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Journal articles on the topic 'Leninism'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Keith, Dan, and Giorgos Charalambous. "On the (non) distinctiveness of Marxism-Leninism: The Portuguese and Greek communist parties compared." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, no. 2 (May 12, 2016): 147–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.04.001.

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The study of parties that label themselves as Marxist-Leninist has, for the most part been subsumed in the exploration of the broader radical (or, far) left tradition in the post-1989 period. In an attempt to bridge this gap in the recent literature on radical left parties, this article attempts to uncover the (non) distinctiveness of Marxism-Leninism by studying empirically two European parties that are self-labelled as Marxist-Leninist — the Greek (KKE) and Portuguese (PCP) Communist parties. The central question we explore is whether there are significant similarities between these parties, so as to allow us to speak of Marxism-Leninism’s distinctiveness today. Overall, the two parties studied here have enough in common to testify to Marxism-Leninism’s ongoing distinctiveness with several qualifications, especially concerning ideology.

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2

García Vázquez, Borja. "El concepto de guerra justa. Especial atención a su doctrina en la China contemporánea = The concept of just war. Special attention to its conception in contemporary China." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 18 (April 1, 2020): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2020.5264.

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Resumen: Los razonamientos que llevan a justificar las guerras basan sus causas en motivaciones éticas análogas en diferentes religiones que exceden el marco occidental. Con el auge y difusión del marxismo, la ideología se convirtió en un elemento de cohesión social, ocupando posiciones anteriormente limitadas a la teología, permitiendo la delimitación de la guerra justa desde esta posición, la cual, asumida por la República Popular China, ha dado origen a una variante oriental en la que se conjuga la tradición de Sun Tzu con el legado marxista-leninista y su desarrollo posterior por Mao y sus sucesores. Palabras clave: Guerra justa, guerra y marxismo, guerra y leninismo, guerra y maoísmo. Abstract: The reasonings that lead to justify wars have certain origins in similar ethical motivations in different religions that exceed the Western framework. With the rise and spread of Marxism, ideology was changed into an element of social cohesion, occupying positions previously limited to theology, the delimitation of the just war from this position, which, assumed by the People’s Republic of China, has given rise to an oriental variant in which the tradition of Sun Tzu is combined, with the Marxist-Leninist legacy and its subsequent development by Mao and his successors. Keywords: Justwar, war and marxism, war and leninism, war and maoism.

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3

Shandro, Alan. "Text and Context in the Argument of Lenin’s What Is to Be Done?" Historical Materialism 18, no. 3 (2010): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920610x532262.

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AbstractLars Lih’s Lenin Rediscovered aims to overthrow what he labels the textbook-myth of Leninism through a comprehensive reconstruction of Lenin’s relationship, both to the Kautskyite orthodoxy that dominated the international socialist movement, and more local polemics. While the resulting rereading of Lenin’s early Marxism is a powerful counter to the ‘textbook-interpretation’ of Leninism, Lih has perhaps ‘bent the stick’ too far in an attempt to prove Lenin’s orthodoxy. Importantly, he misconstrues Lenin’s critique of ‘economism’ through a too-narrow reading of ‘economism’. Lih would have been better served to recognise the importance of Lenin’s polemic as an attempt, not simply to paint his opponents on the Russian Left as ‘economists’, but, more importantly, to grasp the organic nature of reformism and thus the true scale of the difficulties involved in challenging its hegemony within the workers’ movement.

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4

Harding, Neil. "Leninism." Capital & Class 21, no. 2 (July 1997): 190–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981689706200113.

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5

Draper, Hal. "The Myth of Lenin's ‘Concept Of The Party’: Or What They Did to What Is To Be Done?" Historical Materialism 4, no. 1 (1999): 187–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920699100414373.

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AbstractThe myth for today is an axiom of what we may call Leninology — a branch of Kremlinology that has rapidly grown in the hands of the various university Russian Institutes, doctoral programs, political journalists, et al. According to this axiom, Lenin's 1902 book What Is To Be Done? (for short, WITBD) represents the essential content of his ‘operational code’ or ‘concept of the party’: all of Bolshevism and eventually Stalinism lies in ambush in its pages; it is the canonical work of ‘Leninism’ on party organisation, which, in turn, bears the original sin of totalitarianism. It establishes the ‘Leninist type of party’ as an authoritarian structure controlled from the top by ‘professional revolutionaries’ of upper-class provenance lording over a proletarian rank and file.

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6

Levine, Steven I. "China's Fuzzy Transition: Leninism to Post-Leninism." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 972–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032410.

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7

Tuğal, Cihan. "The Counter-Revolution’s Long March: The American Right’s Shift from Primitive to Advanced Leninism." Critical Sociology 46, no. 3 (May 30, 2019): 343–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920519850258.

