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Academic literature on the topic 'Leninism'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Leninism"

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Keith, Dan, and Giorgos Charalambous. "On the (non) distinctiveness of Marxism-Leninism: The Portuguese and Greek communist parties compared." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, no. 2 (May 12, 2016): 147–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.04.001.

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The study of parties that label themselves as Marxist-Leninist has, for the most part been subsumed in the exploration of the broader radical (or, far) left tradition in the post-1989 period. In an attempt to bridge this gap in the recent literature on radical left parties, this article attempts to uncover the (non) distinctiveness of Marxism-Leninism by studying empirically two European parties that are self-labelled as Marxist-Leninist — the Greek (KKE) and Portuguese (PCP) Communist parties. The central question we explore is whether there are significant similarities between these parties, so as to allow us to speak of Marxism-Leninism’s distinctiveness today. Overall, the two parties studied here have enough in common to testify to Marxism-Leninism’s ongoing distinctiveness with several qualifications, especially concerning ideology.
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García Vázquez, Borja. "El concepto de guerra justa. Especial atención a su doctrina en la China contemporánea = The concept of just war. Special attention to its conception in contemporary China." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 18 (April 1, 2020): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2020.5264.

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Resumen: Los razonamientos que llevan a justificar las guerras basan sus causas en motivaciones éticas análogas en diferentes religiones que exceden el marco occidental. Con el auge y difusión del marxismo, la ideología se convirtió en un elemento de cohesión social, ocupando posiciones anteriormente limitadas a la teología, permitiendo la delimitación de la guerra justa desde esta posición, la cual, asumida por la República Popular China, ha dado origen a una variante oriental en la que se conjuga la tradición de Sun Tzu con el legado marxista-leninista y su desarrollo posterior por Mao y sus sucesores. Palabras clave: Guerra justa, guerra y marxismo, guerra y leninismo, guerra y maoísmo. Abstract: The reasonings that lead to justify wars have certain origins in similar ethical motivations in different religions that exceed the Western framework. With the rise and spread of Marxism, ideology was changed into an element of social cohesion, occupying positions previously limited to theology, the delimitation of the just war from this position, which, assumed by the People’s Republic of China, has given rise to an oriental variant in which the tradition of Sun Tzu is combined, with the Marxist-Leninist legacy and its subsequent development by Mao and his successors. Keywords: Justwar, war and marxism, war and leninism, war and maoism.
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Shandro, Alan. "Text and Context in the Argument of Lenin’s What Is to Be Done?" Historical Materialism 18, no. 3 (2010): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920610x532262.

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AbstractLars Lih’s Lenin Rediscovered aims to overthrow what he labels the textbook-myth of Leninism through a comprehensive reconstruction of Lenin’s relationship, both to the Kautskyite orthodoxy that dominated the international socialist movement, and more local polemics. While the resulting rereading of Lenin’s early Marxism is a powerful counter to the ‘textbook-interpretation’ of Leninism, Lih has perhaps ‘bent the stick’ too far in an attempt to prove Lenin’s orthodoxy. Importantly, he misconstrues Lenin’s critique of ‘economism’ through a too-narrow reading of ‘economism’. Lih would have been better served to recognise the importance of Lenin’s polemic as an attempt, not simply to paint his opponents on the Russian Left as ‘economists’, but, more importantly, to grasp the organic nature of reformism and thus the true scale of the difficulties involved in challenging its hegemony within the workers’ movement.
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Harding, Neil. "Leninism." Capital & Class 21, no. 2 (July 1997): 190–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981689706200113.

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Draper, Hal. "The Myth of Lenin's ‘Concept Of The Party’: Or What They Did to What Is To Be Done?" Historical Materialism 4, no. 1 (1999): 187–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920699100414373.

