Academic literature on the topic 'Legitimate Authority (Weber)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Legitimate Authority (Weber)"
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Rust, Joshua. "Max Weber and Social Ontology." Philosophy of the Social Sciences 51, no. 3 (February 1, 2021): 312–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0048393120986244.
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Key elements of John Searle’s articulation of the Standard Model of Social Ontology can be found within Max Weber’s ideal type of legal-rational authority. However, the fact that, for Weber, legal-rational authority is just one of three types of legitimate authority, along with traditional and charismatic authority, suggests limitations to the Standard Model’s scope of applicability. Where Searle takes himself to have provided an account of “the structure of human civilization,” Weber’s taxonomy suggests that Searle has only given us an account of a way of being a civilization. This understanding of traditional authority also reveals why the Standard Model misconstrues the structure of ordinary, informal statuses, such as friendship.
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Pakulski, Jan. "Legitimacy and Mass Compliance: Reflections on Max Weber and Soviet-Type Societies." British Journal of Political Science 16, no. 1 (January 1986): 35–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400003793.
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It is worthwhile debating the meaning of concepts only when they start to hinder the process of inquiry. This seems to be the case with Max Weber's concepts of legitimacy and legitimate authority. They are becoming increasingly popular among students of Soviet-type societies despite the numerous problems posed by their application in a socio-political context that is so different from the one Weber had in mind. This increased popularity results in a ‘conceptual stretch’. More importantly, it increases the danger of a serious misinterpretation of socio-political processes in Soviet-type societies because, as will be argued in this article, the concept of legitimacy is not appropriate for the analysis of mass compliance in such societies. Instead, the persistence of (relatively) stable social and political order in these societies, as well as the occurrences of mass dissent, may be better accounted for in terms of ‘conditional tolerance’. In order to demonstrate the utility of this concept, and to show the problematic nature of accounts in terms of legitimacy and legitimate authority, it is necessary to start with a brief reprise of Weber's conceptual scheme.
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Du, Lun. "“Legitimate Authority” in the Chinese Tradition: Ethics-Politics." International Confucian Studies 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icos-2022-2010.
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Abstract Max Weber proposed three types of legitimate authority: charismatic, traditional and rational-legal. Roughly at the same time, the Chinese scholar Liang Qichao, fully aware of the strong link between ethics and politics in ancient China, put forward the concept of “ethics-politics”, which launched a major debate. None of Weber’s three types of legitimate authority is applicable to the ancient Chinese model of “ethics-politics”, and “ethics-politics” should be considered and explored as a fourth type of legitimate authority. This article gives an outline of the historical origins of “ethics-politics” as well as the principles that gave rise to the concept. Then it cites pre-Qin Confucianism, particularly the thoughts of Confucius, Mencius, and Xunzi, to exemplify the legitimate authority of “ethics-politics” from five aspects: (1) inwardly being a sage and outwardly being a king; (2) rule of the man of virtue, viz. “to govern by virtue” and “rule by rites” or “rule of rites”; (3) benevolence as the core value; (4) everyone should become good as the goal of government; (5) Heaven/Tian as the supreme divinity.
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Fleet, Nicolás. "Racionalización y poder La cuestión de la legitimidad en Weber como referente de la acción política." Revista Temas Sociológicos, no. 12 (January 23, 2017): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.12.224.
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ResumenEste artículo desarrolla, en tres pasos, una perspectiva original de la teoría de la dominación de Max Weber. El primer paso establece un vínculo necesario entre las formas típicas de dominación política y los intereses sociales, de modo que toda acción política debe legitimarse ante el interés general. El segundo paso explica las crisis de legitimación como una respuesta a cambios de identidad en la base social de la dominación política, de tal forma que se introduce un concepto dinámico de legitimidad. El tercer paso establece que los valores que habitan en las formas legitimas de dominación política son usados como orientaciones simbólicas por parte de intereses sociales y acciones políticas particulares, de manera que toda forma de legitimación de la autoridad encierra, en sus propias premisas, los argumentos que justifican luchas políticas hacia la modificación de los esquemas de dominación.Palabras clave: legitimidad, dominación, acción política, democratización.Abstract This article develops, in three steps, an orignal perspective of Weber’s legitimacy theory. The first one, establishes a necessary link that exists between the typical forms of legitimate domination and the social interests, in such a way that every political action that purse the realization of its interests has to legitimate itself before the general will. The second explains the legitimation crises as a response to indentity changes at the social base of the political domination and, in so doing, it introduces a dinamic concept of legitimacy. The third step states that the values that dwell in legitimate forms of political domination are used as symbolic orientations by particular social intersts and political actions, in a way that each form of authority legitimation encapsulate, in its own premises, the arguments that justify political struggles aiming toward the modification of the domination schemes.Key words: legitimacy, domination, political action, democratization.