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Why is the contemporary Right fascinated by Lenin? Commentators take this infatuation as evidence that the Right has forsaken freedom. By taking Lenin out of context, this argument not only reproduces a wrong reading of history, but misconstrues what the Right learns from its undeclared mentor. Leninism’s crux is neither authoritarianism nor zealotry, but the formulation of a long-term strategy in hostile terrain. Based on conflicting right-wing currents’ texts and actions, I analyze the making of such a strategy. The Right’s advanced Leninism comprises: 1) post-sectarian elimination, incorporation, and disciplining of collaborationists and hardliners; 2) (semi-secretive) cadre-raising; 3) (“hegemonic”) coalition-building; 4) infiltration of institutions; 5) a weakening of the enemy; 6) the creation of a parallel universe of material interests. Nevertheless, authoritarianism, which is a strong tendency of original Leninism, is an ingrained characteristic of right-wing Bolshevism. Only a Gramscian reconstruction of Leninism can restore its emancipatory potential.

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8

Clarke, Simon. "Was Lenin a Marxist? The Populist Roots of Marxism-Leninism." Historical Materialism 3, no. 1 (1998): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920698100414257.

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AbstractLenin's name has been coupled with that of Marx as the co-founder of the theory of ‘Marxism-Leninism'. However, despite his emphasis on the role of revolutionary theory, Lenin's original theoretical contributions to the development of Marxism were very limited. His talents were those of a determined revolutionary, in the populist tradition of Chernyshevsky, and a brilliantly effective propagandist and political organiser. His contribution to ‘Marxism-Leninism’ was to modify Marxist orthodoxy in such a way as to integrate the political and organisational principles of revolutionary populism into Marxism, on the basis of Plekhanov's ‘dialectical materialism', whose distinctive interpretation of Marxism was Lenin's constant guide and inspiration. In this paper I want to argue that Lenin never broke from the theoretical and political traditions of Russian populism, but completed Plekhanov's project by assimilating Marxism to the very different theoretical framework of populism.

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9

Mayer, Robert. "One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: On Lars Lih’s Lenin." Historical Materialism 18, no. 3 (2010): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920610x532244.

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AbstractLars Lih’s Lenin Rediscovered seeks to replace the textbook-myth of Leninism with a painstaking reconstruction of ‘Lenin’s Erfurtian drama’. That reconstruction is more accurate than the Lenin-myth, but Lih’s step forward is marred by two steps back. One is his account of Lenin’s ‘worry about workers’. The other is Lih’s new translation of What Is to Be Done?.

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10

Stock, Thomas. "North Korea’s Marxism-Leninism: Fraternal Criticisms and the Development of North Korean Ideology in the 1960s." Journal of Korean Studies 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21581665-7258081.

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Abstract During the 1960s, as the Sino-Soviet conflict raged on, North Korea, for the first time in its history, officially began to reject the USSR’s ideological leadership and instead tread its own path under the slogan of self-reliance. As a result, those forces aligned with the Soviet Union, especially East Germany, heavily criticized North Korea’s new ideological path. Drawing on the East German archives, this study seeks to understand the nature of fraternal criticisms and their implications for the development of North Korean ideology in the 1960s. Scholars typically stress North Korean ideology’s departure from Marxism-Leninism, sometimes suggesting a departure as early as the 1950s. The present study, based on a thorough reading of archival documents and North Korean materials, challenges such portrayals, arguing that North Korea remained in the Marxist-Leninist tradition even while contesting Soviet orthodoxy. Developments in North Korean ideology were far more gradual than is usually assumed, building on what came before. These developments were by no means revolutionary or removed from the global intellectual environment. The Soviets and East Germans could understand North Korean heterodoxy and engage with it in Marxist-Leninist terms, just as North Korea did with Soviet Marxism-Leninism—there was no fundamental ideological split.

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11

Yunus, Nur Rohim. "Controversial Ideas about the State and Revolution, A Book Review “The State And Revolution” Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, Haymarket Books Chicago, 2014, 210 Pages, ISBN: 978-1-60846-498-2." Journal of Indonesian Legal Studies 7, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jils.v7i1.57385.

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The State and Revolution is a book that was born from Lenin's life experience as the father of Russian revolutionaries. The movement that gave birth to major changes in the future of Russia and the formation of a Soviet state with Marxism-Leninism. In his book, Vladimir Lenin divides the discussion into six chapters, each of which is divided into several sub-chapters. The method of writing the book uses a descriptive analysis pattern with a contextual approach. In fact, this book has a positive contribution to anti-bourgeois supporters, because of its ideas against bourgeoisie and Western capitalism. But this book is a negative ghost, for lovers of freedom and democracy. Because the true teachings of Leninism require authoritarianism and the absence of freedom for its citizens.

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Mаршалл, Aлекс. "The Shadow and the Substance of Lenin after 150 Years." Мир России 29, no. 4 (September 19, 2020): 134–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1811-038x-2020-29-4-134-149.