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AbstractThe myth for today is an axiom of what we may call Leninology — a branch of Kremlinology that has rapidly grown in the hands of the various university Russian Institutes, doctoral programs, political journalists, et al. According to this axiom, Lenin's 1902 book What Is To Be Done? (for short, WITBD) represents the essential content of his ‘operational code’ or ‘concept of the party’: all of Bolshevism and eventually Stalinism lies in ambush in its pages; it is the canonical work of ‘Leninism’ on party organisation, which, in turn, bears the original sin of totalitarianism. It establishes the ‘Leninist type of party’ as an authoritarian structure controlled from the top by ‘professional revolutionaries’ of upper-class provenance lording over a proletarian rank and file.
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Levine, Steven I. "China's Fuzzy Transition: Leninism to Post-Leninism." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 972–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032410.

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Tuğal, Cihan. "The Counter-Revolution’s Long March: The American Right’s Shift from Primitive to Advanced Leninism." Critical Sociology 46, no. 3 (May 30, 2019): 343–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920519850258.

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Why is the contemporary Right fascinated by Lenin? Commentators take this infatuation as evidence that the Right has forsaken freedom. By taking Lenin out of context, this argument not only reproduces a wrong reading of history, but misconstrues what the Right learns from its undeclared mentor. Leninism’s crux is neither authoritarianism nor zealotry, but the formulation of a long-term strategy in hostile terrain. Based on conflicting right-wing currents’ texts and actions, I analyze the making of such a strategy. The Right’s advanced Leninism comprises: 1) post-sectarian elimination, incorporation, and disciplining of collaborationists and hardliners; 2) (semi-secretive) cadre-raising; 3) (“hegemonic”) coalition-building; 4) infiltration of institutions; 5) a weakening of the enemy; 6) the creation of a parallel universe of material interests. Nevertheless, authoritarianism, which is a strong tendency of original Leninism, is an ingrained characteristic of right-wing Bolshevism. Only a Gramscian reconstruction of Leninism can restore its emancipatory potential.
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Clarke, Simon. "Was Lenin a Marxist? The Populist Roots of Marxism-Leninism." Historical Materialism 3, no. 1 (1998): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920698100414257.

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AbstractLenin's name has been coupled with that of Marx as the co-founder of the theory of ‘Marxism-Leninism'. However, despite his emphasis on the role of revolutionary theory, Lenin's original theoretical contributions to the development of Marxism were very limited. His talents were those of a determined revolutionary, in the populist tradition of Chernyshevsky, and a brilliantly effective propagandist and political organiser. His contribution to ‘Marxism-Leninism’ was to modify Marxist orthodoxy in such a way as to integrate the political and organisational principles of revolutionary populism into Marxism, on the basis of Plekhanov's ‘dialectical materialism', whose distinctive interpretation of Marxism was Lenin's constant guide and inspiration. In this paper I want to argue that Lenin never broke from the theoretical and political traditions of Russian populism, but completed Plekhanov's project by assimilating Marxism to the very different theoretical framework of populism.
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Mayer, Robert. "One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: On Lars Lih’s Lenin." Historical Materialism 18, no. 3 (2010): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920610x532244.

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AbstractLars Lih’s Lenin Rediscovered seeks to replace the textbook-myth of Leninism with a painstaking reconstruction of ‘Lenin’s Erfurtian drama’. That reconstruction is more accurate than the Lenin-myth, but Lih’s step forward is marred by two steps back. One is his account of Lenin’s ‘worry about workers’. The other is Lih’s new translation of What Is to Be Done?.
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Stock, Thomas. "North Korea’s Marxism-Leninism: Fraternal Criticisms and the Development of North Korean Ideology in the 1960s." Journal of Korean Studies 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21581665-7258081.

