ≥ 0,05; ANOSIM, P < 0,001). Euterpe edulis e Sloanea guianensis se destacaram nos terços inferior e médio da encosta, enquanto Ocotea aciphylla e Alchornea triplinervia se destacaram no terço superior. Algumas espécies se mostraram indicadoras dos setores analisados, como é o caso de Actinostemon concolor e Alsophila setosa no terço inferior, Cyathea corcovadensis e Rudgea recurva no terço médio e Myrcia pulchra e Podocarpus sellowii no terço superior. Nossos resultados indicaram que as variações florísticas e estruturais observadas por Veloso e Klein (1959) e Klein (1980; 1984) para o Vale do Itajaí em Santa Catarina apresentam validade estatística nos dias atuais, pois verificamos a formação de diferentes grupos de acordo com a posição topográfica da encosta.

يهدف البحث الحالي التعرف الى (الشعور باعتبار الذات وعلاقته بكفاءة المواجهة لدى طلبة الجامعة), واقتصر البحث على عينة مؤلفة من (400) طالب وطالبة من طلبة جامعة تكريت لكلا الجنسين (ذكور, وإناث)، والتخصص (العلمي, والإنساني) للعام الدراسي (2020-2021) وقد تم تطبيق المقاييس عليهم الكترونياً بسبب جائحة كورونا, ولتحقيق أهداف البحث الحالي اعدت الباحثة مقياس الشعور باعتبار الذات اذ اعتمدت في اعداد المقياس على تعريف (CR. Rogers,1959) للشعور باعتبار الذات، يتكون المقياس من (22) فقرة موقفية تعبر في مضامينها عن الشعور باعتبار الذات, وأن لكل فقرة ثلاث بدائل (2، 1، 0) . كما تبنت الباحثة مقياس كفاءة المواجهة المبني من قبل (Friborg et al.,2003) وقامت بترجمته الى اللغة العربية ويتألف المقياس من (43) فقرة موزعة على خمسة مجالات هي:( الكفاءة الشخصية، الكفاءة الاجتماعية، التماسك الأسري، الدعم الاجتماعي، الهيكل الشخصي ), وامام كل فقرة خمس اجابات (دائماً، غالباً، احياناً، نادراً، ابداً) وايضاً تحققت الباحثة من الخصائص السيكومترية للمقياس: وبعد تحليل البيانات اظهرت النتائج الاتي: - تتمتع العينة بمستوى جيد من الشعور باعتبار الذات، وان متوسط درجات أفراد العينة على المقياس كان دال إحصائيا. - تتمتع العينة بمستوى جيد من كفاءة المواجهة، وان متوسط درجات أفراد العينة على مقياس كفاءة المواجهة كان دال إحصائيا . - وجود علاقة ارتباطيه موجبة دالة بين الشعور باعتبار الذات وكفاءة المواجهة لدى طلبة جامعة تكريت .. وفي ضوء نتائج البحث توصي الباحثة بمجموعة من التوصيات والمقترحات.

The genus Mimosa belongs to the Fabaceae family and comprises almost 400 species of herbs, shrubs and ornamental trees. The genus Mimosa is found all over the tropics and subtropics of Asia, Africa, South America, North America and Australia. Traditionally, this genus has been popular for the treatment of jaundice, diarrhea, fever, toothache, wound healing, asthma, leprosy, vaginal and urinary complaints, skin diseases, piles, gastrointestinal disorders, small pox, hepatitis, tumor, HIV, ulcers and ringworm. The review covered literature available from 1959 to 2020 collected from books, scientific journals and electronic searches, such as Science Direct, Web of Science and Google scholar. Various keywords, such as Mimosa, secondary metabolites, medicines, phytochemicals and pharmacological values, were used for the data search. The Mimosa species are acknowledged to be an essential source of secondary metabolites with a wide-ranging biological functions, and up until now, 145 compounds have been isolated from this genus. Pharmacological studies showed that isolated compounds possess significant potential, such as antiprotozoal, antimicrobial, antiviral, antioxidant, and antiproliferative as well as cytotoxic activities. Alkaloids, chalcones, flavonoids, indoles, terpenes, terpenoids, saponins, steroids, amino acids, glycosides, flavanols, phenols, lignoids, polysaccharides, lignins, salts and fatty esters have been isolated from this genus. This review focused on the medicinal aspects of the Mimosa species and may provide a comprehensive understanding of the prospective of this genus as a foundation of medicine, supplement and nourishment. The plants of this genus could be a potential source of medicines in the near future.

The taxonomy of the freshwater crab genus Louisea Cumberlidge, 1994, is reviewed based on type material and newly obtained specimens from three different localities in southwestern Cameroon. The genus is endemic to Cameroon and previously included two species: L. edeaensis (Bott, 1969) (type species) from Lake Ossa wetland complex (altitudes below 400 m asl) and L. balssi (Bott, 1959) from Kumba and Mt. Manengouba (altitudes above 1300 m asl). Here two new species of Louisea are described based on morphological and/or genetic data: L. nkongsambasp. nov. from the Nlonako Ecological Reserve (1000–1400 m asl) in the sub-montane zone and L. yabassisp. nov. from Yabassi in the lowlands. A redescription and amended diagnostic features of L. edeaensis and L. balssi are provided, and the genus diagnosis is updated to accommodate all four species. An identification key is also provided for the species of Louisea. A tree of phylogenetic relationships based on three mtDNA loci (COI, 12S rRNA, and 16S rRNA) supports the taxonomic revision, and indicates speciation of Louisea species along an altitudinal gradient, but further phylogenetic analyses are needed to understand whether this can lend support to the hypothesis that there is a montane centre of speciation along the Cameroon Volcanic Line. The phylogenetic tree also shows that Buea Cumberlidge, Mvogo Ndongo, Clark &amp; Daniels, 2019 and Potamonemus Cumberlidge &amp; Clark, 1992 are sister genera that may be derived from the Louisea lineage.

Smallpox is an ancient disease and was present in Africa, Asia and Europe since 400 BC. It is unclear whether smallpox was indigenous to Africa or was introduced early on. Sudan had a great experience in eradication phase of smallpox diseases. This study aimed to highlighted the epidemiology of smallpox in term of number of cases and geographical distribution, Identify the local and global effort generated and determine the lessons learned of the that experience in surveillance field in Sudan. To obtain our information we review articles online and reports from WHO store focusing on flowing key words (smallpox, eradication, Sudan). The health authorities has been intensified smallpox control and vaccination programs during 1950 – 1962 .whereby the incidence of cases reduced to 117 cases with three were imported cases in1960, these in contrast 517 in 1959 and 3,030 in 1953 -1954.in 1969 For the campaign, 30 vaccination units were constituted, approximately 10 for each of 3 provinces (Blue Nile, Darfur and Kordofan), each unit comprising 6 smallpox and 3 BCG vaccinators plus supervisors. The units moved systematically through the province. The smallpox vaccinators went from house to house. the epidemiological data strongly support the belief that transmission in the Sudan was interrupted in 1962 and endemic smallpox did not recur until after the importations of 1967-1968.In September 1972, during a seminar in Addis Ababa, it was proposed that Sudanese and Ethiopian teams should be granted permission to cross the border without hindrance when undertaking search operations. Great job has been done to eradicate smallpox globally and especially in Sudan, and no doubt the lessons learned from the experience of smallpox eradication constitute strong concrete and base for managing health services in Sudan especially in epidemiology field by providing platform for surveillance of epidemic diseases.

An outstanding Soviet and Russian pediatrician and pediatric surgeon, one of the founders of pediatric surgery in the USSR and the founder of the Leningrad Scientific School of Pediatric Surgeons, Doctor of Medical Sciences (1960), Corresponding Member of the USSR Academy of Medical Sciences (1963) and RAMS (1992), laureate of the USSR State Prize (1979), Honored Doctor and Honored Scientist of the RSFSR (1994), Professor (1962) Girey Alievich Bairov was born on May 2, 1922 in Alushta. In 1955, G. A. Bairov was the first in the Soviet Union to successfully operate on a newborn boy with esophageal atresia and tracheoesophageal fistula. In 1959, he was elected head of the Department of Pediatric Surgery with Orthopedics and Anesthesiology at the Leningrad Pediatric Medical Institute. In 1960, he defended his doctoral dissertation on the topic: «Fractures in the elbow joint in children». G. A. Bairov was a very versatile surgeon: he perfectly operated on newborns, children of different ages with various diseases of the chest and abdomen, performed urological, traumatological and orthopedic interventions, operated on the spine. In 1963, for outstanding achievements in the development of pediatric surgery, he was elected a corresponding member of the USSR Academy of Medical Sciences. For the development of methods of surgical treatment of congenital and acquired diseases of young children, he was awarded the State Prize of the USSR in 1979. G. A.Bairov was the author and co-author of about 400 scientific papers, including 20 monographs and textbooks, more than 40 inventions, rationalization proposals, new methods of surgical interventions. Under his direct supervision, 31 doctoral and 120 master’s theses were defended. Professor G. A. Bairov passed away on July 6, 1999 and was buried at the Smolensky cemetery in St. Petersburg.

J. Lennart Berggren and Alexander Jones, Ptolemy's Geography: An Annotated Translation of the Theoretical Chapters. By Karin Tybjerg 194Natalia Lozovsky, ‘The Earth is Our Book’: Geographical Knowledge in the Latin West ca. 400–1000. By Evelyn Edson 196David Cantor (ed.), Reinventing Hippocrates. By Daniel Brownstein 197Peter Dear, Revolutionizing the Sciences: European Knowledge and Its Ambitions, 1500–1700. By John Henry 199Paolo Rossi, Logic and the Art of Memory: The Quest for a Universal Language. By John Henry 200Marie Boas Hall, Henry Oldenburg: Shaping the Royal Society. By Christoph Lüthy 201Richard L. Hills, James Watt, Volume 1: His Time in Scotland, 1736–1774. By David Philip Miller 203René Sigrist (ed.), H.-B. de Saussure (1740–1799): Un Regard sur la terre, Albert V. Carozzi and John K. Newman (eds.), Lectures on Physical Geography given in 1775 by Horace-Bénédict de Saussure at the Academy of Geneva/Cours de géographie physique donné en 1775 par Horace-Bénédict de Saussure à l'Académie de Genève and Horace-Bénédict de Saussure, Voyages dans les Alpes: Augmentés des Voyages en Valais, au Mont Cervin et autour du Mont Rose. By Martin Rudwick 206Anke te Heesen, The World in a Box: The Story of an Eighteenth-Century Picture Encyclopedia. By Richard Yeo 208David Boyd Haycock, William Stukeley: Science, Religion and Archaeology in Eighteenth-Century England. By Geoffrey Cantor 209Jessica Riskin, Science in the Age of Sensibility: The Sentimental Empiricists of the French Enlightenment. By Dorinda Outram 210Michel Chaouli, The Laboratory of Poetry: Chemistry and Poetics in the Work of Friedrich Schlegel. By David Knight 211George Levine, Dying to Know: Scientific Epistemology and Narrative in Victorian England. By Michael H. Whitworth 212Agustí Nieto-Galan, Colouring Textiles: A History of Natural Dyestuffs in Industrial Europe. By Ursula Klein 214Stuart McCook, States of Nature: Science, Agriculture, and Environment in the Spanish Caribbean, 1760–1940. By Piers J. Hale 215Paola Govoni, Un pubblico per la scienza: La divulgazione scientifica nell'Italia in formazione. By Pietro Corsi 216R. W. Home, A. M. Lucas, Sara Maroske, D. M. Sinkora and J. H. Voigt (eds.), Regardfully Yours: Selected Correspondence of Ferdinand von Mueller. Volume II: 1860–1875. By Jim Endersby 217Douglas R. Weiner, Models of Nature: Ecology, Conservation and Cultural Revolution in Soviet Russia. With a New Afterword. By Piers J. Hale 219Helge Kragh, Quantum Generations: A History of Physics in the Twentieth Century. By Steven French 220Antony Kamm and Malcolm Baird, John Logie Baird: A Life. By Sean Johnston 221Robin L. Chazdon and T. C. Whitmore (eds.), Foundations of Tropical Forest Biology: Classic Papers with Commentaries. By Joel B. Hagen 223Stephen Jay Gould, I Have Landed: Splashes and Reflections in Natural History. By Peter J. Bowler 223Henry Harris, Things Come to Life: Spontaneous Generation Revisited. By Rainer Brömer 224Hélène Gispert (ed.), ‘Par la Science, pour la patrie’: L'Association française pour l'avancement des sciences (1872–1914), un projet politique pour une société savante. By Cristina Chimisso 225Henry Le Chatelier, Science et industrie: Les Débuts du taylorisme en France. By Robert Fox 227Margit Szöllösi-Janze (ed.), Science in the Third Reich. By Jonathan Harwood 227Vadim J. Birstein, The Perversion of Knowledge; The true Story of Soviet Science. By C. A. J. Chilvers 229Guy Hartcup, The Effect of Science on the Second World War. By David Edgerton 230Lillian Hoddeson and Vicki Daitch, True Genius: The Life and Science of John Bardeen, the Only Winner of Two Nobel Prizes in Physics. By Arne Hessenbruch 230Stephen B. Johnson, The Secret of Apollo: Systems Management in American and European Space Programs, John M. Logsdon (ed.), Exploring the Unknown: Selected Documents in the History of the U.S. Civil Space Program. Volume V: Exploring the Cosmos and Douglas J. Mudgway, Uplink-Downlink: A History of the Deep Space Network 1957–1997. By Jon Agar 231Helen Ross and Cornelis Plug, The Mystery of the Moon Illusion: Exploring Size Perception. By Klaus Hentschel 233Matthew R. Edwards (ed.), Pushing Gravity: New Perspectives on Le Sage's Theory of Gravitation. By Friedrich Steinle 234Ernest B. Hook (ed.), Prematurity in Scientific Discovery: On Resistance and Neglect. By Alex Dolby 235John Waller, Fabulous Science: Fact and Fiction in the History of Scientific Discovery. By Alex Dolby 236Rosalind Williams, Retooling: A Historian Confronts Technological Change. By Keith Vernon 237Colin Divall and Andrew Scott, Making Histories in Transport Museums. By Anthony Coulls 238

The broader source material for this article is the Soviet-era correspondence of the Folklore Department (FD) of the Fr. R. Kreutzwald State Literary Museum, today the Estonian Folklore Archive of the Estonian Literary Museum. This collection consists of letters and postcards of nearly 400 people, as well as transcripts of the FD staff letters to their contributors. The total volume amounts to roughly 4,000 pages and mainly covers the period from the 1950s to the first half of the 1990s. The article also discusses the contributions of Virumaa correspondents Mary Kaasik and Gustav Kallasto to the department, more specifically the folk medicine material collected by them, and focuses on Kaasik and Kallasto’s correspondence with the department, with the main emphasis on the personal health issues in their letters. Mary Kaasik and Gustav Kallasto were among those who collected folk medicine material according to the 1959 survey plan, assembled in co-operation with the folklorists and medical doctors. Assessing the total amount of material collected by Kaasik and Kallasto (over 3300 pages), the folk medicine material is not very large (over 200 pages), but it is one of the topics in which Mary Kaasik and Gustav Kallasto wrote down personal knowledge or experiences. The correspondence shows that their health problems were constantly reflected both in their letters and as short comments among traditional folk medicine material. Mary Kaasik was more inclined towards sharing her problems and personal knowledge and was the one who wrote to the department on behalf of both collectors. In general, it is concluded that personal health has been an important topic in the letters of the contributors to the folklore department. Health problems were a major obstacle to commuting and attending seminars; so messages about the health of oneself, one’s relatives or other collectors or informants are part of the content of the letters. On the other hand, health also comes to the fore in the letters of folklorists, who in turn informed their contributors about their own or their colleagues’ health, if deemed necessary. At the same time, writing about health issues creates an interesting dialogue thread between the correspondents and the folklorists, with mutual encouragement and pleas to take care of one’s health. Thus, a rather personal life goes hand in hand with the practical requirements stated in letters on collecting and archiving. Thus, much data on health can be found in the department’s correspondence. Health-related messages are personal and trusting, the majority of correspondents did not have internal obstacles to share their health worries and to enquire for folklorists’ health. It meant sharing problems and probably provided some well-deserved mental relief. On the other hand, these kinds of letters also show the correspondents’ sense of mission – even when they were off sick, they were eager to get back to the field again.