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Citation: Marshall A. (2020) The Shadow and the Substance of Lenin after 150 Years. Mir Rossii, vol. 29, no 4, pp. 134–149. DOI: 10.17323/1811-038X-2020-29-4-134-149 150 years since Lenin’s birth marks an anniversary that raises questions around Lenin’s meaning today and his ultimate historical legacy. By distinguishing both Lenin the man, and the cult of commemoration that for 60 years surrounded him, from the core method behind Lenin’s own thought, this article addresses the question of if and why Lenin still matters in Europe today. It does so by arguing for an Ilyenkovian reading of Lenin’s main ideas and contributions. The current condition of European politics is, to a significant degree, still a by-product of the rejection of ‘Leninism’ after 1989, Leninism having evolved after 1924 into a sociological construct designed predominantly to facilitate the accelerated industrialization of backward societies. The rejection of Leninism as an alternate form of modernity led, via a consciously post-modern moment in central and eastern Europe, to the substitution of ‘memory politics’, fostering a more openly competitive political culture focused around race, identity, religious faith, and often radical ethnic nationalism. The dangers of such an outcome were foreshadowed in the concerns of the Soviet philosopher Evald Ilyenkov, who sought in the 1960s and 1970s to counterbalance the rise of neopositivist thinking in his era by revisiting the dialectics of the ideal first explored by Marx and Lenin. Whilst Ilyenkov saw mechanistic materialism as the greater latent danger in his own day, he also opposed the subjective idealism of ‘socialism with a human face’, and the idealist currents that arose in response to neopositivist rhetoric in Soviet social life. He found in Lenin an intellectual ally of his own belief that the true definition of the ideal emerges via the collaborative collective activity of society as a whole in a particular historical moment, rather than via embracing one or other of these two extremes. Through Ilyenkov, Lenin continues to speak to our own times.

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13

Ehrenberg, John. "Problems of Leninism." Historical Materialism 3, no. 1 (1998): 65–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920698100414284.

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AbstractWe live in strange, frustrating and paradoxical times. Like other trends on the left, Marxism is immobilised by theoretical confusion and practical ineffectiveness just when a relentless state-led war against the working class is nearing the end of its second decade, the greatest transfer of wealth from the poor to the rich in human history has reasserted the centrality of class with a vengeance, the international capitalist financial system teeters on the edge of collapse, whole countries are bankrupt, and hundreds of millions of people are undergoing absolute immiseration and devastating attacks on their standard of living. The gap between what the objective situation demands and what the Left has to offer is so profound that public affairs has become little more than a debate between a powerful right and an eviscerated ‘centre’ – all this at a time of unprecedented crisis and opportunity. Indeed, we do not even seem to know what to talk about. Reminders of how theoretical blind alleys and historic openings have often gone hand in hand may help us orient ourselves to broad trends, but they only underline how essential it is that we begin addressing the profoundly important questions of contemporary life. Until we do, we should not be surprised that people put their trust in angels, consult soothsayers, and are not interested in what we have to say.

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14

Chen, Cheng. "The Roots of Illiberal Nationalism in Romania: A Historical Institutionalist Analysis of the Leninist Legacy." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 17, no. 2 (May 2003): 166–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325403017002002.

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This article is a study of the dynamics behind “illiberal nationalism” in post-Leninist Romania. It seeks to provide a historical institutionalist explanation for the extent to which universalist liberal political principles have proven compatible with nationalist projects in post-Leninist Romania. The author's hypothesis is that the “illiberal” character of nationalism in contemporary Romania can be traced back to the nation-building project adopted by the Leninist regime in Romania. This nation-building project sought to engineer the reconciliation between nationalism and the universalist ideology of Leninism in much the same way that nationalism and liberalism have been reconciled in the West. Paradoxically, the more successful this Leninist nation building was, the more difficult it would be for post-Leninist elites to define a liberal variant of nationalism, given how deeply Leninist principles became embedded or fused with the nation's self-image. This counterintuitive logic partially accounts for the illiberal features of nationalism in post-Leninist Romania.

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15

Ngoc, Le Tuan. "Teaching methods of Marxist-Leninist Theorical subjects in current universities are being innovated." International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Growth Evaluation 5, no. 1 (2024): 227–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54660/.ijmrge.2024.5.1.227-230.

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Marxist-Leninist theoretical subjects serve the basic function of providing a clear ideal orientation to a system of scientific and modern political theoretical knowledge; at the same time, it provides students with methodology and specialized research methods, which are applied in practice in a positive and effective manner, contributing to the formation of scientific theoretical thinking in students... An key aspect in creating high-quality human resources to satisfy the country's development needs in the current moment is to pay attention to the question of teaching and learning Marxism-Leninism in universities. This essay seeks to clarify the need for universities to reinvent teaching techniques for Marxist-Leninist theoretical subjects, and to offer steps to innovate teaching methods for Marxist-Leninist theoretical subjects in the contemporary moment.

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16

Walker, Rachel. "Marxism–Leninism as Discourse: The Politics of the Empty Signifier and the Double Bind." British Journal of Political Science 19, no. 2 (April 1989): 161–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005421.