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Abstract During the 1960s, as the Sino-Soviet conflict raged on, North Korea, for the first time in its history, officially began to reject the USSR’s ideological leadership and instead tread its own path under the slogan of self-reliance. As a result, those forces aligned with the Soviet Union, especially East Germany, heavily criticized North Korea’s new ideological path. Drawing on the East German archives, this study seeks to understand the nature of fraternal criticisms and their implications for the development of North Korean ideology in the 1960s. Scholars typically stress North Korean ideology’s departure from Marxism-Leninism, sometimes suggesting a departure as early as the 1950s. The present study, based on a thorough reading of archival documents and North Korean materials, challenges such portrayals, arguing that North Korea remained in the Marxist-Leninist tradition even while contesting Soviet orthodoxy. Developments in North Korean ideology were far more gradual than is usually assumed, building on what came before. These developments were by no means revolutionary or removed from the global intellectual environment. The Soviets and East Germans could understand North Korean heterodoxy and engage with it in Marxist-Leninist terms, just as North Korea did with Soviet Marxism-Leninism—there was no fundamental ideological split.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Leninism"

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Maloa, Tomé Miranda. "História da economia socialista moçambicana." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-10112016-142148/.

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A presente Dissertação de Mestrado tem por objetivo resgatar através da História os aspectos que mais marcaram a organização econômica moçambicana, principalmente, entre os anos 1975 a 1986. Período este em que a FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) adotou o Marxismo-Leninismo como o modelo de organização econômica, política e social. Porém, faz também um rescaldo dos aspetos relacionados com a organização econômica colonial portuguesa, depois herdada pelo primeiro governo independente do país. Especificamente, este estudo faz uma abordagem das opções estruturais do modelo de desenvolvimento socialista de Moçambique pós-colonial até os finais dos anos oitenta. Dentro deste processo, assinalo que o meu objetivo não consistia na apresentação de uma organização geral da História da economia socialista moçambicano, mas em inscrever o meu contributo na continuidade de uma reflexão multifacetada, iniciada há largos anos pelas gerações anteriores.
This Master Dissertation objective rescues the aspects that marked the Mozambican economic organization, especially between the years between 1975 and 1986, when FRELIMO (Mozambique Liberation Front) adopted Marxism-Leninism as the model of economic, political and social organization. However, it also makes an aftermath of the aspects related to the Portuguese colonial economic organization, which was later inherited by the first independent government in the country. Specifically, this study is an approach to structural options of the socialist model of development of post-colonial Mozambique until the end of the eighties. Within this process it has developed a centrally planned economy to overcome the inherited colonial capitalism in order to ensure compliance of the State leftist politics with the people\'s interests.
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Nercessian, Andy Hagop. "Marxism-Leninism, national identity, and the perception of Armenian music." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.619554.

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Bruley, Sue. "Leninism, Stalinism, and the women's movement in Britain, 1920-1939." New York : Garland Pub, 1986. http://books.google.com/books?id=Pa7aAAAAMAAJ.

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Walker, R. "Soviet Marxism-Leninism and the question of ideology : A critical analysis." Thesis, University of Essex, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.380564.

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Filho, Celso Ramos Figueiredo. "Partido Operário Comunista (POC): história e memória de uma organização marxista-leninista (1968-1971)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-13092016-135537/.