Dans le domaine des sciences de l'homme, la démographie historique est l'une des préoccupations les plus neuves. Bien que l'intérêt pour les populations du passé ne date pas d'hier — les généalogistes et les historiens ont précédé les démographes sur ce terrain — l'analyse scientifique des phénomènes démographiques de l'ère préstatistique remonte à peine à l'après-guerre. C'est en 1954 que parut le premier ouvrage de démographie historique portant sur la population canadienne.1 L'auteur, le démographe Jacques Henripin, y montra pour la première fois tout le parti qu'on pouvait tirer des généalogies et des registres paroissiaux. Déjà au XIXe siècle, l'abbé Cyprien Tanguay avait su profiter de la qualité de ces derniers pour faire son Dictionnaire généalogique des familles canadiennes. Une utilisation ingénieuse de cet ouvrage permit à Henripin de soulever le voile sur la population du XVIIIe siècle. Il révélait ainsi au monde entier l'intérêt de cette petite société dont il avait pu mesurer la natalité, la nuptialité et la fécondité. Depuis ce temps, les études de démographie historique se sont multipliées, en Europe surtout et en France en particulier. À côté des monographies de paroisses, fleurissent aujourd'hui des travaux sur les populations urbaines ou régionales et les groupes sociaux, d'autres sur des phénomènes tels la fécondité, la limitation des naissances et les migrations, d'autres encore sur des institutions comme la famille et le ménage.2 Deux articles récents, l'un de l'historien Pierre Goubert et l'autre du démographe Louis Henry, soulignent d'ailleurs les rapports fructueux entretenus en France par les historiens et les démographes depuis vingt-cinq ans et l'enrichissement apporté aux deux parties par cette collaboration interdisciplinaire. Au Québec, c'est à Hubert Charbonneau que revient l'honneur d'avoir introduit la démographie historique à l'université. Pour enrichir le cours d'histoire de la population canadienne qu'il donnait au Département de démographie de l'Université de Montréal, Charbonneau se pencha sur le recensement de 1666 dont il souligna le tricentenaire dans une note de recherche. À la suggestion de son collègue Jacques Légaré et avec la collaboration de celui-ci, il entreprit ensuite le traitement par ordinateur des trois recensements nominatifs du Canada au XVIIe siècle. Deux historiens et un économiste s'intéressèrent à cette initiative et les discussions entre les cinq chercheurs aboutirent à l'élaboration d'un projet de recherche. À l'origine, ce projet impliquait la constitution d'une banque de données démographiques et voulait déboucher sur des réponses précises à de nombreuses questions d'ordre démographique, économique et historique. Il demandait qu'on définisse des techniques permettant la mise sur pied de la banque de données et qu'on utilise les renseignements ainsi recueillis pour vérifier certaines hypothèses, avant d'aboutir à une étude d'ensemble de la population canadienne ayant vécu au Québec, depuis le XVIIe siècle jusqu'au milieu du XIXe. Devant l'impossibilité d'atteindre à court terme les objectifs fixés, les trois collaborateurs non-démographes ont été amenés, en raison de leurs intérêts scientifiques, à remettre à plus tard leur éventuelle collaboration. Avec le temps cependant, trois nouveaux associés se sont joints aux promoteurs du projet: un démographe, un informaticien et un historien. Les travaux dans lesquels l'équipe est engagée — constitution d'une banque de données, élaboration de méthodes de traitement originales pour ces données et analyse démographique proprement dite — demandent en effet de longues années de travail et doivent être envisagés sous plusieurs angles à la fois. Après six ans d'existence, les objectifs de notre programme de recherche sont restés les mêmes, soit le dépouillement et l'exploitation de tous les registres paroissiaux du Québec antérieurs à 1850. Dans une première étape, toutefois, nous nous concentrons sur la période avant 1765, débordant ainsi légèrement le régime français à cause des sources et de l'évolution démographique. Pourquoi nos efforts vont-ils d'abord aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles et non aux XIXe? C'est qu'en travaillant sur cette époque éloignée, la probabilité est grande que la conjugaison de plusieurs facteurs, dont l'existence et la qualité des sources dès le XVIIe siècle, les effectifs peu considérables de la population sous le régime français et la possibilité de travailler sur l'ensemble des habitants d'un pays depuis ses origines, conduise une équipe de recherche à un optimum de rendement. Commencer les dépouillements par les documents de 1760 ou de 1800 nous aurait par ailleurs pénalisés en nous privant de la connaissance de la population de base et en nous amenant à manipuler dès le départ des masses considérables de données. L'originalité de notre projet est de vouloir mettre au point une fiche propre à chaque individu, qui soit élaborée par l'ordinateur. Sur cette fiche apparaîtra la liste des événements démographiques auxquels un individu a participé, soit comme sujet d'acte soit comme témoin ; cette liste sera complétée par un certain nombre de caractéristiques provenant des sources exploitées : sexe, âge, état matrimonial, profession, relation de parenté, lieux de résidence et d'origine. La somme de ces fiches biographiques permettra de constituer sur bande magnétique un registre de population fait de dossiers individuels. C'est ce registre qui permettra de reconstituer la population de l'ensemble du territoire étudié à une date donnée. L'expérience nous a montré toutefois que l'élaboration d'un tel registre ne va pas sans une opération préalable qui consiste à situer un individu d'abord par rapport à ses parents et ensuite, par rapport à son conjoint, opération qui fait partie de ce qu'on appelle en démographie historique la « reconstitution des familles ». Or, comme nous travaillons sur une population qui compte au-delà de 4000 personnes au recensement de 1666, environ 20000 en 1700 et 200000 un siècle plus tard, il ne nous est plus possible de recourir aux méthodes manuelles de reconstitution des familles. Nous devons pour cela utiliser l'ordinateur, ce qui nous amène là encore à des innovations méthodologiques, puisque la reconstitution automatique des familles nous entraîne dans le couplage de l'information. La mise sur pied d'un registre de population et le couplage automatique de l'information sont nos objectifs les plus immédiats ; on ne saurait cependant les atteindre sans une longue et patiente collecte des données exécutée selon des méthodes rigoureuses. Ces deux pôles d'activité de notre programme de recherche déterminent le plan de cet exposé où nous montrons comment, après plus de six ans de labeur, a évolué notre recherche, quel est le travail accompli, celui qui est en cours et celui qui reste à faire.

Abstract. The oxygen minimum zone (OMZ) of the Arabian Sea is the thickest of the three oceanic OMZs, which is of global biogeochemical significance because of denitrification in the upper part leading to N2 and N2O production. The residence time of the OMZ water is believed to be less than a decade. The upper few hundred meters of this zone are nearly anoxic but non-sulfidic and still support animal (metazoan) pelagic life, possibly as a result of episodic injections of O2 by physical processes. The very low O2 values obtained with the new STOX sensor in the eastern tropical South Pacific probably also characterize the Arabian Sea OMZ, but there is no apparent reason as to why the temporal trends of the historic data should not hold. We report on discrete measurements of dissolved O2 and NO2-, besides temperature and salinity, made between 1959 and 2004 well below the tops of the sharp pycno- and oxyclines near 150, 200, 300, 400, and 500 m depth. We assemble nearly all O2 determinations (originally, 849 values, 695 in the OMZ) by the visual endpoint detection of the iodometric Winkler procedure, which in our data base yields about 0.04 mL L−1 (∼2 μM) O2 above the endpoint from modern automated titration methods. We find 632 values acceptable (480 from 150 stations in the OMZ). The data are grouped in zonally-paired boxes of 1° lat. and 2° long. centered at 8°, 10°, 12°, 15°, 18°, 20°, and 21° N along 65° E and 67° E. The latitudes of 8–12° N, outside the OMZ, are only treated in passing. The principal results are as follows: (1) an O2 climatology for the upper OMZ reveals a marked seasonality at 200 to 500 m depth with O2 levels during the northeast monsoon and spring intermonsoon season elevated over those during the southwest monsoon season (median difference, 0.08 mL L−1 [3.5 μM]). The medians of the slopes of the seasonal regressions of O2 on year for the NE and SW monsoon seasons are −0.0043 and −0.0019 mL L−1 a−1, respectively (−0.19 and −0.08 μM a−1; n = 10 and 12, differing at p = 0.01); (2) four decades of statistically significant decreases of O2 between 15° and 20° N but a trend to a similar increase near 21° N are observed. The balance of the mechanisms that more or less annually maintain the O2 levels are still uncertain. At least between 300 and 500 m the annual reconstitution of the decrease is inferred to be due to lateral, isopycnal re-supply of O2, while at 200 (250?) m it is diapycnal, most likely by eddies. Similarly, recent models show large vertical advection of O2 well below the pycno-cum-oxycline. The spatial (within drift stations) and temporal (daily) variability in hydrography and chemistry is large also below the principal pycnocline. The seasonal change of hydrography is considerable even at 500 m. There is no trend in the redox environment for a quarter of a century at a GEOSECS station near 20° N. In the entire OMZ the slopes on year within seasons for the quite variable NO2- (taken as an indicator of active denitrification) do not show a clear pattern. Also, future O2 or nutrient budgets for the OMZ should not be based on single cruises or sections obtained during one season only. Steady state cannot be assumed any longer for the intermediate layers of the central Arabian Sea.

Abstract. The oxygen minimum zone (OMZ) of the Arabian Sea is the thickest of the three oceanic OMZ. It is of global biogeochemical significance because of denitrification in the upper part leading to N2 and N2O production. The residence time of OMZ water is believed to be less than a decade. The upper few hundred meters of this zone are nearly anoxic but non-sulfidic and still support animal (metazoan) pelagic life, possibly as a result of episodic injections of O2 by physical processes. We report on discrete measurements of dissolved O2 and NO2–, temperature and salinity made between 1959 and 2004 well below the tops of the sharp pycnocline and oxycline near 150, 200, 300, 400, and 500 m depth. We assemble nearly all O2 determinations (originally there were 849 values, 695 of which came from the OMZ) by the visual endpoint detection of the iodometric Winkler procedure, which in our data base yields about 0.04 mL L−1 (~ 2 μM) O2 above the endpoint from modern automated titration methods. We acknowledge that much lower (nanomolar) O2 values have been measured recently with the STOX (Switchable Trace amount OXygen) sensor in the eastern tropical South Pacific, and that similar conditions may also prevail in the Arabian Sea OMZ. In spite of the error in O2 measurements at vanishingly low levels, we argue that the temporal trends of the historic data should still hold. We find 632 values acceptable (480 from 150 stations in the OMZ). The data are grouped in zonally paired boxes of 1° lat. and 2° long. centered at 8, 10, 12, 15, 18, 20, and 21° N along 65 and 67° E. The latitudes of 8–12° N, outside the OMZ, are treated in passing. The principal results are as follows: (1) an O2 climatology for the upper OMZ reveals a marked seasonality at 200 to 500 m depth with O2 levels during the northeast monsoon and spring intermonsoon seasons elevated over those during the southwest monsoon season (median difference, 0.08 mL L−1 [~ 3.5 μM]). The medians of the slopes of the seasonal regressions of O2 on year for each of the NE and SW monsoon seasons are −0.0043 and −0.0019 mL L−1 a−1, respectively (−0.19 and −0.08 μM a−1; n = 10 and 12, differing at p = 0.01); (2) four decades of statistically significant decreases of O2 between 15 and 20° N but an opposing trend toward an increase near 21° N are observed. The mechanisms of the balance that more or less annually maintain the O2 levels are still uncertain. At least between 300 and 500 m, the replenishment is inferred to be due to isopycnal re-supply of O2, while at 200 (or 250?) m it is diapycnal, most likely by eddies. Similarly, recent models show large vertical advection of O2 well below the pycnoclines and oxyclines. The NO2– distribution, taken as an indicator of active NO3– reduction, does not show a trend in the redox environment for a quarter of a century at a GEOSECS station near 20° N. In the entire OMZ, the regression slopes on year within seasons for the rather variable NO2– do not present a clear pattern but by other measures tended to an increase of NO2–. Vertical net hauls collect resident animal (metazoan) pelagic life in the NO2– maximum of the OMZ at O2 levels well below the lower limit of the Winkler titration; the extremely low O2 content is inferred from the presence of NO2– believed to be produced through microbial NO3– reduction. Instead of the difficult measurement by the STOX sensor, the relation between the very low O2 inferred from presence of NO2– and mesozooplankton should be studied with 100 to 150 L bottles rather than nets. The spatial (within drift stations) and temporal (daily) variability in hydrography and chemistry is large also below the principal pycnocline. The seasonal change of hydrography is considerable even at 500 m depth. Future O2 or nutrient budgets for the OMZ must not be based on single cruises or sections obtained during one season only. Steady state cannot be assumed any longer for the intermediate layers of the central Arabian Sea.