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This article employs a semiotic approach to investigate the meaning of ‘Marxism-Leninism’ with a view to clarifying our understanding of this term. Contrary to conventional interpretations it demonstrates that ‘Marxism-Leninism’ is an empty signifier which is subject to definition on a contemporary basis by the CPSU itself. However, it also demonstrates that ‘Marxism-Leninism’ is the central element in a mechanism of control which bears all the hallmarks of a classic linguistic double bind. It therefore concludes that while ‘Marxism-Leninism’ is referentially open to re-definition it is connotatively attached to the practices of the CPSU. It is both fixed and not fixed in meaning.The resulting analysis leads to a critique of terms which are conventionally taken for granted by Sovietologists and introduces a new methodological approach to the study of ‘Marxism-Leninism’.

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Seabury, Paul. "Marxism-Leninism and its Strategic Implications for the United States." Social Philosophy and Policy 3, no. 1 (1985): 192–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500000236.

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My central concern in this paper is with the implications of Marxist-Leninist ideology for Western defense policy and for United States strategic policy in particular. However, this is an extremely complex issue, and consideration of it will lead me to examine the ways in which ideas are related to interests, interests to strategy, and strategy to actions.II begin with an important observation: Americans in general, and for various reasons, have not taken Marxism-Leninism seriously for a long time. This is true even of many experts who consider the Soviet challenge to be very serious, affecting our very survival as a free society. At the risk of oversimplification, I would claim that many quite well-informed Americans, hardened to the realities of the Soviet “empire” and its activities, have come around to the view that Marxist-Leninist ideology has simply degenerated into a rigid system of enforced belief administered by authorities who have no particular commitment to it other than to employ it in order to remain in power. In this regard, “Marxism” (like “God” in America in the 1960s) is deemed “dead,” surviving only in the publicity offices of formal establishments as a means of maintaining their authority. Marxism-Leninism is thought to be no different from the moribund “divine right of kings,” which undergirded the monarchical establishments of 17th Century Europe.Oddly enough, the “socialism-is-dead” theme is today found in the writings of such prominent American neo-conservatives as Irving Kristol, George Gilder, and many others. It is also echoed in Europe in the writings of such eminent philosophers as Leszek Kolakowski of Poland and Paul Johnson of England.

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Savin, Alexey E. "Origins of the Interpretation and Criticism of Philosophical Foundations of Leninism in Western Marxism." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 458 (2020): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/458/9.

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The aim of the article is to discover the nature of the widespread criticism of Leninism in Western countries in the “left communism” or “communism of the Soviets” (Raetekommunismus), which arose in Germany, Holland, and Denmark in the 1920s and 1930s. To understand the general lines of the criticism of the philosophy of Leninism the author analyzes the ideas presented in the work Lenin as Philosopher by Anton Pannekoek, one of the greatest thinkers and politicians of the “communism of the Soviets”. In its philosophical part, the work is devoted to the criticism of Lenin’s main philosophical work Materialism and Empirio-Criticism. The author also takes into account the articles devoted to this criticism by Karl Korsch and Paul Mattik, other founders of “communism of the Soviets”. The significance of these works is determined by the fact that they constitute the philosophical foundation of contemporary Western “Marxist anti-Leninism”. The author reveals the political presuppositions and the political background of the polemic about the philosophical foundations of Leninism. The background is a polemic about the significance of the Russian revolution and the principles of building the Bolshevik party for the rest of the world and especially for Western countries and their Communist parties. The philosophical polemic with Leninism grows out of a doubt about the universal significance of the experience of the Russian revolution. In particular, Pannekoek and Korsch put forward the thesis of the bourgeois-democratic, not socialist character of the Russian revolution. From this thesis, they conclude that the theoretical basis of the Russian revolution is also of a bourgeois character, i.e. the Russian revolution is based on the ideas of the Enlightenment. The philosophical foundation of the Enlightenment is natural-scientific materialism, not historical materialism, i.e. not Marxism. The article demonstrates the genesis of the concept of Leninism as (1) an anti-democratic tendency in the contemporary liberation movement, (2) an instrument for legitimizing the repressive practices of the bureaucracy in the workers’ parties and in the “catching-up” states of organized capitalism, (3) a naturalistic mishmash of natural-scientific and historical materialism, ultimately suppressing and emasculating the historicity of Marxist thought. The author reveals how this concept was transmitted to tmodern Western left-wing thought through the Frankfurt school, and especially through Marcuse’s work Soviet Marxism (1958), which for many years became the most popular theoretical source for the Marxist criticism of Soviet dialectical materialism in the Western left. Nowadays, this interpretation functions in it in a sedimented form as self-evidence (Selbstverstaendlichkeit) and automatism.

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Moran, Philip. "Leninism and the Enlightenment." Studies in Soviet Thought 30, no. 2 (August 1985): 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01043755.

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Dahm, Helmut. "What restoring Leninism means." Studies in Soviet Thought 39, no. 1 (February 1990): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00837962.

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21

Ho, Ming-sho. "The Rise and Fall of Leninist Control in Taiwan's Industry." China Quarterly 189 (March 2007): 162–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741006000853.