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Esta tese tem por objeto o Partido Operário Comunista (POC). Trata-se de uma organização da esquerda radical brasileira, atuante durante os chamados anos de chumbo da ditadura civil-militar brasileira (1968-1971) sobre a qual não há nenhum estudo acadêmico mais pormenorizado. O POC foi oficialmente fundado em um Congresso realizado em abril de 1968, na cidade de São Paulo, com a fusão de duas organizações anteriormente existentes, a Organização Revolucionária Marxista-Política Operária (POLOP) e a Dissidência Leninista do Partido Comunista Brasileiro do Rio Grande do Sul (DI-RS). A linha política adotada pelo novo partido foi estabelecida pelo Programa Socialista para o Brasil, para o qual a revolução brasileira deveria ser socialista, e conduzida por um partido de vanguarda da classe operária, que estaria à frente de uma aliança operário-camponesa, engrossada por elementos revolucionários da pequena-burguesia. Inicialmente resistente ao engajamento nas ações de guerrilha urbana, o POC procurou canalizar seus esforços para os movimentos de massa que estavam ascensão quando da sua fundação. Neste sentido, dirigiu a militância para o movimento operário de Contagem (MG) e Osasco (SP), onde ocorreram importantes mobilizações nesse período. A organização também procurou influenciar o movimento estudantil e, para isso criou o Movimento Universidade Crítica, MUC, também em 1968. No início de 1969, com o descenso desses movimentos devido também ao AI-5, o POC reconheceu ter colhido poucos frutos desses esforços, sobretudo no movimento operário, onde sua presença continuou esparsa. Neste ínterim, várias organizações da esquerda já estavam francamente engajadas em ações armadas, o que motivava uma dupla crítica no interior do POC: ineficácia nas ações de massa, e inexistência de ações de guerrilha. Ácidos debates internos passaram a ocorrer no seu interior, corroendo sua coesão. Este processo de luta política interna se prolongou por todo o ano de 1969, polarizando os militaristas contra os massistas. Trocas mútuas de acusações levaram este grupo a romper com o POC em março de 1970 e a recriar a antiga POLOP. Dentre os militantes remanescentes do POC ainda se manteve um caloroso debate em torno das duas idéias-força: militarismo versus massismo. Há de se dizer que, de forma esparsa, e sempre em associação a outras organizações, o POC já havia praticado algumas ações armadas, dirigidas para a obtenção de recursos financeiros. a partir de meados de 1970, na sequência de prisões de militantes das organizações militaristas, a polícia política atingiria em cheio o POC, levando ao seu desmantelamento no Brasil em junho de 1971. Nesta tese procurei compreender os pormenores internos de uma organização leninista, bem como a rotina da militância em meio a um contexto repressivo, apoiando na noção de cultura política de Serge Bernstein. Por essa razão busquei os relatos de ex-membros do partido, através dos quais pude conhecer suas memórias sobre esse período.
This thesis is engaged in the Communist Workers Party (POC). It is an organization of the Brazilian radical left active during the so-called \"years of lead\" the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship (1968-1971) on which there is no more detailed academic study. The POC was officially founded at a congress held in April 1968 in São Paulo, with the merger of two previously existing organizations, the Organization Revolutionary Workers Marxist-Policy (POLOP) and the Brazilian Communist Party\'s Leninist Dissent Rio Grande South (DI-RS). The political line adopted by the new party was established by the \"Socialist Program for Brazil\", for which the Brazilian revolution should be socialist, and led by a vanguard party of the working class, who would be the head of a worker-peasant alliance, thickened by revolutionary elements of the petty bourgeoisie. Initially resistant engagement in urban guerrilla actions, the POC sought to channel their efforts to the mass movements that were rising at the time of its foundation. In this sense, he directed militancy to the labor movement of Contagem (MG) and Osasco (SP), where there were important mobilizations that period. The organization also sought to influence the student movement and to this end has created the \"Movement University Critical,\" MUC, also in 1968. In early 1969, with the decline of these movements also due to AI-5, POC acknowledged harvested little fruit of these efforts, especially in the labor movement, where his presence remained sparse. Meanwhile, several organizations of the left were already openly engaged in armed actions, which motivated a double criticism within the POC: ineffectiveness in mass actions, and lack of guerrilla actions. Acids internal discussions began to take place inside, eroding its cohesion. This political infighting process lasted throughout the year 1969, polarizing the \"militarists\" against \"massistas\". mutual exchange of accusations led this group to break with the POC in March 1970 and re-create the old POLOP. Among the remaining militants POC still remained a heated debate around the two key ideas: militarism \"versus\" massismo. One has to say that, sparsely, and always in association with other organizations, the POC had practiced some armed actions aimed at obtaining financial resources. from the mid-1970s, following arrests of militants from militarist organizations, the political police would reach full POC, leading to their being dismantled in Brazil in June 1971. This thesis tried to understand the internal details of a Leninist organization, as well as the routine of militancy amid a repressive environment, supporting the political culture\'s notion of Serge Bernstein. Therefore sought the reports of former party members, through which I got to know his memories of that period.
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Johansson, Alexander. "Kommunismens himmelska mandat : Juche som en symbios av marxism-leninism, nationalism och konfucianism." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-374102.