-Swithin Wilmot, Rupert Charles Lewis, Walter Rodney's intellectual and political thought. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1988. xvii + 298 pp.-Peter Wade, Robin D. Moore, Nationalizing blackness: Afrocubanismo and artistic revolution in Havana, 1920-1940. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1997. xiii + 322 pp.-Matt D. Childs, Ada Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba: Race, nation, and revolution, 1868-1898. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999. xiii + 273 pp.-Luis Martínez-Fernández, Joan Casanovas, Bread, or bullets! Urban labor and Spanish colonialism in Cuba, 1850-1898. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press,1998. xiii + 320 pp.-Gert J. Oostindie, Oscar Zanetti ,Sugar and railroads: A Cuban history, 1837-1959. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998. xxviii + 496 pp., Alejandro García (eds)-Kelvin Santiago-Valles, Teresita Martínez-Vergne, Shaping the discourse on space: Charity and its wards in nineteenth-century San Juan, Puerto Rico. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1999. xv + 234 pp.-Rosemarijn Hoefte, Madhavi Kale, Fragments of empire: Capital, slavery, and Indian indentured labor migration in the British Caribbean. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998. 236 pp.-Catherine Benoît, Jean Benoist, Hindouismes créoles - Mascareignes, Antilles. Paris: Éditions du CTHS, 1998. 303 pp.-Christine Ho, Walton Look Lai, The Chinese in the West Indies 1806-1995: A documentary history. The Press University of the West Indies, 1998. xxxii + 338 pp.-James Walvin, Roger Norman Buckley, The British Army in the West Indies: Society and the military in the revolutionary age. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1998. 464 pp.-Rosanne M. Adderley, Howard Johnson, The Bahamas from slavery to servitude, 1783-1933. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1996. xviii + 218 pp.-Mary Turner, Shirley C. Gordon, Our cause for his glory: Christianisation and emancipation in Jamaica. Kingston: The Press University of the West Indies, 1998. xviii + 152 pp.-Kris Lane, Hans Turley, Rum, sodomy, and the lash: Piracy, sexuality, and masculine identity. New York: New York University Press, 1999. lx + 199 pp.-Jonathan Schorsch, Eli Faber, Jews, slaves, and the slave trade: Setting the record straight. New York: New York University Press, 1998. xvii + 367 pp.-Bonham C. Richardson, Bridget Brereton ,The Colonial Caribbean in transition: Essays on postemancipation social and cultural history. Barbados: The Press University of the West Indies; Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1999. xxiii + 319 pp., Kevin A. Yelvington (eds)-Ransford W. Palmer, Thomas Klak, Globalization and neoliberalism: The Caribbean context. New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 1998. xxiv + 319 pp.-Susan Saegert, Robert B. Potter ,Self-help housing, the poor, and the state in the Caribbean. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1997. xiv + 299 pp., Dennis Conway (eds)-Peter Redfield, Michèle-Baj Strobel, Les gens de l'or: Mémoire des orpailleurs créoles du Maroni. Petit-Bourg, Guadeloupe: Ibis Rouge, 1998. 400 pp.-Donald R. Hill, Louis Regis, The political calypso: True opposition in Trinidad and Tobago 1962-1987. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1999. xv + 277 pp.-A. James Arnold, Christiane P. Makward, Mayotte Capécia ou l'aliénation selon Fanon. Paris: Karthala, 1999. 230 pp.-Chris Bongie, Celia M. Britton, Edouard Glissant and postcolonial theory: Strategies of language and resistance. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1999. xiv + 224 pp.-Chris Bongie, Anne Malena, The negotiated self: The dynamics of identity in Francophone Caribbean narrative. New York: Peter Lang, 1999. x + 192 pp.-Catherine A. John, Kathleen M. Balutansky ,Caribbean creolization: Reflections on the cultural dynamics of language, literature, and identity., Marie-Agnès Sourieau (eds)-Leland Ferguson, Jay B. Haviser, African sites archaeology in the Caribbean. Princeton NJ: Markus Wiener; Kingston: Ian Randle, 1999. xiii + 364 pp.-Edward M. Dew, Peter Meel, Tussen autonomie en onafhankelijkheid: Nederlands-Surinaamse betrekkingen 1954-1961. Leiden NL: KITLV Press, 1999. xiv + 450 pp.-Edo Haan, Theo E. Korthals Altes, Koninkrijk aan zee: De lange vlucht van liefde in het Caribisch-Nederlandse bestuur. Zutphen: Walburg Pers. 208 pp.-Richard Price, Ellen-Rose Kambel ,The rights of indigenous people and Maroons in Suriname. Copenhagen: International work group for indigenous affairs; Moreton-in-Marsh, U.K.: The Forest Peoples Programme, 1999. 206 pp., Fergus Mackay (eds)

Cet article porte sur deux des cantes de la Antología del cante flamenco de Perico el del Lunar (1958, 2007) : le « Polo » et la « Caña ». Ces cantes ont fait l’objet de transcriptions et de traductions collectives au cours de l’année 2020 au sein de l’atelier Trad. Cant. Flam. (Université de Limoges, EHIC). L’objectif du présent article est de justifier les choix de transcription et de traduction qui ont permis d’aboutir à des propositions stables, en donnant à voir le processus à l’œuvre dans le travail collectif, donc les difficultés rencontrées et les solutions envisagées, tout en y ajoutant des éléments de commentaires visant à discuter et/ou conforter ces choix et, le cas échéant, à en montrer certaines limites. La mise à l’épreuve de la chantabilité de la traduction constitue à cet égard une étape déterminante du processus.

Résumé : Cet article présente une application, les Albums plurilingues ELODiL, qui regroupe 11 albums de littérature jeunesse québécois en français (édités par deux maisons d’éditions québécoises : Les 400 Coups et La Courte échelle) et traduits à l’écrit et à l’oral, dans plusieurs langues. Durant le temps de l’enseignement à distance rendu nécessaire par les mesures de confinement dû à la pandémie de Covid-19, cette application a été accessible gratuitement à l’intention des enseignant·es et des familles à travers le Canada pour un peu plus de deux mois (du 21 avril au 30 juin 2020). Nous exposons, dans cet article, les fondements et modalités de conception de l’application ainsi que des données sur sa fréquentation ainsi que sur son utilisation et son appréciation par les enseignant·es durant ces premiers mois de sa mise en ligne.

RésuméL’action sociale étudiante est un chapitre largement inconnu de l’histoire des étudiants au Québec, qui ont surtout retenu l’attention pour leurs coups de gueule ou d’éclat. L’histoire des Travailleurs étudiants du Québec (TEQ) vient démentir cette représentation. Les TEQ (1964-1967) qui ont œuvré auprès des familles démunies, des ouvriers, des chômeurs et des jeunes de la rue dans des milieux s’étendant de Gaspé à Thetford Mines se voulaient éducateurs, animateurs sociaux et organisateurs communautaires. Ils cherchaient à susciter des prises de conscience citoyennes et à encourager des initiatives et des structures locales pouvant mener à une véritable société de participation. Dans cet article, je démontre de quelle façon l’Action sociale étudiante (ASE) québécoise opérait à partir de traditions (étudiantes, sociales et politiques) et se projetait dans le futur en réarticulant constamment son idéalisme et son pragmatisme. Pendant ses quatre ans d’existence, l’ASE a constitué un haut lieu de formation et de mobilisation pour plusieurs jeunes qui ont eu l’occasion de confronter un bagage universitaire largement livresque à la réalité du terrain de l’action sociale. Abstract We know relatively little about the social action projects led by Québécois students, better known for their political activism and dramatic gestures. The Travailleurs étudiants du Québec(TEQ)’s story contradicts this representation. Working with low-income families, factory workers, unemployed people, and street youth from all over the province, these students acted as educators and social organizers. Their goal was to raise awareness among citizens, generating local initiatives and establishing structures that could lead to a true participative society. In this article, I demonstrate how the Action sociale étudiante (ASE) emerged from different traditions (social, political, students’) and projected itself into the future through a precarious balance between its idealism and pragmatism. During its four years of existence (1964-1967), the ASE was an important organization for the forming and mobilization of many young people who had the opportunity to confront their scholarly knowledge to the realities of social action.

On a global basis, potato cyst nematodes Globodera spp. Skarbilovich, 1959 (Behrens, 1975) are one of the most serious soil-borne pathogens in potato (Solanum tuberosum L.) production. In 2019-2020, 188 soil samples were taken from rhizosphere soil associated with the roots of stunted and chlorotic potato plants in the main potato-growing areas of Yunnan and Sichuan provinces of China. G. rostochiensis Wollenweber, 1923 (Skarbilovich, 1959) was recovered from 112 of the samples. Nematode identification was as confirmed by morphometric, light microscopy, electron microscopy and molecular methodologies. Population densities of G. rostochiensis ranged from 47.0 to 69.0 eggs/g soil. A BLASTn homology search program was used to compare the sequences of populations of G. rostrochienses from Yunnan and Sichuan provinces with populations of other Heteroderinae spp. and populations of G. rostochiensis from other nations. While potatoes have been grown in China for at least 400 years and the nation produces more potatoes than any other country, potato cyst nematodes were not reported in China until 2022.

AbstractIn wake of a coup d′état in 1958, the Supreme Court of Pakistan is asked to decide on its legality. The court, faced with lack of precedent, relies on Hans Kelsen's legal positivism. Over the next five decades the key theoretical basis of the decision is summoned in several other cases in different post-colonial states. This essay develops a critique of the application of Kelsen's theory. The aim of the critique, as well as an added theoretical contribution, is that I engage Carl Schmitt's critique of Kelsen. Accordingly, I redeem the 1920s debate between Kelsen and Schmitt in order to caste critical light on the court decisions. Moreover, I engage Schmitt's own constitutional theory in order to provide an alternative answer to the question of constitutional disruption. The task is twofold: first, to evaluate Kelsen's (liberal) constitutional theory, which purportedly seeks to answer the non-liberal or non-democratic challenge posed by constitutional disruption and dictatorship, and second, to explore the democratic element in the non-liberal theory of Schmitt. My conclusion is that although Kelsen gives politically correct principle of “the efficacy of change” as the basis of legality of constitutional disruption, however, the main steps in his theory do not support the principle. Moreover, the principle draws him away from his liberal constitutionalism. On the other hand, Schmitt's explanation of the same principle based as it is in a non-liberal or realist theory, answers well the question of disruption and dictatorship. Thus the courts that engage Kelsen remain hardpressed to defend their decisions, while those other courts that challenge Kelsen come close to Schmitt.

A formação profissional é uma prática de gestão de recursos humanos que procura responder às necessidades de desenvolvimento das pessoas e das organizações, podendo contribuir para a satisfação profissional e melhoria dos padrões de desempenho (Câmara, Guerra & Rodrigues, 2001). O modelo de avaliação da formação mais referido na literatura, e utilizado na prática profissional, pela sua simplicidade e carácter essencialmente prático, é o Modelo Hierárquico de Resultados da Formação de Kirkpatrick (1959), que integra 4 níveis de avaliação: reação/satisfação, aprendizagem, mudança/comportamento e resultados. Holton (1996), na sequência deste modelo, desenvolveu um outro que explica que a transferência das aprendizagens, i.e. o impacto da formação, está diretamente associada a 4 categorias de fatores: 1) características dos formandos, 2) design da formação, 3) motivação e prontidão para aprender e transferir, e 4) características do contexto de trabalho. O nosso principal objetivo é a identificação e análise de alguns dos fatores que afetam a transferência da formação para o local de trabalho (Holton, 1996), numa organização específica, prestando especial atenção à natureza da formação (carácter cognitivo vs psicomotor do saber desenvolvido), existência de componente teórica e prática (e distância temporal entre ambas), critérios de constituição das turmas, semelhança do ambiente de formação com a função desempenhada, oportunidade de aplicação dos novos conhecimentos e feedback individual. Utilizam-se metodologias quantitativas (questionário LTSI (Holton & Bates, 1998), simulação de cálculos e estatísticas) e qualitativas (entrevistas exploratórias). A recolha de dados realizou-se numa organização industrial com mais de 400 colaboradores e a amostra envolve 99 formandos que frequentaram dois cursos de formação entre 2009 e 2010. Analisa-se o grau de transferência de conhecimentos desenvolvidos na formação para o local de trabalho, bem como o efeito dos fatores anteriormente identificados sobre aquele processo. Procura-se ainda extrair orientações para a prática profissional tendo em vista maximizar a transferência das aprendizagens para o local de trabalho.

Entre el 4 de julio y el 17 de agosto del 2007, realizó una campaña de gravimetría con el propósito de recolectar datos de gravedad relativa en las regiones del cuadrángulo de Tegucigalpa, Valle del Zamorano y Valle de San Juan de Flores y Morocelí. En dicha campaña se establecieron 67 estaciones, con las cuales se formó una red gravimétrica local con 24 circuitos, interconectados mediante una estación base que forma parte de la red regional establecida por NOA-NGS (2001). A lo largo de toda la zona de influencia encontramos fuertes anomalías negativas de Bouguer, entre -57 y -79 mGals, consistentes con los valores regionales reportados anteriormente por Bowin (1978) y Weyl (1980) asociadas a la compensación isostática en la zona central de Honduras. En los valles de San Juan de Flores (Cantarranas), Morocelí y El Zamorano, definimos niveles de gravedad regional adecuados para explorar la topografía interna del basamento y las profundidades del aluvión a lo largo de perfiles selectos. Utilizando el programa GRAVMAG (Burger et al, 2006) que implementa el método de Talwani et al, (1959) para calcular gravedad residual, construimos modelos del cuerpo de aluvión en dos dimensiones consistentes con la geología y gravedad residual observada, asumiendo un contraste de densidad de -0.4g/cm3. Los fondos más irregulares y profundos se observaron en el valle de Morocelí, para un perfil longitudinal de 37 km en el cual las profundidades oscilan entre 1000, 400 y 1,400 m. Los Valles de San Juan de Flores y Zamorano, por el contrario, exhiben una topografía interna suave y profundidades máximas de 130 y 350 m., respectivamente. Para la zona metropolitana de la ciudad de Tegucigalpa elaboramos un mapa de contorno de anomalías de Bouguer y observamos una fuerte correlación con la geología local, con un máximo alrededor de -60 mgals asociado a la formación Río Chiquito (Krc) del grupo de Valle de Angeles, y valores bajos, hasta -80 mGals, en las zonas de tobas y sedimentos volcánicos del Grupo Padre Miguel. Esto significa que es posible definir curvas de gravedad regional asociada a la zona de contacto entre estos dos grupos, una variable de gran importancia geotécnica para la industria local de la construcción. Nuestra exploración preliminar del campo de gravedad residual en Tegucigalpa sugiere un nivel de gravedad regional de -67 mGals para hacer correcciones de isostasia en futuros trabajos de exploración gravimétrica en esta ciudad. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/rct.v0i9.707 Revista Ciencia y Tecnología, No. 9, Diciembre 2011 pp.27-67