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As an industrial control strategy, Leninism imposed extensive state-party apparatuses in the workplace. After its defeat in China, the émigré Kuomintang instituted party-state infrastructure in the vast public sector inherited from Japanese colonialism to consolidate its grasp on Taiwan. This article traces the rise and fall of Leninist control in Taiwan's state-owned enterprises. Taiwan's Leninist penetration was deployed after the suppression of the 1947 uprising, and hence failed to overcome the pre-existing ethnic divide between Taiwanese and mainlanders. Further, since the 1960s, widespread moonlinghting has enabled Taiwanese workers to be more psychologically and economically detached from the clientelist network of redistribution. As the political environment turned favourable in the late 1980s, a strong current of workers's movements surged and succeeded in dismantling party-state control in nationalized industry. Taiwan's case reveals the importance of societal embeddedness as a variable that explains the trajectory of Leninist control.

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Barinov, Nikolai Nikolaevich. "Marxism-Leninism and Christianity: Continuation of I. Vostorgov's Research." Философия и культура, no. 7 (July 2022): 15–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0757.2022.7.38417.

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This article is a study of the compatibility of the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism and Orthodox Christianity. The great importance of this topic is due to its direct connection with the improvement of society and the ongoing controversy on this issue with attempts to integrate communism with Christianity. The work provides a historical and theological analysis based on a critical study of the works of the founders of Marxism-Leninism, their associates, historical and theological works, as well as historical documents on this issue. The article examines the approaches of the teachings of Orthodox Christianity, as well as Marxism-Leninism to atheism, materialism, religion and the Church. For this purpose, the relevant texts of Holy Scripture, the opinions of the Church fathers and the views of the founders and followers of Marxism-Leninism are studied. The novelty of this study is that some documents are considered for the first time in the context of the problem under study. In addition, a more detailed and systematic historical and theological analysis of the comparison of the teachings of Marxism-Leninism and Orthodox Christianity on this topic is carried out in comparison with the available works. The purpose of the work is to study historical and theological works, as well as historical documents related to the problem under study. The article concludes that Marxism-Leninism in this matter is not compatible with Christianity and is directly opposed to it. Since the Second World War in the USSR, relations between the state and the Church have improved from time to time, but the official state course on Marxism-Leninism did not leave the possibility of their reconciliation. Currently, there are attempts to produce a symbiosis of these two teachings. Many Communists have a positive attitude towards the Church, so a dialogue between them is possible and necessary. But as long as the ideology of the Communists remains Marxism-Leninism, antagonistic to Christianity and any religion in general, in their ranks will always remain hostile to religion. Therefore, the synthesis of these teachings is impossible.

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Klimentov, Vassily A. "“Communist Muslims”." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 1 (2022): 4–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01055.

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Abstract Soviet leaders sent troops into Afghanistan in December 1979 to support a friendly Marxist-Leninist regime in its conflict against a popular insurgency and help it build a new society. When the Soviet troops withdrew nine years later, they left behind a state that had none of the nominal characteristics of a Soviet-type Communist country. During the war, the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan had discarded Marxism-Leninism and turned to Islam. This article examines how, with Moscow's support, the Afghan Communists Islamicized their discourse and policies as they tried to gain support from the population and co-opt insurgent fighters.

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Barbosa, Wilson do Nascimento. "One Hundred Years of Learning: The Russian Revolution of 1917." Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES 6, no. 2 (August 2017): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277976017731846.

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This year, 2017, the world celebrates the centenary of the two Russian Revolutions that marked the twentieth century and changed the course of history. This article traces the worldwide impact of the Russian Revolution and its contribution to the awakening of the masses in Europe and the peripheries, in the course of the twentieth century. It also throws light on the imperialist counteroffensive and argues for the ongoing relevance of Leninist doctrine in the struggle against imperialism and bourgeois domination. The article elaborates the teachings of Leninism and its unique organizational power in the interest of long-term struggle.

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Soares, John A. "Strategy, Ideology, and Human Rights: Jimmy Carter Confronts the Left in Central America, 1979–1981." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 4 (October 2006): 57–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.4.57.

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This article discusses the Carter administration's policies toward Nicaragua and El Salvador after the Sandinistas took power in Nicaragua in July 1979. These policies were influenced by the widespread perception at the time that Marxist revolutionary forces were in the ascendance and the United States was in retreat. Jimmy Carter was trying to move away from traditional American “interventionism” in Latin America, but he was also motivated by strategic concerns about the perception of growing Soviet and Cuban strength, ideological concerns about the spread of Marxism-Leninism, and political-humanitarian concerns about Marxist-Leninist regimes' systematic violations of human rights.

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Evans, Alfred B., and John H. Kautsky. "Marxism and Leninism, not Marxism-Leninism: An Essay in the Sociology of Knowledge." Russian Review 54, no. 1 (January 1995): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130807.

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Resis, Albert. "Stalin, the Politburo, and the Onset of the Cold War, 1945-1946." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 701 (January 1, 1988): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1988.32.