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This essay is a hermeneutic reading and analysis of the swedish translation of a selection of Kim il Sungs political writings (jucheidén och dess lysande segrar, 1975). The book consists primarily of impairments of speeches and interviews that Kim participated in or held between 1965-1972. By analyzing his political statements, I intend to show the potential that the concept of Juche is a constructed symbiosis consisted of Confucianism, Marxism-Leninism and nationalism, and to describe how they function together to legitimize Kim il Sung’s political agenda. Furthermore, I intend to present the internal and external complexities which can have contributed to the creation of Juche and the historical effects that can be expected from this symbiosis.          Primarily I will focus on the concept of family, androcentric view of history and the important of culture politics as a mean to unite and control the population of the Peoples Republic of Korea. The purpose of this essay is not simply to point out what is Confucianism respectively Communism, but simply to suggest the possibility to read in a Confucian context in some statements made by Kim il Sung.      The interpretation is theoretically based on Timothy Fitzgerald’s concept of critical religion, which points out religion as an irrelevant and disable concept, combined with Anna Suns argumentation of Confucianism as a non-essential teaching and western invented concept.
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Fonseca, Thiago Silva Augusto da. "Hardt, Negri e a organização do desejo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-11112015-133853/.

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Esta pesquisa vai às obras filosóficas de Michael Hardt e Antonio Negri a fim de investigar possibilidades de organização de lutas contra o presente estado de coisas, ou seja, de lutas revolucionárias. Hardt e Negri desenvolvem o tema a partir de uma apreensão do leninismo, entendido não como fórmula de organização de um partido de vanguarda, mas como adequa-ção da composição política dos trabalhadores (forma da organização) à sua composição técni-ca (forma hegemônica da produção). Nesta chave, acompanhamos a investigação que fazem das novas formas de produção, chamadas por alguns de pós-fordistas e, por eles, recorrendo à terminologia foucaultiana, de produção biopolítica, que consiste num trabalho socializado que produz o que chamam de comum. Esse novo paradigma da produção tem por sujeito e objeto a vida, cuja principal força é o desejo. Posto isso, a questão que eles nos oferecem e que tomamos como central para nossa pesquisa é: como organizar o desejo? Seguimos sua trilha em busca dessa renovação do leninismo, a fim de compreender o que entendem por de-sejo tal que possa ser organizado, e o resultado disso, que vem a ser o conceito de multidão. A multidão, como desejo organizado, luta contra o presente estado de coisas, isto é, dentro de e contra um mercado mundial totalizante que Hardt e Negri chamam de império.
This dissertation goes to Michael Hardts and Antonio Negris philosophical works in search of possibilities for the organization of struggles against the present state of things, or for the organization of revolutionary struggles. Hardt and Negri develop this subject from a unique approach of Leninism, understood not as some party of vanguard formula but as an adequacy between workers technical and political compositions (or between the way people work and the way they struggle). In this sense, we follow the inquiry Hardt and Negri make on the new forms of production, post-fordist produc-tion to some and biopolitical production to them, resorting to Foucaults terminology. Such production consists on a socialized work that produces that which they call the common. This new paradigm of production takes life itself both as its subject and ob-ject, and its main strength is desire. From this point, the questioning they offer us and that we take as central in this research is: how to organize desire? We follow their tracks on this renewal of Leninism, trying to understand what desire is in order to be organized, and its outcome, i.e., the concept of multitude. Multitude, as organized de-sire, struggles against the present state of things, inside and against a totalizing world market that Hardt and Negri call empire.
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Kornreich, Yoel. "Zhang Wentian and the academy of Marxism and Leninism during the pre-rectification period, 1938-1941." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/7556.