Amy’s Marathon of Reading continues westward. Her Marathon of Hope project was mentioned in this column before but as it continues to gather momentum and as it relevant to the topic of this special issue, I thought it pertinent to mention it again. From her website: “ Inspired by Terry Fox’s and Rick Hansen’s Canadian journeys, Amy Mathers decided to honour her passion for reading and Canadian teen literature while working around her physical limitations through a Marathon of Books. Realising that Terry Fox could run a kilometre in six minutes during his Marathon of Hope, she figured out that she could read ten pages in the same amount of time. Thus, on her journey, ten pages will represent one kilometre travelled across Canada. Amy will be reading teen fiction books from every province and territory, exploring Canada and promoting Canadian teen authors and books by finishing a book a day for each day of 2014. She will write a review for each book she reads, and invites people to share their thoughts on the books she reads too.” For more information and to see how far Amy’s marathon has taken her so far, go to http://amysmarathonofbooks.ca/Upcoming events and exhibitsKAMLOOPS WRITERS FESTIVAL, Nov. 7-9, 2014, Old Courthouse Cultural Centre. Guest authors include children’s author Lois Peterson.WORKSHOP: Reading Challenges and Options for Young People with Disabilities. Friday, November 14, 2014; 11:30 am to 1:00 pm. REGISTRATION and more information: https://www.microspec.com/tix123/eTic.cfm?code=BOOKFAIR14 International and Canadian experts will discuss reading challenges and options for children and teens with disabilities, with examples from the IBBY Collection of Books for Young People with Disabilities. This outstanding international collection, formerly in Norway and now housed at North York Central Library, encompasses 3,000 books in traditional formats and accessible formats including sign language, tactile, Braille, and Picture Communication Symbols.There are two major opportunities to hear award winning author Kit Pearson in Toronto and Vancouver in the upcoming months. Kit will be presenting “The Sanctuary of Story” for the 8th Annual Sybille Pantazzi Memorial Lecture on Thursday November 13, 8 p.m., in the Community room, Lillian H. Smith branch of the Toronto Public Library.Kit Pearson will also be the guest speaker at A Celebration of Award Winning BC Authors and Illustrators of 2014 at A Wine and Cheese event from 7 – 9 p.m. at January 21, 2015. (Event venue still to be confirmed. Please check www.vclr.ca for updates.) The event celebrates many other BC winners and finalists of the Governor General’s Literary Awards, the BC Book Prizes, the VCLR Information Book Award, and several other important awards.For those of you in the Toronto area be sure to check out the exhibit Lest We Forget: War in Books for Young Readers, September 15 – December 6, 2014, at the Osborne Collection. In commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the beginning of the First World War.Do not forget to Celebrate Freedom to Read Week, February 22-28, 2015, the annual event that encourages Canadians to think about and reaffirm their commitment to intellectual freedom, which is guaranteed them under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.Serendipity 2015 promises to be a tantalizing affair. An Edgy, Eerie, Exceptional Serendipity 2015 (Saturday March 7, 2015) with Holly Black, Andrew Smith, Mariko Tamaki, Molly Idle, and Kelli Chipponeri will have captivating discussions ranging from haunted dolls and worlds of nightmare, to the raw emotion and exceptional beauty of growing up. The event, a members-only event, includes breakfast, lunch, and snacks. [This may be a very good incentive to become a member!] More information at http://vclr.ca/serendipity-2015/Call for papers and presentationsYALSA is currently seeking program proposals and paper presentations for its 2015 Young Adult Services Symposium, Bringing it All Together: Connecting Libraries, Teens & Communities, to be held Nov. 6-8, 2015, in Portland, Ore. The theme addresses the key role of connection that librarians have for the teens in their community. YALSA invites interested parties to propose 90-minute programs centering on the theme, as well as paper presentations offering new, unpublished research relating to the theme. Applications for all proposals can be found http://www.ala.org/yalsa/yasymposium . Proposals for programs and paper presentations must be completed online by Dec. 1, 2014. Applicants will be notified of their proposals’ status by Feb. 1, 2015.Book Award newsThe 2014 Information Book Award Finalists. The winner and honor title, voted by members of the Children’s Literature Roundtables, will be announced November 17, 2014 in Vancouver.Before the World Was Ready: Stories of Daring Genius in Science by Claire Eamer. Annick Press. Follow Your Money by Kevin Sylvester and Michael Hlinka. Annick Press.Looks Like Daylight: Voices of Indigenous Kids by Deborah Ellis. Groundwood Books. Pay It Forward Kids: Small Acts, Big Change by Nancy Runstedler. Fitzhenry & Whiteside.Pedal It! How Bicycles are Changing the World by Michelle Mulder. Orca Book Publishers.The list of nominees for the 2015 Astrid Lindgren Memorial Award (ALMA) includes 50 first-time nominees among a total of 197 candidates from 61 countries. Canadian nominees include The Canadian Children’s Book Centre (Organisation, nominated by IBBY Canada) and authors Sarah Ellis and Marie-Francine Hébert. Full list available at http://www.alma.se/en/Nominations/Candidates/2015/The winners of the 2014 Governor General’s Literary Award will be announced November 18, 2014. The nominated titles for children’s literature (English text) are:Jonathan Auxier, (Pittsburgh, Pa.) – The Night Gardener (Penguin Canada)Lesley Choyce, (East Laurencetown, N.S.) – Jeremy Stone (Red Deer Press)Rachel and Sean Qitsualik-Tinsley – Skraelings (Inhabit Media Inc.)Raziel Reid, (Vancouver) – When Everything Feels like the Movies (Arsenal Pulp Press)Mariko Tamaki, (Oakland, Calif.) – This One Summer (Groundwood Books/House of Anansi Press)Nominations for illustration in (English) children’s literature are:Marie-Louise Gay, (Montreal) – Any Questions?, text by Marie-Louise Gay (Groundwood Books/House of Anansi Press)Qin Leng, (Toronto) – Hana Hashimoto, Sixth Violin, text by Chieri Uegaki (Kids Can Press)Renata Liwska, (Calgary) – Once Upon a Memory, text by Nina Laden (Little, Brown and Company)Julie Morstad, (Vancouver) – Julia, Child, text by Kyo Maclear (Tundra Books)Jillian Tamaki, (Brooklyn, N.Y.) – This One Summer, text by Mariko Tamaki (Groundwood Books/House of Anansi Press)Nominations for (French) children’s literature (text) are:Linda Amyot, (St-Charles-Borromée, Que.) – Le jardin d'Amsterdam (Leméac Éditeur)India Desjardins, (Montreal) – Le Noël de Marguerite (Les Éditions de la Pastèque)Patrick Isabelle, (Montreal) – Eux (Leméac Éditeur)Jean-François Sénéchal, (Saint-Lambert, Que.) – Feu (Leméac Éditeur)Mélanie Tellier, (Montreal) – Fiona (Marchand de feuilles)Nominations for (French) children’s literature (illustration):Pascal Blanchet, (Trois-Rivières, Que.) – Le Noël de Marguerite, text by India Desjardins (Les Éditions de la Pastèque)Marianne Dubuc, (Montreal) – Le lion et l'oiseau, text by Marianne Dubuc (Les Éditions de la Pastèque)Manon Gauthier, (Montreal) – Grand-mère, elle et moi…, text by Yves Nadon (Éditions Les 400 coups)Isabelle Malenfant, (Montreal) – Pablo trouve un trésor, text by Andrée Poulin (Éditions Les 400 coups)Pierre Pratt, (Montreal) – Gustave, text by Rémy Simard (Les Éditions de la Pastèque)Online resources:Welcome to the Teachers' Book Bank! This database of Canadian historical fiction and non-fiction books is brought to you by the Canadian Children's Book Centre with Historica Canada, and funded by the Government of Canada. These titles may be used by teachers to introduce topics and themes in Canadian history and by students carrying out research projects. Many of the books also offer opportunities for cross-curricular connections in language arts, geography, the arts, science and other subjects. In most cases, publishers have indicated specific grade levels and age ranges to guide selection. For lesson plans to go with these books, visit Historica Canada's Canadian Encyclopedia. http://bookbank.bookcentre.ca/index.php?r=site/CCBCChairing Stories on Facebook Created in response to requests from former students of Gail de Vos’s online courses on Canadian Children’s Literature and Graphic Novels and comic books, this page celebrates books, their creators, and their audiences. Postings for current students too! Check it out at https://www.facebook.com/ChairingStoriesPresented by Gail de VosGail de Vos, an adjunct instructor, teaches courses on Canadian children's literature, Young Adult Literature and Comic Books and Graphic Novels at the School of Library and Information Studies for the University of Alberta and is the author of nine books on storytelling and folklore. She is a professional storyteller and has taught the storytelling course at SLIS for over two decades