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The precise function that Marxist-Leninist ideology serves in the formation and conduct of Soviet foreign policy remains a highly contentious question among Western scholars. In the first postwar year, however, few senior officials or Soviet specialists in the West doubted that Communist ideology served as the constitutive element of Soviet foreign policy. Indeed, the militant revival of Marxism-Leninism after the Kremlin had downplayed it during 'The Great Patriotic War" proved to be an important factor in the complex of causes that led to the breakup of the Grand Alliance. Moscow's revival of that ideology in 1945 prompted numerous top-level Western leaders and observers to regard it as heralding a new wave of Soviet world-revolutionary messianism and expansionism. Many American and British officials were even alarmed by the claim, renewed, for example, in Moscow's official History of Diplomacy, that Soviet diplomacy possessed a "scientific theory," a "weapon" possessed by none of its rivals or opponents. This "weapon," Marxism-Leninism, Moscow ominously boasted, enabled Soviet leaders to comprehend, foresee, and master the course of international affairs, smoothing the way for Soviet diplomacy to make exceptional gains since 1917. Now, in the postwar period, Stalinist diplomacy opened before the Soviet Union "boundlesshorizons and the most majestic prospects."

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Blackledge, Paul. "Editorial Introduction." Historical Materialism 18, no. 3 (2010): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920610x532226.

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AbstractLars Lih’s study of Lenin’s What Is to Be Done? demolishes the shared liberal and Stalinist myth of Leninism as an ice-cold ideology of professional and opportunistic revolutionary organisation. He conclusively shows, not only that Lenin’s thought had deep roots in the democratic culture of contemporary Marxism, but also that it was predicated upon a strong belief in the revolutionary potential of the working class. Lih’s research thus moves the debate about Lenin’s contribution to Marxism on from the tired caricatures of the textbooks to focus instead upon his complex relationship to the Marxism of the Second International. By showing that Lenin’s Marxism was much more sophisticated and textured than is normally allowed, this debate opens his rich legacy to contemporary re-evaluation.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN1">1</xref>

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Harman, Chris. "Lenin Rediscovered?" Historical Materialism 18, no. 3 (2010): 64–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920610x532253.

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AbstractBy framing Lenin’s thought squarely within the mainstream of classical Marxism, Lars Lih’s Lenin Rediscovered acts as a powerful contribution to rescuing Lenin’s Marxism from the condescension of the ‘textbook-interpretation’ of Leninism. However, the power of Lih’s book is weakened by a failure to grasp the slippage between what Kautsky wrote and the various ways in which his writings were interpreted within the Second International. While Lenin attempted to apply lessons from the German Social-Democratic Party to Russian conditions, so too did his opponents within the Russian socialist movement. The actual degree of difference between what Lenin did and what Kautsky wrote became fully apparent only after the events of 1914 and 1917.

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Le Blanc, Paul. "Lenin Studies: Method and Organisation." Historical Materialism 25, no. 4 (February 14, 2017): 105–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341535.

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AbstractThe growing field of Lenin Studies has been nurtured by the growth of crises and struggles in our own time and may contribute to present-day activists’ efforts at developing revolutionary strategy, organisation and struggle. Surveying this field, it is worth focusing on three recent studies by Antonio Negri, Tamás Krausz and Alan Shandro which give attention to the methodological core of what can be called ‘Leninism’. All three distinguish Lenin’s approach to Marxism from that of such prominent Marxists as Kautsky. The result, highlighted by aspects of Lenin’s functioning in the early Communist International, provides a more consistent activist- and revolutionary edge that might have relevance for future struggles, particularly in relation to the question of organisation.

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Ewing, Tom, and Folke Dovring. "Leninism: Political Economy as Pseudoscience." Russian Review 56, no. 4 (October 1997): 614. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/131591.

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Pateman, Joe. "Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism and Marxism-Leninism." Politics, Religion & Ideology 22, no. 3-4 (September 28, 2021): 351–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2021.1984235.

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Barner-Barry, Carol, and Cynthia Hody. "Soviet Marxism-Leninism as Mythology." Political Psychology 15, no. 4 (December 1994): 609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3791623.

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MITCHELL, R. JUDSON. "Neo-Leninism in Soviet Politics." GPSA Journal: The Georgia Political Science Association 2, no. 1 (November 12, 2008): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1974.tb00829.x.

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Knowlton Jr., Kenny, and Cameron Gamble. "The philosophy of Ecological Leninism." Kontradikce 6, no. 2 (2022): 17–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.46957/con.2022.2.2.

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Verster, P. "Sending in die nabloei van die Marxisme-Leninisme." Verbum et Ecclesia 20, no. 1 (August 6, 1999): 207–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v20i1.1175.

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Mission in the aftermath of Marxism-Leninism Marxism-Leninism as ideology suffered severe setbacks. The question is in which way mission can still be relevant in the aftermath of this prominent ideology. The idea of freedom as essential part of Western philosophy is discussed in relation with Marxism/Leninism. The influence of Perestroika and the effect it had on the ideology is also discussed. In the end mission must still be relevant. Certain problems with evangelical missionary efforts in Russia en Cuba are mentioned. The church should, however, remain relevant in the sense of dealing with man's essential relation to freedom in the kingdom of God.