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This thesis on Zhang Wentian (1900-1976) and the Academy of Marxism and Leninism (1938-1941) in pre-Rectification Yan’an has two primary objectives. First, contrary to previous studies of Yan’an, which engaged in Mao’s rise to power, this study examines the period from the perspective of another senior Party leader Zhang Wentian. This study seeks to explore Zhang’s background, his political position at the Party, his relationship with Mao, and the ideological differences and compatibilities between him and Mao. It argues that Zhang was among Mao’s supporters and that he shared with him many ideas. In spite of their collaboration, Zhang and Mao had some major ideological disagreements regarding the sinification of Marxism and Party history. Through the analysis of Zhang Wentian, this thesis is intended to help “rescue” CCP history from the Maoist narrative. Second, this thesis explores diversity in pre-Rectification Yan’ an through the study of the Academy of Marxism and Leninism where Zhang Wentian served as the principal. The examination of the Academy shows that the lecturers there held contending positions regarding the sinification of Marxim and the periodization of Chinese history, and that Party leaders of different political factions were able to lecture at the Academy. Before Mao’s rise to supreme power in late 1941, Zhang, as the principal of the Academy, had the authority to shape the curriculum according to his approach to Marxism. In late 1941, however, with political power centralized in the hands of Mao, the Academy was transformed into the Central Research Institute, and its members were expected to conducted research according to Mao’s approach. Consequently, diversity at the Academy disappeared with Zhang’s diminished status.
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Nevitt, Christopher Earle. "Markets without democracy, democracy without markets : transformations from Leninism in China and the former-Soviet Union /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1997. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9804521.

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Ploetz, Michael. "Troy besieged : Marxism-Leninism in the Second Cold War (1978-1985) - a reconstruction from East German sources." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287579.

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Books on the topic "Leninism"

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Harding, Neil. Leninism. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24775-2.

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Brar, Harpal. Trotskyism or Leninism? London: Harpal Brar, 1993.

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Buzuev, V. M. What is Marxism-Leninism? Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1987.

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Buzuev, V. M. What is Marxism-Leninism? Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1987.

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Vladimir, Tismaneanu, and Clawson Patrick 1951-, eds. Uprooting Leninism, cultivating liberty. Lanham: University Press of America, 1992.

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Kautsky, John H. Marxism and Leninism, not Marxism-Leninism: An essayin the sociology of knowledge. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1994.

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Dovring, Folke. Leninism: Political economy as pseudoscience. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1996.

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Shore, Cris. Italian communism: The escape from Leninism. London: Pluto Press, 1990.

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Brown, Archie, ed. The Demise of Marxism-Leninism in Russia. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230554405.

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Botha, Pierre du T. Generic aspects of Marxism-Leninism in Africa. Pretoria, South Africa: Africa Institute of South Africa, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Leninism"

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Harding, Neil. "Introduction." In Leninism, 1–14. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24775-2_1.

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Harding, Neil. "A Philosophy of Certainty: Dialectical Materialism." In Leninism, 219–42. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24775-2_10.

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Harding, Neil. "Leninism and Stalinism." In Leninism, 243–63. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24775-2_11.

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Harding, Neil. "Conclusion." In Leninism, 264–80. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24775-2_12.

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Harding, Neil. "Lenin before Leninism." In Leninism, 15–37. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24775-2_2.

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Harding, Neil. "The Revolution of 1905." In Leninism, 38–51. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24775-2_3.

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Harding, Neil. "The Disintegration of Social Democracy and the Genesis of Leninism." In Leninism, 52–78. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24775-2_4.

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Harding, Neil. "Revolution in Russia." In Leninism, 79–112. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24775-2_5.