Le terme violence qualifie un certain nombre de manifestations allant de l’altercation verbale jusqu’aux destructions de masse, en passant par l’agression physique, le viol, le meurtre, la torture, les mutilations, etc. Infligées ou subies, discontinues ou constantes, localisées ou endémiques, accidentelles ou motivées, ces expressions de la violence se compliquent encore par leur caractère tantôt privé, tantôt public, assumé et revendiqué ou dissimulé et renié. La violence est si protéiforme qu’elle ne cesse de voir les discriminants de sa catégorisation et les grilles de classification se démultiplier. Le critère est tantôt spatial (violence urbaine), tantôt social (violence conjugale, ouvrière), tantôt politique (répression, coercition, guerre, assassinat politique, terrorisme), économique (exploitation, injustice), sexuel (viol, maltraitance), ou encore psychologique (automutilations et autres actes pervers). Englober toutes ces manifestations dans une même perspective relève de la gageure (Michaud 2004 ; Crettiez 2008). Comment approcher pareils phénomènes aux formes et motivations aussi diversifiées selon les mêmes grilles théorico-méthodologiques? D’autant plus qu’à ces expressions physiques de la violence s’ajoutent toutes celles qui relèvent de la « violence symbolique ». Consentie (plus que subie), cette violence impose un certain ordre dans les manières d'être. Elle englobe tous les dispositifs dont usent les dominants pour que les dominés intériorisent et acceptent leur statut et leur état de dominés (Bourdieu & Wacquant 1992). Elle participe de cette violence structurelle inhérente à tout pouvoir, qu’il soit celui du pater familias ou du chef élu ou imposé. Elle peut être liée à la forme même de l'organisation sociale à laquelle on adhère et qu’elle tend à malmener. Le politiste norvégien Johan Galtung (1969) est sans doute le premier à l’évoquer, faisant remarquer que dans cette forme de violence il n’y a pas de lien évident et apparent entre les sujets. Inscrite dans des structures sociales, cette violence est plus insidieuse mais non moins destructrice. Outre ces violences dévastatrices du lien, l’anthropologie a mis en évidence un autre genre de violences, celles destinées précisément à instaurer le lien, à le suturer ou à le raffermir. Ces violences fondatrices qui ponctuent les rites de passage (tatouages, circoncisions, excisions, scarifications et autres marquages corporels), souvent violentes et non exemptes de douleur, ont pour finalité d’agréger les individus à des communautés. Initiatique, cette violence qui laisse une marque distinctive (du rang, du sexe, etc.), n’est jamais perçue comme telle par ceux qui l’adoptent (Bodiou et Briand 2015). Malgré la variété de ses expressions et de ses modes d’effectuation, l’acte de violence demeure aisément identifiable. En revanche, il en est tout autrement quand il s’agit de définir ce qu’est la violence. Tous les dictionnaires la mettent en rapport avec l’exercice d’une force brutale ou excessive en vue de soumettre, contraindre ou obtenir quelque chose. Pour la majorité des approches, la violence a été longtemps conçue comme un « usage délibéré de la force pour blesser ou détruire physiquement » (Gurr, 1970). Au milieu des années 1990, la définition de l’OMS en élargit l’acception. Se voulant exhaustive, elle intègre à la fois les actes individuels et communautaires, commis contre autrui ou auto-infligés; qu’ils soient interpersonnels ou collectifs. Elle couvre tout aussi bien les actes de violence que les menaces et intimidations de tous ordres, induisant des atteintes physiques, psychologiques, ou affectives. Toutefois, cette définition demeure encore fortement associée aux violences physiques et n'évoque pas clairement et suffisamment les violences psychologiques et morales découlant d’actes verbaux, d'attitudes et autres conduites symboliques. Plus largement, F. Héritier (1996 : 17) appelle « violence toute contrainte de nature physique ou psychique susceptible d'entraîner la terreur, le déplacement, le malheur, la souffrance ou la mort d'un être animé; tout acte d'intrusion qui a pour effet volontaire ou involontaire la dépossession d'autrui, le dommage ou la destruction d'objets inanimés (…) ». Complète et exhaustive, cette définition souligne, une fois encore, la difficulté à parler de la violence de manière générale. La violence est une force dont l’exercice s’inscrit immanquablement dans le cadre de normes partagées. Ce sont de telles normes qui caractérisent, in fine, ce qui relève ou non de la violence. Celle-ci est justement le plus souvent un dépassement de la règle ou de la norme admise, une démesure. Elle est ce qui remet en cause l’existence de ce qu’Hanna Arendt (1989 : 283) appelle « un monde commun ». Yves Michaud (1978 : 101) le dit avec ses mots : la violence « tient plus à la dissolution des règles qui unifient le regard social qu’à la réalité qu’elle peut avoir ». À ce titre, la manifestation de la violence est l’indice d’une rupture de consensus, dont la finalité est de contraindre et de faire mal, de manière volontaire et apparemment gratuite. Elle est tantôt une infraction, tantôt un outrage. Chaque société désigne ce qu’elle considère comme violent en tentant de le réduire par l’éthique, la culture, le droit, la contrainte et en lui opposant… de la violence. Ce sont les logiques qui président à ces choix que l’anthropologue ne cesse de pointer dans leur singularité pour tenter de comprendre le phénomène dans son universalité. Même si le catalogue des actes de violence semble infini, et l’imagination des bourreaux individuels et collectifs incommensurablement fertiles, il n’en demeure pas moins que cette violence s’exerce toujours ou du moins le plus souvent selon des logiques inscrites dans un contexte historico-culturel. La « violence » est enchâssée dans une matrice éthique et obéit à une échelle de valeurs qui rend sa perception et, partant, sa signification variables selon les normes de référence en usage. Polymorphe, elle est également et nécessairement polysémique; et sa perception culturellement et sociohistoriquement déterminée. Des châtiments tolérés naguère (sectionner la langue des blasphémateurs, noyer des femmes adultères), sont décriés par des sociétés contemporaines pratiquant d’autres formes de violence (chaise électrique ou injection létale), estimées moins cruelles à leurs yeux. Ce sont en général les actes et conduites jugés illégitimes qui sont qualifiés de violents; tous ceux, tout aussi violents, mais exercés au nom d’une règle partagée ou par un pouvoir considéré comme légitime, ne sont pas tenus pour de la violence; ils sont perçus comme une coercition, une contrainte. Que ce soit pour Hobbes (2000) ou Weber (1959), l’usage légitime de la violence prévient la violence. Dès lors, il n’est plus de la violence. Loin d’être un phénomène débridé, la violence est souvent un outil savamment orchestré destiné à faire obéir ou à punir. Qu’elle soit privée ou publique, la violence est toujours inscrite dans une matrice symbolique qui structure ses modes d’effectuation et lui donne sens aux yeux de ses protagonistes. Ainsi devient-elle légitime pour son auteur; et parfois même pour celui qui la subit, la vivant comme une fatalité ou se considérant comme victime expiatoire. Ainsi, est-elle une « configuration » (Elias, 1989) où les adversaires sont aussi des partenaires agissant selon des règles partagées. Une propension devenue routinière consiste à toujours considérer la violence comme une réactivité instinctive, motivée par une pure répétition pavlovienne et paresseuse. Les études des violences urbaines ont pu montrer que celles-ci peuvent être un indicateur d’inégalité ou de défiance vis-à-vis des institutions; et, partant, l’expression d’une volonté de négociation. La manifestation de la violence est un « signal de danger » nous dit Lewis Coser (1982). Autrement dit, la violence fait à la fois signe et sens. Elle n’est pas que l’expression du chaos et du désordre. L’exercice de la violence (notamment politique) a le souci à la fois de l’efficacité et de la légitimité. Le plus souvent, la violence n’est ainsi qualifiée qu’en rapport aux seuls faits concrets, quantifiables et mesurables. Or, d’un point de vue anthropologique, la violence intègre à la fois l’éthique, les valeurs partagées, les sentiments, etc. La rumeur, l’ironie ou la satire peuvent être ressenties comme plus violentes que des coups. Physique, psychologique ou symbolique, la violence est toujours un fait « construit » à partir d’une culture partagée; dont la perception et l’intensité sont étroitement en rapport avec les normes communément admises. Quelle que soit la forme de son expression, la violence demeure un « fait social total »; car elle est toujours enchâssée dans d’autres faits sociaux qui démultiplient ses logiques et ses univers de sens (politique, religieux, économique, social etc.) (Clastres, 1977 ; Kilani, 2006). Instinct naturel, moyen d’imposer l’ordre social ou vecteur du changement social? La violence est une des catégories les plus discutées dans les sciences humaines et sociales; mobilisant terrains et théories pour saisir un phénomène en passe de figurer parmi les universaux et ne cessant de réinventer ses formes d’expression. Pour Thomas Hobbes (2000), l’une des références inévitables dans ces débats, l’homme est un être « duplice », naturellement violent mais socialement dans l’obligation de rechercher la répression de son agression en acceptant de se conformer aux règles d’une instance qui lui permettrait de vivre en société. Pour Hobbes, c’est l’égalité primordiale entre les hommes qui serait à l’origine des affrontements. Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1971) reproche au philosophe britannique d’avoir attribué à l’homme vivant dans l’état de nature les attributs et les passions propres à l’homme vivant dans la société. Ces deux postures spéculatives vont constituer dans une large mesure le cadre de pensée dans lequel seront débattues thèse et contre-thèse sur la nature violente ou non de l’homme. La première défend le caractère inné de la violence, tandis que la seconde la considère comme un acquis culturel. En anthropologie, l’intérêt pour la violence comme phénomène, est présent dès les premiers travaux qui ont pu montrer que toutes les sociétés contiennent de la violence, la produisent, l’utilisent et la gèrent. Mise en avant par Max Weber (1959) dans sa théorie de l’État comme monopole de la violence légitime, elle est popularisée par les travaux de René Girard (1972, 1978). Pour ce philosophe et anthropologue, les désirs de l’homme sont mimétiques et engendrent une violence fondée sur la « rivalité ». L’homme désire les mêmes objets que son prochain, et son désir augmente en fonction de celui de l’autre. Ce désir mimétique débouche sur la violence qui, de proche en proche, devient générale et concerne toute la société. Pour y remédier, Girard s’écarte des thèses wébériennes qui préconisent l’instauration d’une violence légitime confiée à l’État. Il postule que les hommes déplacent leur hostilité sur une victime émissaire (Girard, 1972). C’est le sens du sacrifice présent dans toutes les sociétés humaines. C’est le « désir mimétique » à l’origine de la violence qui caractérise l’être humain en société. Pour empêcher le saccage de cette violence réciproque, présente dans l’essentiel des rapports humains et dans toutes les sociétés dès le début de leur formation, la communauté sacrifie une victime arbitraire consensuelle. La haine de chacun est transférée sur cette victime émissaire dont la mise à mort est expiatoire. Elle sauve la communauté et lui permet de survivre. En évitant la violence destructrice de la communauté, cette violence sacrificielle et pacificatrice se transforme en une violence fondatrice. Les anthropologues se sont également intéressés à la forme institutionnelle de la violence. Ainsi, la guerre mobilisera l’essentiel des théories. Une approche naturaliste développée notamment par André Leroi-Gourhan (1965), postule que la guerre (comme violence institutionnelle) est la conséquence de l'évolution naturelle de l'Homme, qui de chasseur devient guerrier. Pour cet ethnologue et penseur des techniques et de la culture, la violence humaine relèverait du biologique. Postulant que la guerre est une extension de la chasse, il considère que l’homme, à l’instar de l’animal, est un être prédateur et donc violent par nécessité. Le social et l'institutionnel sont ainsi naturalisés. La violence permet de se procurer les rares ressources disponibles. Une telle approche rejoint celle qui met en rapport la guerre et les pénuries de nourriture dans les sociétés primitives. D’autres thèses, plus répandues, estiment certains modèles culturels, comme la virilité, l'autoritarisme culturel et la religion, à l'origine immédiate et exclusive de cette violence. Ce courant culturaliste considère la violence comme un phénomène culturel. Une de ses premières figures, Ruth Benedict (1950), a tenté d’opposer la culture apollinienne des Indiens Pueblos, qu’elle considère comme communautaire et pacifique, à celle des Indiens des plaines, qu’elle définit comme passionnés et agressifs et dont elle qualifie la culture de dionysiaque. Une autre approche culturaliste, celle de Claude Lévi-Strauss, voit dans la violence un mode d’échange, un « échange malheureux ». Pour le théoricien du structuralisme, la guerre est l’expression d’un échec dans l'échange entre communautés, lequel échange est à ses yeux fondateur des sociétés. L’anthropologie Pierre Clastres (1977) réfutera toutes ces théories pour soutenir que la guerre est constitutive de la société primitive. Elle n’est, selon lui, ni un instinct animal, ni la conséquence d’un manque, ni l’expression d’un ethos culturel, ni un échange raté. Elle est au fondement même de l’être ensemble. Étant sans hiérarchie, la société primitive use de la guerre contre l’Autre comme moyen de raffermir son unité. Depuis Thomas Hobbes, la violence hors d'un cadre prescrit par l'État est considérée comme une pathologie sociale. Contre cette vision, Pierre Clastres soutient que les violences (apparemment déviantes ou criminelles) s'inscrivent dans un univers social, culturel et symbolique pour faire sens. Poussée à ses limites, cette approche compréhensive risque de conduire à soutenir des légitimations au nom du relativisme culturel. Dans un monde où génocides, guerres, terrorismes et autres destructions de masse sont devenus une réalité quotidienne, plusieurs auteurs soutiennent la thèse de Norbert Elias (1989) sur le recul de la violence et la domestication de l’animal humain. Contre-intuitive, cette thèse est défendue par plusieurs historiens sur la base de travaux sur des archives judiciaires, dont l'historien Jean-Claude Chesnais (1981 : 14) qui estime qu' « il y a au cours des derniers siècles une régression considérable de la violence criminelle ». Si aujourd’hui on parle de son omniprésence, c’est parce que le seuil de tolérance aurait baissé. Nous serions devenus plus sensibles à la violence, subjectivement. Ceux qui rejettent une telle thèse préfèrent souligner le nombre et la diversification des formes des violences : génocides, attentas, terrorismes, etc. (Wieviorka, 2004). En effet, la violence a pris des formes inédites en rapport avec la complexification de notre organisation sociale. La technologie a contribué à une certaine sophistication de la violence et à sa mise à distance. Sa « domestication » s’opère par sa taylorisation. L’acte de tuer ou de perpétrer un génocide est noyé dans les échelons de la décision (du général qui décide au soldat qui exécute) et dans une « chaîne opératoire » plus ou moins longue. Grâce à cette « taylorisation », la violence se trouve aujourd’hui « domestiquée ». L’euphémisation par la technologie (écrans) la rend supportable par celui qui l’exécute; tout comme le sacré l’avait déjà rendue acceptable et supportable aux yeux, à la fois, de celui qui la donne et de celui qui la subit (Matthew, 2017 ; Blaya, 2011). Quoi qu’il en soit, le développement vertigineux de la technologie, et de l’organisation bureaucratique, contribue à cette « banalisation du mal » (Arendt 1991) en rendant moins perceptibles et plus insidieuses ces violences. Les armes biologiques sont moins spectaculaires dans leur usage mais plus dévastatrices dans leurs effets, tout comme les drones tuent de façon aussi chirurgicale que silencieuse (Chamayou 2013). Il suffit également de penser à toutes les formes de cyberviolence qui se développent dans le monde virtuel des réseaux sociaux, à l’instar du « revenge porn » ou « cyber-rape » (Blaya, 2011). Ce type de violence s’effectue en général sans échange verbal direct. Le registre du langage et l’émotion qu’il produit sont ainsi annulés, privant la victime de repères et d’alertes. Le « bourreau » est également protégé puisqu’il ne voit pas et il n’entend pas la réaction que produit son acte sur la victime. Dans cette nouvelle configuration que produit la cyberviolence, l‘agresseur n’est pas nécessairement plus fort, mais dispose de plus de latitude pour nuire. La thèse du recul de la violence ne tient pas suffisamment compte de sa sophistication, qui arrive à l’occulter. En revanche, la montée de la violence, souvent signalée, peut n’être que le signe d’un abaissement du seuil de tolérance face à des conduites plus ou moins agressives. En réalité, la notion de violence renvoie à deux dimensions, l’une factuelle et l’autre normative. Elle qualifie les effets de la force physique au regard de la transgression des normes socialement établies (Robert & al. 2008 ; Mucchielli, 2008).