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Devátá, Markéta. "Teaching of Marxism-Leninism in Czechoslovakia 1948–1989." Historia scholastica 7, no. 1 (November 2021): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/006/2021-1-002.

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The article deals with one of the key tools of forming a socialist-minded intelligentsia at universities, the teaching of Marxism-Leninism. The author summarizes results of her research in which she focused, apart from a factual account, also on constituent actors and their mutual interactions. On the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and the objectives it had in the beginning of the project and which it was pursuing and adjusting for decades afterwards. On teachers of Marxism-Leninism, who kept the project going and were also looking for some space for their own concepts in it, and naturally also on students’ attitudes and approaches to the teaching of Marxism-Leninism.

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Barinov, Nikolai Nikolaevich. "Marxism-Leninism and Christianity: Classes and Class Struggle." Философия и культура, no. 11 (November 2022): 30–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0757.2022.11.39225.

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This article analyzes the compatibility of the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism and Orthodox Christianity in relation to the class division of society and class struggle. The significance of the study is due to the controversy (often acute) on this issue, which is directly related to the social structure. The article provides a historical and theological analysis of the topic under study on the basis of a critical study of the works of the founders of Marxism-Leninism, their closest associates, historical documents on this issue, as well as historical and theological works. This article attempts to present a systematic analysis of the subject under study. It examines the relationship between the teachings of Orthodox Christianity and Marxism-Leninism about classes and class struggle, as well as their application in practice, and appeals to opponents. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that some documents are analyzed for the first time in connection with the issue under study. Also, in more detail and systematically, in relation to the available works, the analysis of the relationship between the teachings of Orthodox Christianity and Marxism-Leninism is carried out. The purpose of the work is to study historical documents, as well as historical and philosophical works on this topic. The article concludes that Marxism-Leninism is directly opposed to Christianity in the issue of attitude to the classes of society and the class struggle. In the course of historical development, the intensity of the class struggle changed, but not according to Marxism-Leninism, but depended on the state of morality, religiosity, the development of new trends in the social, scientific and technological development of mankind. A Christian understanding of the essence of the state can provide the basis for the national idea of Russia.

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Land, Rainer, and Ralf Possekel. "ON THE INTERNAL DYNAMICS OF THE PDS: THE LENINIST CHALLENGE AND THE CHALLENGE TO LENINISM." Constellations 2, no. 1 (January 1995): 51–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8675.1995.tb00017.x.

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Thi Giang, Nguyen, and Bui Lan Huong. "INTEGRATING THE TECHNIQUES OF DIAGRAMMING AND GROUP DISCUSSION IN THE INSTRUCTION OF MARXIST-LENINIST PHILOSOPHY." International Journal of Education Humanities and Social Science 07, no. 02 (2024): 24–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54922/ijehss.2024.0658.

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Marxist-Leninist philosophy constitutes one of the triadic pillars within the broader framework of Marxism-Leninism, evolving concomitantly with advancements in scientific thought and the practical dynamics of the revolutionary movement of the working class. It holds the status of a mandatory subject within the curricula of higher education institutions overseen by the Ministry of Education and Training in Vietnam. This discipline imparts a scientific worldview and applies a materialist-dialectical approach to enhance cognition and pedagogy, thereby facilitating practical improvement. Hence, the instructional approach must be adaptable to ensure that lectures are comprehensible and aligned with the stated objectives. Employing a blend of teaching methodologies assists educators in effectively conveying information, facilitating a logical and cohesive understanding of the subject matter for learners. Drawing insights from research on diagramming and group discussion methods, this article formulates requisites and procedures for amalgamating diagramming with group discussion. Concurrently, it underscores certain considerations when integrating these two approaches in the pedagogy of Marxist-Leninist philosophy

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Fisher, Pamela. "Post-Communist Feminism in Germany: Equality and Difference in the Party of Democratic Socialism." German Politics and Society 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2002): 68–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385525.

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In December 1989, the ruling communist party of East Germany,the Socialist Unity Party (SED), was reconstituted when it adopted thename Socialist Unity Party-Party of Democratic Socialism (SED-PDS),which was simplified on 4 February 1990 to the Party of DemocraticSocialism.1 The brand of Marxism-Leninism that had prevailed in theGerman Democratic Republic (GDR) appeared to be irredeemablydiscredited, and the new leadership of this successor party wasobliged to create an alternative vision of socialism and to redefinetheir political goals. The PDS program of 1990,2 with its clear adoptionof a feminist agenda, constituted a breach with the party’s politicalpast. Whereas the Marxist-Leninist theory underpinning SEDpolicy had been based on the principle that inequality is economicallydetermined, the new PDS program acknowledged patriarchyas a separate issue.

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Greitens, Sheena Chestnut, and Benjamin Katzeff Silberstein. "Toward Market Leninism in North Korea." Asian Survey 62, no. 2 (March 2022): 211–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2022.1541999.