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Harding, Neil. "Imperialism and the Death Throes of Capitalism." In Leninism, 113–41. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24775-2_6.

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Harding, Neil. "Politics and the State." In Leninism, 142–69. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24775-2_7.

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Conference papers on the topic "Leninism"

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Yao, Bingyang. "The innovative research of university ideological and political education in the view of marxism-leninism." In 2018 3rd International Conference on Humanities Science, Management and Education Technology (HSMET 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/hsmet-18.2018.89.

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Sergejeva, Daira. "Noziedzīgi iegūtas mantas institūta izpratnes no 1961. līdz 1991. gadam ģenēzes avoti." In Latvijas Universitātes 80. starptautiskā zinātniskā konference. LU Akadēmiskais apgāds, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/juzk.80.35.

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This article provides an insight into the comprehension of sources of genesis underlying the institute of criminally acquired property in the territory of Latvia in the period from 1961 to 1991 (hereinafter – Soviet period). It should be emphasized that the legal regulation and understanding of the institute of criminally acquired property in the Soviet period was in line of that time, it can be concluded that the basic regulatory principles of the institute of criminally acquired property in the Soviet period can be found in the legal framework of the Russian Empire. It is a peculiar and even paradoxical synthesis of the ideology of Marxism-Leninism and the classical criminal procedure.
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Jiang, Fengyan, Wei Zhao, and Shuxia Wu. "The Research on Logistic Model and Its Application in the Association Analysis of Marxism-Leninism and Ideological and Political Education." In 2nd International Conference on Management Science and Industrial Engineering (MSIE 2013). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/msie-13.2013.84.

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Weng, Jeffrey. "The Paris Commune: Lenin’s Guide to Revolution." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.139.

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Liu, Ziyi. "Lenin's New Economic Policy and Its Enlightenment to Contemporary China." In Proceedings of the 2019 International Conference on Management, Education Technology and Economics (ICMETE 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icmete-19.2019.39.

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Su, Lihe. "The Main Thoughts and Comment on Lenin's Poverty and Anti-poverty." In 2018 4th International Conference on Humanities and Social Science Research (ICHSSR 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ichssr-18.2018.120.

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Sousa Leão, Aniele. "A influência do Marxismo nas lutas de independência de Guiné-Bissau e Cabo Verde: reflexões sobre a formação do PAIGC." In IX Simpósio Internacional Trabalho, Relações de Trabalho, Educação e Identidade. SITRE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47930/1980-685x.2022.1002.

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As nações africanas de Cabo Verde e de Guiné-Bissau conquistaram suas independências através da luta revolucionária, inspirando-se no regime marxista-leninista. Nesse artigo, será apresentada essa influência, a partir da criação do Partido Africano de Independência de Guiné-Bissau e Cabo Verde – PAIGC, por Amílcar Cabral e outros revolucionários, no qual havia a compreensão de que o Partido não apenas era um instrumento necessário à libertação, mas, também, uma instituição capaz de formar as bases para a construção de uma nova sociedade.
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Prikhodko, Sergey Alexandrovich. "MEANS OF IMPLEMENTING OF THE METHOD OF HUMILIATION IN COMPLEX CONSTRUCTIONS IN V.I. LENIN'S POLEMICAL BOOK "MATERIALISM AND EMPIRIO-CRITICISM" (TO THE 100TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE CREATION OF THE USSR)." In Themed collection of papers from Foreign International Scientific Conference «Trends in the development of science and Global challenges» Ьу НNRI «National development» in cooperation with AFP. February 2023. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/230216.2023.48.60.005.