Alors que l’américanisme, l’africanisme, l’européanisme, l’indianisme… sont reconnus, certifiés par des musées ou des sections de musée, des départements universitaires, des chapitres de manuels depuis les origines, l’anthropologie de la Méditerranée est une spécialité récente, prenant corps, sous l’égide des universités britanniques, dans les années 1950. Ce retard est dû, au moins en partie, à l’hétérogénéité du monde méditerranéen partagé entre les façades méridionale et orientale de la mer, qui relèvent, à première vue, de l’étude du monde arabo-musulman, et la façade septentrionale ressortissant de prime abord de l’ethnologie européenne. Le scepticisme, récusant la pertinence d’une anthropologie de la Méditerranée, peut encore trouver des arguments dans l’histoire des civilisations ou dans l’actualité. Contrairement à d’autres régions du monde, l’aire iranienne voisine par exemple, le monde méditerranéen ne forme une unité ni par ses langues ni par ses traditions religieuses. Faut-il rappeler que seul l’Empire romain l’a unifié pendant plusieurs siècles autour du « mare nostrum » en favorisant l’épanouissement d’une culture gréco-latine à vocation universelle et en développant tout autour de la mer des institutions politiques sur le modèle de Rome ? Puis l’histoire de la Méditerranée fut faite de partages, de schismes, de croisades, de guerres entre empires, de conquêtes coloniales qui aboutirent, au terme de péripéties violentes, à la situation contemporaine où coexistent trois ensembles eux-mêmes fractionnés : une Méditerranée latine, catholique, largement laïcisée , partie intégrante de l’Europe occidentale, une Méditerranée balkanique orthodoxe avec ses poches islamiques, une Méditerranée arabo-musulmane. En dépit de ces fractures, des hommes de lettres campèrent, dans les années 1930, une Méditerranée des échanges et de la convivenza, à laquelle donnent crédit des lieux et des épisodes remarquables de l’histoire (l’Andalousie au temps du califat omeyade, la Sicile de Frédéric II, des villes cosmopolites de la fin du XIXème siècle et du début du XXème siècle : Istanbul, Smyrne, Salonique, Beyrouth, Alexandrie, Alger, Tanger, Trieste, Marseille, etc.). Des revues (à Marseille, les Cahiers du sud de Jean Ballard, à Tunis Les Cahiers de la Barbarie d’Armand Guibert et Jean Amrouche , à Alger Rivages d’Edmond Charlot et Albert Camus, à Rabat Aguedal d’Henri Bosco) exaltèrent cette « fraternité méditerranéenne » tout autant imaginaire que réelle. Gabriel Audisio fut le chantre le plus exalté de cette commune « patrie méditerranéenne »: « Non, écrit-il, la Méditerranée n’a jamais séparé ses riverains. Même les grandes divisions de la Foi, et ce conflit spirituel de l’Orient et de l’Occident, la mer ne les a pas exaltés, au contraire adoucis en les réunissant au sommet sensible d’un flot de sagesse, au point suprême de l’équilibre ». Et à l’image d’une Méditerranée romaine (il veut « remettre Rome ‘à sa place’ ») il oppose celle d’une « synthèse méditerranéenne » : « À cette latinité racornie, j’oppose tout ce qui a fait la civilisation méditerranéenne : la Grèce, l’Égypte, Judas, Carthage, le Christ, l’Islam ». Cette Méditerranée qui « vous mélange tout ça sans aucune espèce de pudeur », dit-il encore, « se veut universelle ». Avant qu’un projet collectif d’anthropologie n’émerge, des ancêtres de la discipline, des géographes, des historiens, avaient apporté une contribution importante à la connaissance du monde méditerranéen. Maine, Robertson Smith, Frazer, etc. étaient classicistes ou historiens du droit et se référaient souvent aux sociétés antiques de la Méditerranée pour analyser coutumes et croyances ou encore les différentes formes d’organisation sociale (la tribu, la cité, etc.) et leur évolution. Plus tard, dans les premières décennies du XXème siècle, de remarquables études monographiques ou thématiques furent réalisées sur les différentes rives de la Méditerranée , telles celles de Maunier (1927) sur les échanges rituels en Afrique du nord, de Montagne (1930) sur les Berbères du sud Marocain, de Boucheman (1937) sur une petite cité caravanière de Syrie…Géographes et historiens, plus préoccupés par l’ancrage matériel des sociétés que par leur structure ou leurs valeurs, publièrent aussi des travaux importants, synthétiques ceux-ci, sur le monde méditerranéen ; ainsi Charles Parain, dans La Méditerranée, les hommes et les travaux (1936), campe une Méditerranée des infrastructures, celle qui prévaudra jusques et y compris dans les 320 premières pages de la thèse de Fernand Braudel (1949), celle des « ressources naturelles, des champs et des villages, de la variété des régimes de propriété, de la vie maritime, de la vie pastorale et de la vie agricole, des métiers et des techniques ». L’acte fondateur de l’anthropologie de la Méditerranée fut un colloque organisé en 1959 par Julian Pitt-Rivers, Jean Peristiany et Julio Caro Baroja, qui réunit, entre autres, Ernest Gellner, qui avait mené des travaux sur le Haut-Atlas, Pierre Bourdieu, alors spécialiste de la Kabylie, John K. Campbell, auteur de recherches sur les Saracatsans du nord de la Grèce. Cette rencontre, et celle qui suivit, en 1961, à Athènes donnèrent lieu à la publication de deux recueils fondamentaux (Pitt-Rivers, 1963, Peristiany, 1965), campant les principaux registres thématiques d’une anthropologie comparée des sociétés méditerranéennes (l’honneur, la honte, le clientélisme, le familialisme, la parenté spirituelle, etc.) et véritables coups d’envoi à des recherches monographiques s’inscrivant désormais dans des cadres conceptuels fortement charpentés. Les décennies 1960, 1970 et 1980 furent celles d’une croissance rapide et d’un épanouissement de l’anthropologie de la Méditerranée. Le monde méditerranéen est alors saisi à travers des valeurs communes : outre l’honneur et la honte, attachés au sang et au nom (Pitt-Rivers, 1977, Gilmore, 1987), la virilité qui combine puissance sexuelle, capacité à défendre les siens et une parole politique ferme qui ne transige pas et ne supporte pas les petits arrangements, l’hospitalité ostentatoire. C’est aussi un univers où domine une vision endogamique du monde, où l’on prise le mariage dans un degré rapproché, mieux la « république des cousins », où se marient préférentiellement le fils et la fille de deux frères, une formule surtout ancrée sur la rive sud et dans l’Antiquité pré-chrétienne, ; Jocaste ne dit-elle pas à Polynice : « Un conjoint pris au-dehors porte malheur » ? Ce à quoi Ibn Khaldoun fait écho : « La noblesse, l’honneur ne peuvent résulter que de l’absence de mélange », écrivait-il. Aux « républiques des beaux-frères », caractéristiques des sociétés primitives exogames étudiées par Claude Lévi-Strauss s’opposent ainsi les « républiques méditerranéennes des cousins », prohibant l'échange et ancrées dans l'endogamie patrilinéaire. Alors que dans les premières, « une solidarité usuelle unit le garçon avec les frères et les cousins de sa femme et avec les maris de ses sœurs », dans les secondes « les hommes (...) considèrent leurs devoirs de solidarité avec tous leurs parents en ligne paternelle comme plus importants que leurs autres obligations, - y compris, bien souvent, leurs obligations civiques et patriotiques ». Règne ainsi, dans le monde méditerranéen traditionnel, la prédilection pour le « vivre entre soi » auquel s’ajoute une ségrégation marquée entre les sexes, « un certain idéal de brutalité virile, dont le complément est une dramatisation de la vertu féminine », poursuit Germaine Tillion (1966). La Méditerranée, c’est aussi un monde de structures clientélaires, avec ses patrons et ses obligés, dans de vieilles sociétés étatiques où des relais s’imposent, à tous les sens du terme, entre le peuple et les pouvoirs; parallèlement, dans l’univers sacré, les intermédiaires, les saints, ne manquent pas entre les fidèles et la divinité ; ils sont nombreux, y compris en islam où leur culte est controversé. La violence avec ses pratiques vindicatoires (vendetta corse, disamistade sarde, gjak albanais, rekba kabyle…) fait aussi partie du hit-parade anthropologique des caractéristiques méditerranéennes et les auteurs analysent les moyens mis en œuvre pour sortir de ces conflits (Black-Michaud, 1975). Enfin, comment ne pas évoquer une communauté de comportements religieux, en particulier les lamentations funèbres, les dévotions dolorisantes autour des martyrs ? L’« inflation apologétique du martyre » est ainsi un trait commun au christianisme et à l’islam chiite pratiqué au Liban. La commémoration des martyrs fondateurs, dans le christianisme comme en islam chiite, donne lieu à des rituels d’affliction de part et d’autre de la Méditerranée. C’est en terre chrétienne la semaine sainte, avec ses spectaculaires processions de pénitents en Andalousie, ou, en Calabre, ces cérémonies où les hommes se flagellent les mollets et les cuisses jusqu’au sang. Au Liban les fidèles pratiquent, lors des processions et des prônes qui évoquent les tragiques événements fondateurs, des rituels dolorisants : ils se flagellent avec des chaînes, se frappent la poitrine avec les paumes des mains, voire se lacèrent le cuir chevelu avec un sabre. Dans le monde chrétien comme en islam chiite, des pièces de théâtre (mystères du Moyen Âge, ta’zie) ont été composées pour représenter le martyre du sauveur. Rituels chiites et chrétiens présentent donc un air de famille (Bromberger, 1979). Cette sensibilité au martyre dans les traditions religieuses méditerranéennes est à l’arrière-plan des manifestations laïques qui célèbrent les héros locaux ou nationaux tombés pour la juste cause. C’est le cas en Algérie. Toutes ces remarques peuvent paraître bien réductrices et caricaturales, éloignées des formes de la vie moderne et de la mondialisation qui l’enserre. Ne s’agit-il pas d’une Méditerranée perdue ? Les auteurs cependant nuancent leurs analyses et les insèrent dans le contexte spécifique où elles prennent sens. Dans leur généralité, elles offrent, malgré tout, une base de départ, un cadre comparatif et évolutif. Après une période faste, couronnée par un ouvrage de synthèse récapitulant les acquis (Davis, 1977), vint le temps des remises en cause. Plusieurs anthropologues (dont Michael Herzfeld, 1980, Josep Llobera,1986, Joao de Pina-Cabral,1989…) critiquèrent de façon radicale l'érection de la Méditerranée en « regional category » en fustigeant le caractère artificiel de l'objet, créé, selon eux, pour objectiver la distance nécessaire à l'exercice légitime de la discipline et qui s'abriterait derrière quelques thèmes fédérateurs fortement stéréotypés. À ces critiques virulentes venues des centres européens ou américains de l’anthropologie, se sont jointes celles d'ethnologues originaires des régions méditerranéennes, pour qui la référence à la Méditerranée est imaginaire et suspecte, et dont les travaux sont ignorés ou regardés de haut par les chercheurs formés à l’école britannique. Ce sentiment négatif a été d’autant plus accusé sur les rives méridionale et orientale de la Méditerranée que la mer qui, à différentes périodes, reliait est devenue un fossé aussi bien sur le plan économique que politique. Diverses initiatives et prises de position scientifiques ont donné un nouvel élan, dans les années 1990-2000, à l’anthropologie de la Méditerranée. Colloques et ouvrages (par exemple Albera, Blok, Bromberger, 2001) rendent compte de cette nouvelle conjoncture. On se garde désormais plus qu’avant de considérer le monde méditerranéen comme une aire culturelle qui présenterait, à travers le temps et l’espace, des caractéristiques communes stables. Au plus parlera-t-on d’un « air de famille » entre les sociétés riveraines de la mer en raison de contextes écologiques similaires, d’une histoire partagée, de la reconnaissance d’un seul et même Dieu. Cette perspective mesurée rejoint le point de vue de Horden et Purcell (2000), auteurs d’un ouvrage important tirant un bilan critique de l’histoire du monde méditerranéen. Pour eux, qui combinent points de vue interactionniste et écologique, la Méditerranée se définit par la mise en relation par la mer de territoires extrêmement fragmentés, par une « connectivity » facilitée par les Empires. Le titre énigmatique de leur livre, The Corruptive Sea, « La Mer corruptrice », prend dès lors tout son sens. Parce qu’elle met en relation, cette mer serait une menace pour le bon ordre social et pour la paix dans les familles. Cette proximité entre sociétés différentes qui se connaissent fait que le monde méditerranéen s’offre comme un terrain idéal au comparatisme « à bonne distance ». C’est sous le sceau de ce comparatisme raisonné que s’inscrivent désormais les travaux les plus convaincants, qu’ils se réclament explicitement ou non de l’anthropologie de la Méditerranée (voir sur la nourriture Fabre-Vassas, 1994, sur la parenté Bonte éd., 1994 , sur la sainteté Kerrou éd., 1998 et les traditions religieuses, sur les migrations et les réseaux Cesari, éd., 2002, sur le cosmopolitisme Driessen, 2005) Tantôt les recherches soulignent les proximités (Albera, 2005, 2009, Dakhlia, 2008, Dakhlia et Kaiser, 2011), tantôt elles les relativisent (Fernandez Morera, 2016, Bromberger, 2018), tantôt elles insistent sur les aspects conflictuels (Chaslin, 1997). Une autre voie est de considérer le monde méditerranéen, non pas comme un ensemble fait de similarités et de proximités mais comme un espace fait de différences qui forment système. Et ce sont ces différences complémentaires, s’inscrivant dans un champ réciproque, qui permettent de parler d’un système méditerranéen. Chacun se définit, ici peut-être plus qu’ailleurs, dans un jeu de miroirs (de coutumes, de comportements, d’affiliations) avec son voisin. Les comportements alimentaires, les normes régissant l’apparence vestimentaire et pileuse, le statut des images… opposent ainsi des populations revendiquant un même Dieu (Bromberger, 2018).