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Current scholarship on marketization from below in North Korea emphasizes the increased influence of private actors, and portrays this process as eroding state control. While these accounts are largely accurate, they risk overlooking significant policy responses on the part of North Korea’s leadership. Over the course of the past decade, the regime under Kim Jong Un has actively pursued a political-economic model that attempts to institutionalize market activity under strengthened party-state political control. In doing so, the DPRK is hewing toward a model of “market Leninism” or “party-state capitalism” akin to that pursued by contemporary China and Vietnam, rather than that of the Soviet Union or Eastern Europe. By placing North Korea’s political economy in this framework, we can better understand the two key imperatives that have characterized Kim Jong Un’s rule: institutionalization of market mechanisms and strengthened political control.

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Malia, Martin E. (Martin Edward). "The Haunting Presence of Marxism-Leninism." Journal of Democracy 10, no. 2 (1999): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.1999.0034.

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Kennedy, Michael D., Daniel Chirot, Arthur Kroker, and Marilouise Kroker. "Social Theory after Leninism and Modernism." Contemporary Sociology 21, no. 3 (May 1992): 311. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076244.

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Munslow, Barry. "Zimbabwe's unity congress reaffirms Marxism‐Leninism." Journal of Communist Studies 6, no. 2 (June 1990): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279008415026.

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London, Jonathan. "Vietnam in 2018: Consolidating Market Leninism." Asian Survey 59, no. 1 (January 2019): 140–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.1.140.

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In 2018 Vietnam saw intensifying party discipline and state repression, rapid economic growth, spasms of dissent, and new questions about the direction of the country’s social and political development. Amid deepening but perpetually fragile relations with Beijing, Hanoi furthered its strategic ties with the US, Japan, India, and other powers.

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RIEGEL, KLAUS‐GEORG. "Marxism‐Leninism as a political religion." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 6, no. 1 (June 2005): 97–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14690760500099788.

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Tsang, Steve. "Consultative Leninism: China's new political framework." Journal of Contemporary China 18, no. 62 (November 1, 2009): 865–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670560903174705.

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Tabb, William K. "The Ambitions of China’s Market-Leninism." New Labor Forum 29, no. 2 (May 2020): 60–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1095796020915186.

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Vilkov, Vyacheslav. "DIALECTICAL AND HISTORICAL MATERIALISM IN THE STRUCTURE OF MARXISM-LENINISM PHILOSOPHICAL TEACHING AND POLITICO-IDEOLOGICAL DOCTRINE." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Philosophy, no. 4 (2021): 114–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2523-4064.2021/4-12/12.

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The article presents the results of the study of the specifics of the use by V.I. Lenin and I.V. Stalin of the concepts of «dialectical» and «historical» materialism; Stalin's understanding and interpretation of the essence and functions of these two main types of axiomatics of Marxist-Leninist philosophy, which were proposed in his work «Dialectical and Historical Materialism», that was included in «History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks): Short Course» (its first edition was published in 1938) and up to the 11th collection of his works, lectures, articles, speeches, etc. under the title «Concerning Questions of Leninism» (first published in 1939), are analysed in detail. The proposed analysis reveals the Stalinist and post-Stalinist understanding of the essence, structure and functions of dialectical and historical materialism; its theoretical and methodological foundations and status in the structure of Marxist-Leninist philosophy; highlights the Stalinist approach to understanding the relationship of Marxist philosophy with the ideological doctrine of the Communist Party of the USSR and the Communist worldview. The article defines the significant changes in Soviet Marxism from the end of 1953 until the end of the 1980s. It refers to the conceptual interpretation of dialectical and historical materialism, recognised in Soviet times as the basis and two main components of Marxist-Leninist philosophy. In addition, the leading tendencies that were formed among Soviet scientists of the 1960s and 1980s, as new approaches to understanding the nature of the interrelationships of Marxist-Leninist philosophy, primarily "diamat" and "istmat", with the Communist Party ideology and those branches of social studies (mainly «scientific communism»), which formed a single system of philosophical and socio- political knowledge, a complex of sciences and academic disciplines commonly known as «Marxism- Leninism», are highlighted in the article. The main tendencies of the post-Stalinist era in the interpretation of the ideological, theoretical and methodological role of dialectical and historical materialism, their status in the structure of Soviet philosophy and social-political science, as well as the specifics of correcting their ideological and worldview intent during the second half of the twentieth century are characterised. Within the framework of this analysis, the paradigmatic narratives, declared by Ukrainian researchers of the post-Soviet era to assess the role of V.I. Lenin and, especially, I.V. Stalin («Dialectical and Historical Materialism») in the emergence of fundamental problems and negative processes during the development of philosophical and socio-political thought in the USSR for the entire post-Stalin period of history, are identified and summarised. The main research methods are systemic, comparative, discursive, content analysis, prescripts of scientism and the principle of historicism. The study may be particularly relevant for a scientifically balanced, ideologically unbiased, adequate comprehension of the history and logic of the development of philosophical and socio-political thought in the Soviet Union and Ukraine since independence.

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