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On December 30, 2022, the whole world celebrated the 100th anniversary of the legal registration of the Soviet Union, so the linguistic analysis of its creator's legacy is relevant. The author for the first time explores the means of implementing the method of humiliation in V.I. Lenin's polemical text "Materialism and Empirio-Criticism". The article not only defines the lexical and syntactic features of pejorative structures in various contexts, but also indicates the accompanying polemical techniques.
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Yang, Yinghui, and Ning Zhang. "Discussion on the View of “Two Kinds of National Cultures”—Reflections after Reading Lenin’s Critical Remarks on the National Question." In 2020 International Conference on Social Science, Economics and Education Research (SSEER 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200801.070.

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Хабенская, Е. О. "Ethnicity and identity: a space for constructing reality." In Современное социально-гуманитарное образование: векторы развития в год науки и технологий: материалы VI международной конференции (г. Москва, МПГУ, 22–23 апреля 2021 г.). Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37492/etno.2021.92.81.090.

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российские этнологи обсуждали природу этнических феноменов на протяжении нескольких десятилетий, но так и не пришли к консенсусу. Пришедший на смену теории этноса западный конструктивистский подход к этничности достаточно глубоко проник в российскую науку, но почти не затронул политику. Российская национальная политика, в целом, так и осталась на уровне ленинско-сталинской трактовки нации. Хотя современные законодательные акты в этой сфере и пополнились новой терминологией, объектами «национальной политики» в России по-прежнему остаются мифические этнические общности, а не права отдельного индивида и его идентичность. Автор полагает некорректным в нынешней реальности говорить об объективном существовании этнических групп, которые не имеют ни объективных характеристик, ни понятных границ. В условиях перманентной культурной трансформации и глобализации мира единственным признаком этнической принадлежности становится этническая идентичность конкретного индивида, которая определяется индивидуальными факторами, является изменчивым, ситуативным и многослойным феноменом. Russian ethnologists have been discussing the nature of ethnic phenomena for several decades but have not come to a consensus. The Western constructivist approach to ethnicity, which replaced the theory of ethnicity, penetrated quite deeply into Russian science, but almost did not affect politics. Russian national policy has remained at the level of the Leninist-Stalinist interpretation of the nation. Although modern legislative acts in this area have been supplemented with new terminology, the objects of "national policy" in Russia are still mythical ethnic communities, and not the rights of an individual and his identity. The author believes that it is incorrect in the current reality to talk about the objective existence of ethnic groups that have neither objective characteristics nor understandable boundaries. In the conditions of permanent cultural transformation and globalization of the world, the only sign of ethnicity is the ethnic identity of a particular individual, which is determined by individual factors, is a changeable, situational, and multi-layered phenomenon.
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Reports on the topic "Leninism"

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London, Jonathan. Outlier Vietnam and the Problem of Embeddedness: Contributions to the Political Economy of Learning. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2021/062.

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Recent literature on the political economy of education highlights the role of political settlements, political commitments, and features of public governance in shaping education systems’ development and performance around learning. Vietnam’s experiences provide fertile ground for the critique and further development of this literature including, especially, its efforts to understand how features of accountability relations shape education systems’ performance across time and place. Globally, Vietnam is a contemporary outlier in education, having achieved rapid gains in enrolment and strong learning outcomes at relatively low levels of income. This paper proposes that beyond such felicitous conditions as economic growth and social historical and cultural elements that valorize education, Vietnam’s distinctive combination of Leninist political commitments to education and high levels of societal engagement in the education system often works to enhance accountability within the system in ways that contribute to the system’s coherence around learning; reflecting the sense and reality that Vietnam is a country in which education is a first national priority. Importantly, these alleged elements exist alongside other features that significantly undermine the system’s coherence and performance around learning. These include, among others, the system’s incoherent patterns of decentralization, the commercialization and commodification of schooling and learning, and corresponding patterns of systemic inequality. Taken together, these features of education in Vietnam underscore how the coherence of accountability relations that shape learning outcomes are contingent on the manner in which national and local systems are embedded within their broader social environments while also raising intriguing ideas for efforts to understand the conditions under which education systems’ performance with respect to learning can be promoted, supported, and sustained.
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