My thesis is that new media, starting with analog broadcast and going through digital convergence, blur the line between work time and free time. The technology that we are adopting has transformed free time into potential and actual labour time. At the dawn of the modern age, work shifted from tasked time to measured time. Previously, tasked time intermingled work and leisure according to the vagaries of nature. All this was banished when industrial capitalism instituted the work clock (Mumford 12-8). But now, many have noticed how post-industrial capitalism features a new intermingling captured in such expressions as "24/7" and "multi-tasking." Yet, we are only beginning to understand that media are driving a return to the pre-modern where the hour and the space are both ambiguous, available for either work or leisure. This may be the unfortunate side effect of the much vaunted "interactivity." Do you remember the old American TV show Dobie Gillis (1959-63) which featured the character Maynard G. Krebs? He always shuddered at the mention of the four-letter word "work." Now, American television shows makes it a point that everyone works (even if just barely). Seinfeld was a bold exception in featuring the work-free Kramer; a deliberate homage to the 1940s team of Abbott and Costello. Today, as welfare is turned into workfare, The New York Times scolds even the idle rich to adopt the work ethic (Yazigi). The Forms of Broadcast and Digital Media Are Driving the Merger of Work and Leisure More than the Content It is not just the content of television and other media that is undermining the leisured life; it is the social structure within which we use the media. Broadcast advertisements were the first mode/media combinations that began to recolonise free time for the new consumer economy. There had been a previous buildup in the volume and the ubiquity of advertising particularly in billboards and print. However, the attention of the reader to the printed commercial message could not be controlled and measured. Radio was the first to appropriate and measure its audience's time for the purposes of advertising. Nineteenth century media had promoted a middle class lifestyle based on spending money on home to create a refuge from work. Twentieth century broadcasting was now planting commercial messages within that refuge in the sacred moments of repose. Subsequent to broadcast, home video and cable facilitated flexible work by offering entertainment on a 24 hour basis. Finally, the computer, which juxtaposes image/sound/text within a single machine, offers the user the same proto-interactive blend of entertainment and commercial messages that broadcasting pioneered. It also fulfills the earlier promise of interactive TV by allowing us to work and to shop, in all parts of the day and night. We need to theorise this movement. The theory of media as work needs an institutional perspective. Therefore, I begin with Dallas Smythe's blindspot argument, which gave scholarly gravitas to the structural relationship of work and media (263-299). Horkheimer and Adorno had already noticed that capitalism was extending work into free time (137). Dallas Smythe went on to dissect the precise means by which late capitalism was extending work. Smythe restates the Marxist definition of capitalist labour as that human activity which creates exchange value. Then he considered the advertising industry, which currently approaches200 billion in the USA and realised that a great deal of exchange value has been created. The audience is one element of the labour that creates this exchange value. The appropriation of people's time creates advertising value. The time we spend listening to commercials on radio or viewing them on TV can be measured and is the unit of production for the value of advertising. Our viewing time ipso facto has been changed into work time. We may not experience it subjectively as work time although pundits such as Marie Winn and Jerry Mander suggest that TV viewing contributes to the same physical stresses as actual work. Nonetheless, Smythe sees commercial broadcasting as expanding the realm of capitalism into time that was otherwise set aside for private uses. Smythe's essay created a certain degree of excitement among political economists of media. Sut Jhally used Smythe to explain aspects of US broadcast history such as the innovations of William Paley in creating the CBS network (Jhally 70-9). In 1927, as Paley contemplated winning market share from his rival NBC, he realised that selling audience time was far more profitable than selling programs. Therefore, he paid affiliated stations to air his network's programs while NBC was still charging them for the privilege. It was more lucrative to Paley to turn around and sell the stations' guaranteed time to advertisers, than to collect direct payments for supplying programs. NBC switched to his business model within a year. Smythe/Jhally's model explains the superiority of Paley's model and is a historical proof of Smythe's thesis. Nonetheless, many economists and media theorists have responded with a "so what?" to Smythe's thesis that watching TV as work. Everyone knows that the basis of network television is the sale of "eyeballs" to the advertisers. However, Smythe's thesis remains suggestive. Perhaps he arrived at it after working at the U.S. Federal Communications Commission from 1943 to 1948 (Smythe 2). He was part of a team that made one last futile attempt to force radio to embrace public interest programming. This effort failed because the tide of consumerism was too strong. Radio and television were the leading edge of recapturing the home for work, setting the stage for the Internet and a postmodern replication of the cottage industries of pre and proto-industrial worlds. The consequences have been immense. The Depression and the crisis of over-production Cultural studies recognises that social values have shifted from production to consumption (Lash and Urry). The shift has a crystallising moment in the Great Depression of 1929 through 1940. One proposal at the time was to reduce individual work hours in order to create more jobs (see Hunnicut). This proposal of "share the work" was not adopted. From the point of view of the producer, sharing the work would make little difference to productivity. However, from the retailer's perspective each individual worker would accumulate less money to buy products. Overall sales would stagnate or decline. Prominent American economists at the time argued that sharing the work would mean sharing the unemployment. They warned the US government this was a fundamental threat to an economy based on consumption. Only a fully employed laborer could have enough money to buy down the national inventory. In 1932, N. A. Weston told the American Economic Association that: " ...[the labourers'] function in society as a consumer is of equal importance as the part he plays as a producer." (Weston 11). If the defeat of the share the work movement is the negative manifestation of consumerism, then the invasion by broadcast of our leisure time is its positive materialisation. We can trace this understanding by looking at Herbert Hoover. When he was the Secretary of Commerce in 1924 he warned station executives that: "I have never believed that it was possible to advertise through broadcasting without ruining the [radio] industry" (Radio's Big Issue). He had not recognised that broadcast advertising would be qualitatively more powerful for the economy than print advertising. By 1929, Hoover, now President Hoover, approved an economics committee recommendation in the traumatic year of 1929 that leisure time be made "consumable " (Committee on Recent Economic Changes xvi). His administration supported the growth of commercial radio because broadcasting was a new efficient answer to the economists' question of how to motivate consumption. Not so coincidentally network radio became a profitable industry during the great Depression. The economic power that pre-war radio hinted at flourished in the proliferation of post-war television. Advertisers switched their dollars from magazines to TV, causing the demise of such general interest magazines as Life, The Saturday Evening Postet al. Western Europe quickly followed the American broadcasting model. Great Britain was the first, allowing television to advertise the consumer revolution in 1955. Japan and many others started to permit advertising on television. During the era of television, the nature of work changed from manufacturing to servicing (Preston 148-9). Two working parents also became the norm as a greater percentage of the population took salaried employment, mostly women (International Labour Office). Many of the service jobs are to monitor the new global division of labour that allows industrialised nations to consume while emerging nations produce. (Chapter seven of Preston is the most current discussion of the shift of jobs within information economies and between industrialised and emerging nations.) Flexible Time/ Flexible Media Film and television has responded by depicting these shifts. The Mary Tyler Moore Show debuted in September of 1970 (see http://www.transparencynow.com/mary.htm). In this show nurturing and emotional attachments were centered in the work place, not in an actual biological family. It started a trend that continues to this day. However, media representations of the changing nature of work are merely symptomatic of the relationship between media and work. Broadcast advertising has a more causal relationship. As people worked more to buy more, they found that they wanted time-saving media. It is in this time period that the Internet started (1968), that the video cassette recorder was introduced (1975) and that the cable industry grew. Each of these ultimately enhanced the flexibility of work time. The VCR allowed time shifting programs. This is the media answer to the work concept of flexible time. The tired worker can now see her/his favourite TV show according to his/her own flex schedule (Wasser 2001). Cable programming, with its repeats and staggered starting times, also accommodates the new 24/7 work day. These machines, offering greater choice of programming and scheduling, are the first prototypes of interactivity. The Internet goes further in expanding flexible time by adding actual shopping to the vicarious enjoyment of consumerist products on television. The Internet user continues to perform the labour of watching advertising and, in addition, now has the opportunity to do actual work tasks at any time of the day or night. The computer enters the home as an all-purpose machine. Its purchase is motivated by several simultaneous factors. The rhetoric often stresses the recreational and work aspects of the computer in the same breath (Reed 173, Friedrich 16-7). Games drove the early computer programmers to find more "user-friendly" interfaces in order to entice young consumers. Entertainment continues to be the main driving force behind visual and audio improvements. This has been true ever since the introduction of the Apple II, Radio Shack's TRS 80 and Atari 400 personal computers in the 1977-1978 time frame (see http://www.atari-history.com/computers/8bits/400.html). The current ubiquity of colour monitors, and the standard package of speakers with PC computers are strong indications that entertainment and leisure pursuits continue to drive the marketing of computers. However, once the computer is in place in the study or bedroom, its uses fully integrates the user with world of work in both the sense of consuming and creating value. This is a specific instance of what Philip Graham calls the analytical convergence of production, consumption and circulation in hypercapitalism. The streaming video and audio not only captures the action of the game, they lend sensual appeal to the banner advertising and the power point downloads from work. In one regard, the advent of Internet advertising is a regression to the pre-broadcast era. The passive web site ad runs the same risk of being ignored as does print advertising. The measure of a successful web ad is interactivity that most often necessitates a click through on the part of the viewer. Ads often show up on separate windows that necessitate a click from the viewer if only to close down the program. In the words of Bolter and Grusin, click-through advertising is a hypermediation of television. In other words, it makes apparent the transparent relationship television forged between work and leisure. We do not sit passively through Internet advertising, we click to either eliminate them or to go on and buy the advertised products. Just as broadcasting facilitated consumable leisure, new media combines consumable leisure with flexible portable work. The new media landscape has had consequences, although the price of consumable leisure took awhile to become visible. The average work week declined from 1945 to 1982. After that point in the US, it has been edging up, continuously (United States Bureau of Labor Statistics). There is some question whether the computer has improved productivity (Kim), there is little question that the computer is colonising leisure time for multi-tasking. In a population that goes online from home almost twice as much as those who go online from work, almost half use their online time for work based activities other than email. Undoubtedly, email activity would account for even more work time (Horrigan). On the other side of the blur between work and leisure, the Pew Institute estimates that fifty percent use work Internet time for personal pleasure ("Wired Workers"). Media theory has to reengage the problem that Horkheimer/Adorno/Smythe raised. The contemporary problem of leisure is not so much the lack of leisure, but its fractured, non-contemplative, unfulfilling nature. A media critique will demonstrate the contribution of the TV and the Internet to this erosion of free time. References Bolter, Jay David, and Richard Grusin. Remediation: Understanding New Media. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000. Committee on Recent Economic Changes. Recent Economic Changes. Vol. 1. New York: no publisher listed, 1929. Friedrich, Otto. "The Computer Moves In." Time 3 Jan. 1983: 14-24. Graham, Philip. Hypercapitalism: A Political Economy of Informational Idealism. In press for New Media and Society2.2 (2000). Horkheimer, Max, and Theodor W. Adorno. Dialectic of Enlightenment. New York: Continuum Publishing, 1944/1987. Horrigan, John B. "New Internet Users: What They Do Online, What They Don't and Implications for the 'Net's Future." Pew Internet and American Life Project. 25 Sep. 2000. 24 Oct. 2001 <http://www.pewinternet.org/reports/toc.asp?Report=22>. Hunnicutt, Benjamin Kline. Work without End: Abandoning Shorter Hours for the Right to Work. Philadelphia: Temple UP, 1988. International Labour Office. Economically Active Populations: Estimates and Projections 1950-2025. Geneva: ILO, 1995. Jhally, Sut. The Codes of Advertising. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987. Kim, Jane. "Computers and the Digital Economy." Digital Economy 1999. 8 June 1999. October 24, 2001 <http://www.digitaleconomy.gov/powerpoint/triplett/index.htm>. Lash, Scott, and John Urry. Economies of Signs and Space. London: Sage Publications, 1994. Mander, Jerry. Four Arguments for the Elimination of Television. New York: Morrow Press, 1978. Mumford, Lewis. Technics and Civilization. New York: Harcourt Brace, 1934. Preston, Paschal. Reshaping Communication: Technology, Information and Social Change. London: Sage, 2001. "Radio's Big Issue Who Is to Pay the Artist?" The New York Times 18 May 1924: Section 8, 3. Reed, Lori. "Domesticating the Personal Computer." Critical Studies in Media Communication17 (2000): 159-85. Smythe, Dallas. Counterclockwise: Perspectives on Communication. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993. United States Bureau of Labor Statistics. Unpublished Data from the Current Population Survey. 2001. Wasser, Frederick A. Veni, Vidi, Video: The Hollywood Empire and the VCR. Austin, TX: U of Texas P, 2001. Weston, N.A., T.N. Carver, J.P. Frey, E.H. Johnson, T.R. Snavely and F.D. Tyson. "Shorter Working Time and Unemployment." American Economic Review Supplement 22.1 (March 1932): 8-15. <http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-8282%28193203%2922%3C8%3ASWTAU%3E2.0.CO%3B2-3>. Winn, Marie. The Plug-in Drug. New York: Viking Press, 1977. "Wired Workers: Who They Are, What They're Doing Online." Pew Internet Life Report 3 Sep. 2000. 24 Oct. 2000 <http://www.pewinternet.org/reports/toc.asp?Report=20>. Yazigi, Monique P. "Shocking Visits to the Real World." The New York Times 21 Feb. 1990. Page unknown. Links http://www.pewinternet.org/reports/toc.asp?Report=20 http://www.pewinternet.org/reports/toc.asp?Report=22 http://www.atari-history.com/computers/8bits/400.html http://www.transparencynow.com/mary.htm http://www.digitaleconomy.gov/powerpoint/triplett/index.htm http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-8282%28193203%2922%3C8%3ASWTAU%3 E2.0.CO%3B2-3 Citation reference for this article MLA Style Wasser, Frederick. "Media Is Driving Work" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4.5 (2001). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Wasser.xml >. Chicago Style Wasser, Frederick, "Media Is Driving Work" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4, no. 5 (2001), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Wasser.xml > ([your date of access]). APA Style Wasser, Frederick. (2001) Media Is Driving Work. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4(5). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Wasser.xml > ([your date of access]).

‘Complex(ity)’ is currently fashionable in the humanities. Fashions come and go, but in this article I argue that the interest in complexity connects with something deeper, an intellectual revolution that began before complexity became trendy, and will continue after the spotlight passes on. Yet to make this case, and understand and advance this revolution, we need a better take on ‘complexity’. ‘Complex’ is of course complex. In common use it refers to something ‘composed of many interrelated parts’, or problems ‘so complicated or intricate as to be hard to deal with’. I will call this popular meaning, with its positive and negative values, complexity-1. In science it has a more negative sense, complexity-2, referring to the presenting complexity of problems, which science will strip down to underlying simplicity. But recently it has developed positive meanings in both science and humanities. Complexity-3 marks a revolutionarily more positive attitude to complexity in science that does seek to be reductive. Humanities-style complexity-4, which acknowledges and celebrates the inherent complexity of texts and meanings, is basic in contemporary Media and Cultural studies (MaC for short). The underlying root of complex is plico bend or fold, plus con- together, via complector grasp (something), encompass an idea, or person. The double of ‘complex’ is ‘simple’, from Latin simplex, which less obviously also comes from plico, plus semel once, at the same time. ‘Simple’ and ‘complex’ are closer than people think: only a fold or two apart. A key idea is that these elements are interdependent, parts of a single underlying form. ‘Simple(x)’ is another modality of ‘complex’, dialectically related, different in degree not kind, not absolutely opposite. The idea of ‘holding together’ is stronger in Latin complex, the idea of difficulty more prominent in modern usage, yet the term still includes both. The concept ‘complex’ is untenable apart from ‘simple’. This figure maps the basic structures in ‘complexity’. This complexity contains both positive and negative values, science and non-science, academic and popular meanings, with folds/differences and relationships so dynamically related that no aspect is totally independent. This complex field is the minimum context in which to explore claims about a ‘complexity revolution’. Complexity in Science and Humanities In spite of the apparent similarities between Complexity-3 (sciences) and 4 (humanities), in practice a gulf separates them, policed from both sides. If these sides do not talk to each other, as they often do not, the result is not a complex meaning for ‘complex’, but a semantic war-zone. These two forms of complexity connect and collide because they reach into a new space where discourses of science and non-science are interacting more than they have for many years. For many, in both academic communities, a strong, taken-for-granted mindset declares the difference between them is absolute. They assume that if ‘complexity’ exists in science, it must mean something completely different from what it means in humanities or everyday discourse, so different as to be incomprehensible or unusable by humanists. This terrified defence of the traditional gulf between sciences and humanities is not the clinching argument these critics think. On the contrary, it symptomises what needs to be challenged, via the concept complex. One influential critic of this split was Lord Snow, who talked of ‘two cultures’. Writing in class-conscious post-war Britain he regretted the ignorance of humanities-trained ruling elites about basic science, and scientists’ ignorance of humanities. No-one then or now doubts there is a problem. Most MaC students have a science-light education, and feel vulnerable to critiques which say they do not need to know any science or maths, including complexity science, and could not understand it anyway. To understand how this has happened I go back to the 17th century rise of ‘modern science’. The Royal Society then included the poet Dryden as well as the scientist Newton, but already the fissure between science and humanities was emerging in the elite, re-enforcing existing gaps between both these and technology. The three forms of knowledge and their communities continued to develop over the next 400 years, producing the education system which formed most of us, the structure of academic knowledges in which culture, technology and science form distinct fields. Complexity has been implicated in this three-way split. Influenced by Newton’s wonderful achievement, explaining so much (movements of earthly and heavenly bodies) with so little (three elegant laws of motion, one brief formula), science defined itself as a reductive practice, in which complexity was a challenge. Simplicity was the sign of a successful solution, altering the older reciprocity between simplicity and complexity. The paradox was ignored that proof involved highly complex mathematics, as anyone who reads Newton knows. What science held onto was the outcome, a simplicity then retrospectively attributed to the universe itself, as its true nature. Simplicity became a core quality in the ontology of science, with complexity-2 the imperfection which challenged and provoked science to eliminate it. Humanities remained a refuge for a complexity ontology, in which both problems and solutions were irreducibly complex. Because of the dominance of science as a form of knowing, the social sciences developed a reductivist approach opposing traditional humanities. They also waged bitter struggles against anti-reductionists who emerged in what was called ‘social theory’. Complexity-4 in humanities is often associated with ‘post-structuralism’, as in Derrida, who emphasises the irreducible complexity of every text and process of meaning, or ‘postmodernism’, as in Lyotard’s controversial, influential polemic. Lyotard attempted to take the pulse of contemporary Western thought. Among trends he noted were new forms of science, new relationships between science and humanities, and a new kind of logic pervading all branches of knowledge. Not all Lyotard’s claims have worn well, but his claim that something really important is happening in the relationship between kinds and institutions of knowledge, especially between sciences and humanities, is worth serious attention. Even classic sociologists like Durkheim recognised that the modern world is highly complex. Contemporary sociologists agree that ‘globalisation’ introduces new levels of complexity in its root sense, interconnections on a scale never seen before. Urry argues that the hyper-complexity of the global world requires a complexity approach, combining complexity-3 and 4. Lyotard’s ‘postmodernism’ has too much baggage, including dogmatic hostility to science. Humanities complexity-4 has lost touch with the sceptical side of popular complexity-1, and lacks a dialectic relationship with simplicity. ‘Complexity’, incorporating Complexity-1 and 3, popular and scientific, made more complex by incorporating humanities complexity-4, may prove a better concept for thinking creatively and productively about these momentous changes. Only complex complexity in the approach, flexible and interdisciplinary, can comprehend these highly complex new objects of knowledge. Complexity and the New Condition of Science Some important changes in the way science is done are driven not from above, by new theories or discoveries, but by new developments in social contexts. Gibbons and Nowottny identify new forms of knowledge and practice, which they call ‘mode-2 knowledge’, emerging alongside older forms. Mode-1 is traditional academic knowledge, based in universities, organised in disciplines, relating to real-life problems at one remove, as experts to clients or consultants to employers. Mode-2 is orientated to real life problems, interdisciplinary and collaborative, producing provisional, emergent knowledge. Gibbons and Nowottny do not reference postmodernism but are looking at Lyotard’s trends as they were emerging in practice 10 years later. They do not emphasise complexity, but the new objects of knowledge they address are fluid, dynamic and highly complex. They emphasise a new scale of interdisciplinarity, in collaborations between academics across all disciplines, in science, technology, social sciences and humanities, though they do not see a strong role for humanities. This approach confronts and welcomes irreducible complexity in object and methods. It takes for granted that real-life problems will always be too complex (with too many factors, interrelated in too many ways) to be reduced to the sort of problem that isolated disciplines could handle. The complexity of objects requires equivalent complexity in responses; teamwork, using networks, drawing on relevant knowledge wherever it is to be found. Lyotard famously and foolishly predicted the death of the ‘grand narrative’ of science, but Gibbons and Nowottny offer a more complex picture in which modes-1 and 2 will continue alongside each other in productive dialectic. The linear form of science Lyotard attacked is stronger than ever in some ways, as ‘Big Science’, which delivers wealth and prestige to disciplinary scientists, accessing huge funds to solve highly complex problems with a reductionist mindset. But governments also like the idea of mode-2 knowledge, under whatever name, and try to fund it despite resistance from powerful mode-1 academics. Moreover, non-reductionist science in practice has always been more common than the dominant ideology allowed, whether or not its exponents, some of them eminent scientists, chose to call it ‘complexity’ science. Quantum physics, called ‘the new physics’, consciously departed from the linear, reductionist assumptions of Newtonian physics to project an irreducibly complex picture of the quantum world. Different movements, labelled ‘catastrophe theory’, ‘chaos theory’ and ‘complexity science’, emerged, not a single coherent movement replacing the older reductionist model, but loosely linked by new attitudes to complexity. Instead of seeing chaos and complexity as problems to be removed by analysis, chaos and complexity play a more ambiguous role, as ontologically primary. Disorder and complexity are not later regrettable lapses from underlying essential simplicity and order, but potentially creative resources, to be understood and harnessed, not feared, controlled, eliminated. As a taste of exciting ideas on complexity, barred from humanities MaC students by the general prohibition on ‘consorting with the enemy’ (science), I will outline three ideas, originally developed in complexity-3, which can be described in ways requiring no specialist knowledge or vocabulary, beyond a Mode-2 openness to dynamic, interdisciplinary engagement. Fractals, a term coined by mathematician Benoit Mandelbrot, are so popular as striking shapes produced by computer-graphics, circulated on T-shirts, that they may seem superficial, unscientific, trendy. They exist at an intersection between science, media and culture, and their complexity includes transactions across that folded space. The name comes from Latin fractus, broken: irregular shapes like broken shards, which however have their own pattern. Mandelbrot claims that in nature, many such patterns partly repeat on different scales. When this happens, he says, objects on any one scale will have equivalent complexity. Part of this idea is contained in Blake’s famous line: ‘To see the world in a grain of sand’. The importance of the principle is that it fundamentally challenges reductiveness. Nor is it as unscientific as it may sound. Geologists indeed see grains of sand under a microscope as highly complex. In sociology, instead of individuals (literal meaning ‘cannot be divided’) being the minimally simple unit of analysis, individuals can be understood to be as complex (e.g. with multiple identities, linked with many other social beings) as groups, classes or nations. There is no level where complexity disappears. A second concept is ‘fuzzy logic’, invented by an engineer, Zadeh. The basic idea is not unlike the literary critic Empson’s ‘ambiguity’, the sometimes inexhaustible complexity of meanings in great literature. Zadeh’s contribution was to praise the inherent ambiguity and ambiguity of natural languages as a resource for scientists and engineers, making them better, not worse, for programming control systems. Across this apparently simple bridge have flowed many fuzzy machines, more effective than their over-precise brothers. Zadeh crystallised this wisdom in his ‘Principle of incompatibility’: As the complexity of a system increases, our ability to make precise and yet significant statements about its behaviour decreases until a threshold is reached beyond which precision and significance (or relevance) become almost mutually exclusive characteristics (28) Something along these lines is common wisdom in complexity-1. For instance, under the headline “Law is too complex for juries to understand, says judge” (Dick 4), the Chief Justice of Australia, Murray Gleeson, noted a paradox of complexity, that attempts to improve a system by increasing its complexity make it worse (meaningless or irrelevant, as Zadeh said). The system loses its complexity in another sense, that it no longer holds together. My third concept is the ‘Butterfly Effect’, a name coined by Lorenz. The butterfly was this scientist’s poetic fantasy, an imagined butterfly that flaps its wings somewhere on the Andes, and introduces a small change in the weather system that triggers a hurricane in Montana, or Beijing. This idea is another riff on the idea that complex situations are not reducible to component elements. Every cause is so complex that we can never know in advance just what factor will operate in a given situation, or what its effects might be across a highly complex system. Travels in Complexity I will now explore these issues with reference to a single example, or rather, a nested set of examples, each (as in fractal theory) equivalently complex, yet none identical at any scale. I was travelling in a train from Penrith to Sydney in New South Wales in early 2006 when I read a publicity text from NSW State Rail which asked me: ‘Did you know that delays at Sydenham affect trains to Parramatta? Or that a sick passenger on a train at Berowra can affect trains to Penrith?’ No, I did not know that. As a typical commuter I was impressed, and even more so as an untypical commuter who knows about complexity science. Without ostentatious reference to sources in popular science, NSW Rail was illustrating Lorenz’s ‘butterfly effect’. A sick passenger is prosaic, a realistic illustration of the basic point, that in a highly complex system, a small change in one part, so small that no-one could predict it would matter, can produce a massive, apparently unrelated change in another part. This text was part of a publicity campaign with a scientific complexity-3 subtext, which ran in a variety of forms, in their website, in notices in carriages, on the back of tickets. I will use a complexity framework to suggest different kinds of analysis and project which might interest MaC students, applicable to objects that may not refer to be complexity-3. The text does two distinct things. It describes a planning process, and is part of a publicity program. The first, simplifying movement of Mode-1 analysis would see this difference as projecting two separate objects for two different specialists: a transport expert for the planning, a MaC analyst for the publicity, including the image. Unfortunately, as Zadeh warned, in complex conditions simplification carries an explanatory cost, producing descriptions that are meaningless or irrelevant, even though common sense (complexity-1) says otherwise. What do MaC specialists know about rail systems? What do engineers know about publicity? But collaboration in a mode-2 framework does not need extensive specialist knowledge, only enough to communicate with others. MaC specialists have a fuzzy knowledge of their own and other areas of knowledge, attuned by Humanities complexity-4 to tolerate uncertainty. According to the butterfly principle it would be foolish to wish our University education had equipped us with the necessary other knowledges. We could never predict what precise items of knowledge would be handy from our formal and informal education. The complexity of most mode-2 problems is so great that we cannot predict in advance what we will need to know. MaC is already a complex field, in which ‘Media’ and ‘Culture’ are fuzzy terms which interact in different ways. Media and other organisations we might work with are often imbued with linear forms of thought (complexity-2), and want simple answers to simple questions about complex systems. For instance, MaC researchers might be asked as consultants to determine the effect of this message on typical commuters. That form of analysis is no longer respectable in complexity-4 MaC studies. Old-style (complexity-2) effects-research modelled Senders, Messages and Receivers to measure effects. Standard research methods of complexity-2 social sciences might test effects of the message by a survey instrument, with a large sample to allow statistically significant results. Using this, researchers could claim to know whether the publicity campaign had its desired effect on its targeted demographic: presumably inspiring confidence in NSW Rail. However, each of these elements is complex, and interactions between them, and others that don’t enter into the analysis, create further levels of complexity. To manage this complexity, MaC analysts often draw on Foucault’s authority to use ‘discourse’ to simplify analysis. This does not betray the principle of complexity. Complexity-4 needs a simplicity-complexity dialectic. In this case I propose a ‘complexity discourse’ to encapsulate the complex relations between Senders, Receivers and Messages into a single word, which can then be related to other such elements (e.g. ‘publicity discourse’). In this case complexity-3 can also be produced by attending to details of elements in the S-M-R chain, combining Derridean ‘deconstruction’ with expert knowledge of the situation. This Sender may be some combination of engineers and planners, managers who commissioned the advertisement, media professionals who carried it out. The message likewise loses its unity as its different parts decompose into separate messages, leaving the transaction a fraught, unpredictable encounter between multiple messages and many kinds of reader and sender. Alongside its celebration of complexity-3, this short text runs another message: ‘untangling our complex rail network’. This is complexity-2 from science and engineering, where complexity is only a problem to be removed. A fuller text on the web-site expands this second strand, using bullet points and other signals of a linear approach. In this text, there are 5 uses of ‘reliable’, 6 uses of words for problems of complexity (‘bottlenecks’, ‘delays’, ‘congestion’), and 6 uses of words for the new system (‘simpler’, ‘independent’). ‘Complex’ is used twice, both times negatively. In spite of the impression given by references to complexity-3, this text mostly has a reductionist attitude to complexity. Complexity is the enemy. Then there is the image. Each line is a different colour, and they loop in an attractive way, seeming to celebrate graceful complexity-2. Yet this part of the image is what is going to be eliminated by the new program’s complexity-2. The interesting complexity of the upper part of the image is what the text declares is the problem. What are commuters meant to think? And Railcorp? This media analysis identifies a fissure in the message, which reflects a fissure in the Sender-complex. It also throws up a problem in the culture that produced such interesting allusions to complexity science, but has linear, reductionist attitudes to complexity in its practice. We can ask: where does this cultural problem go, in the organisation, in the interconnected system and bureaucracy it manages? Is this culture implicated in the problems the program is meant to address? These questions are more productive if asked in a collaborative mode-2 framework, with an organisation open to such questions, with complex researchers able to move between different identities, as media analyst, cultural analyst, and commuter, interested in issues of organisation and logistics, engaged with complexity in all senses. I will continue my imaginary mode-2 collaboration with Railcorp by offering them another example of fractal analysis, looking at another instant, captured in a brief media text. On Wednesday 14 March, 2007, two weeks before a State government election, a very small cause triggered a systems failure in the Sydney network. A small carbon strip worth $44 which was not properly attached properly threw Sydney’s transport network into chaos on Wednesday night, causing thousands of commuters to be trapped in trains for hours. (Baker and Davies 7) This is an excellent example of a butterfly effect, but it is not labelled as such, nor regarded positively in this complexity-1 framework. ‘Chaos’ signifies something no-one wants in a transport system. This is popular not scientific reductionism. The article goes on to tell the story of one passenger, Mark MacCauley, a quadriplegic left without power or electricity in a train because the lift was not working. He rang City Rail, and was told that “someone would be in touch in 3 to 5 days” (Baker and Davies 7). He then rang emergency OOO, and was finally rescued by contractors “who happened to be installing a lift at North Sydney” (Baker and Davies 7). My new friends at NSW Rail would be very unhappy with this story. It would not help much to tell them that this is a standard ‘human interest’ article, nor that it is more complex than it looks. For instance, MacCauley is not typical of standard passengers who usually concern complexity-2 planners of rail networks. He is another butterfly, whose specific needs would be hard to predict or cater for. His rescue is similarly unpredictable. Who would have predicted that these contractors, with their specialist equipment, would be in the right place at the right time to rescue him? Complexity provided both problem and solution. The media’s double attitude to complexity, positive and negative, complexity-1 with a touch of complexity-3, is a resource which NSW Rail might learn to use, even though it is presented with such hostility here. One lesson of the complexity is that a tight, linear framing of systems and problems creates or exacerbates problems, and closes off possible solutions. In the problem, different systems didn’t connect: social and material systems, road and rail, which are all ‘media’ in McLuhan’s highly fuzzy sense. NSW Rail communication systems were cumbrously linear, slow (3 to 5 days) and narrow. In the solution, communication cut across institutional divisions, mediated by responsive, fuzzy complex humans. If the problem came from a highly complex system, the solution is a complex response on many fronts: planning, engineering, social and communication systems open to unpredictable input from other surrounding systems. As NSW Rail would have been well aware, the story responded to another context. The page was headed ‘Battle for NSW’, referring to an election in 2 weeks, in which this newspaper editorialised that the incumbent government should be thrown out. This political context is clearly part of the complexity of the newspaper message, which tries to link not just the carbon strip and ‘chaos’, but science and politics, this strip and the government’s credibility. Yet the government was returned with a substantial though reduced majority, not the swingeing defeat that might have been predicted by linear logic (rail chaos = electoral defeat) or by some interpretations of the butterfly effect. But complexity-3 does not say that every small cause produces catastrophic effects. On the contrary, it says that causal situations can be so complex that we can never be entirely sure what effects will follow from any given case. The political situation in all its complexity is an inseparable part of the minimal complex situation which NSW Rail must take into account as it considers how to reform its operations. It must make complexity in all its senses a friend and ally, not just a source of nasty surprises. My relationship with NSW Rail at the moment is purely imaginary, but illustrates positive and negative aspects of complexity as an organising principle for MaC researchers today. The unlimited complexity of Humanities’ complexity-4, Derridean and Foucauldian, can be liberating alongside the sometimes excessive scepticism of Complexity-2, but needs to keep in touch with the ambivalence of popular complexity-1. Complexity-3 connects with complexity-2 and 4 to hold the bundle together, in a more complex, cohesive, yet still unstable dynamic structure. It is this total sprawling, inchoate, contradictory (‘complex’) brand of complexity that I believe will play a key role in the up-coming intellectual revolution. But only time will tell. References Baker, Jordan, and Anne Davies. “Carbon Strip Caused Train Chaos.” Sydney Morning Herald 17 Mar. 2007: 7. Derrida, Jacques. Of Grammatology. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1976. Dick, Tim. “Law Is Now Too Complex for Juries to Understand, Says Judge.” Sydney Morning Herald 26 Mar. 2007: 4. Empson, William. Seven Types of Ambiguity. London: Chatto and Windus, 1930. Foucault, Michel. “The Order of Discourse.” In Archaeology of Knowledge, trans. A.M Sheridan Smith. London: Tavistock, 1972. Gibbons, Michael. The New Production of Knowledge. London: Sage, 1994. Lorenz, Edward. The Essence of Chaos. London: University College, 1993. Lyotard, Jean-Francois. The Postmodern Condition. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1984. McLuhan, Marshall. Understanding Media. London: Routledge, 1964. Mandelbrot, Benoit. “The Fractal Geometry of Nature.” In Nina Hall, ed. The New Scientist Guide to Chaos. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1963. Nowottny, Henry. Rethinking Science. London: Polity, 2001. Snow, Charles Percy. The Two Cultures and the Scientific Revolution. London: Faber 1959. Urry, John. Global Complexity. London: Sage, 2003. Zadeh, Lotfi Asker. “Outline of a New Approach to the Analysis of Complex Systems and Decision Processes.” ILEE Transactions on Systems, Man, and Cybernetics 3.1 (1973): 28-44. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Hodge, Bob. "The Complexity Revolution." M/C Journal 10.3 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0706/01-hodge.php>. APA Style Hodge, B. (Jun. 2007) "The Complexity Revolution," M/C Journal, 10(3). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0706/01-hodge.php>.