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Fleet, Nicolás. "Racionalización y poder La cuestión de la legitimidad en Weber como referente de la acción política." Revista Temas Sociológicos, no. 12 (January 23, 2017): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07196458.12.224.
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ResumenEste artículo desarrolla, en tres pasos, una perspectiva original de la teoría de la dominación de Max Weber. El primer paso establece un vínculo necesario entre las formas típicas de dominación política y los intereses sociales, de modo que toda acción política debe legitimarse ante el interés general. El segundo paso explica las crisis de legitimación como una respuesta a cambios de identidad en la base social de la dominación política, de tal forma que se introduce un concepto dinámico de legitimidad. El tercer paso establece que los valores que habitan en las formas legitimas de dominación política son usados como orientaciones simbólicas por parte de intereses sociales y acciones políticas particulares, de manera que toda forma de legitimación de la autoridad encierra, en sus propias premisas, los argumentos que justifican luchas políticas hacia la modificación de los esquemas de dominación.Palabras clave: legitimidad, dominación, acción política, democratización.Abstract This article develops, in three steps, an orignal perspective of Weber’s legitimacy theory. The first one, establishes a necessary link that exists between the typical forms of legitimate domination and the social interests, in such a way that every political action that purse the realization of its interests has to legitimate itself before the general will. The second explains the legitimation crises as a response to indentity changes at the social base of the political domination and, in so doing, it introduces a dinamic concept of legitimacy. The third step states that the values that dwell in legitimate forms of political domination are used as symbolic orientations by particular social intersts and political actions, in a way that each form of authority legitimation encapsulate, in its own premises, the arguments that justify political struggles aiming toward the modification of the domination schemes.Key words: legitimacy, domination, political action, democratization.
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Hart, Pat. "Religion as a Means of Maintaining Legitimacy in the Canadian State." Axis Mundi 3 (October 6, 2017): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/axismundi74.
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“[I]f a system of rules is to be imposed by force on any, there must be a sufficient number who accept it voluntarily. Without their voluntary co-operation, thus creating authority, the coercive power of law and government cannot be established” 1 – H.L.A. Hart
“For a domination...justification of its legitimacy is much more than a matter of a theoretical or philosophical speculation; it rather constitutes the basis of very real differences in the empirical structure of domination. The reason for this fact lies in the generally observable need of any power, or even of any advantage of life, to justify itself.”2 – Max Weber
I. Introduction
In the above quotes, Hart and Weber both point to a requisite element that all nation states share in their quest to maintain a stable order. To appear legitimate, a state must represent itself in a way that is palatable to its citizens. Put differently, a state must convince its populace that the power it wields is rightly wielded. If the majority of its citizens do not accept the legitimacy of the state, then the very stability of the state is undermined; generally, it is only a matter of time before this state is overthrown or reconfigured in a fashion agreeable to the citizenry.3 This issue of legitimacy forms the basis of this study. With a focus on Canada, the following will consider a means by which legitimate status is presented and maintained by the state.
1 H.L.A Hart, The Concept of Law, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994) at 201 [Hart]. 2 Max Weber, On Law in Economy and Society. Trans. Edward Shils (Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1969) at 335 [Weber]. It is important to note that Weber devotes a significant amount of discussion to the definition of ‘domination’. Broadly speaking, Weber states, “in our terminology domination shall be identical with authoritarian power of command. To be more specific, domination will thus mean the situation in which: The manifested will (command) of the ruler or rulers is meant to influence the conduct of one or more others (the ruled) and actually does influence it in such a way that their conduct to a socially relevant degree occurs as if the ruled had made the content of the command the maxim of their conduct for its very own sake” (Weber at 328). 3 Hart, supra note 1 at 201.
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Schulz, Carsten-Andreas. "Hierarchy salience and social action: disentangling class, status, and authority in world politics." International Relations 33, no. 1 (October 16, 2018): 88–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117818803434.
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Hierarchy is a persistent feature of international politics. Existing accounts recognize that there are many ways in which actors can stand in relation to one another. Yet they struggle to make sense of this complexity. This study considers Max Weber’s contribution to understanding international hierarchy. It discusses three ideal types of stratification based on the distribution of capabilities (class), estimations of honor and prestige (status), and command relationships (authority). Following the neo-Weberian approach, these dimensions matter because they make social action intelligible. Furthermore, Weber clarifies how class and status are connected and how these two dimensions relate to authority through the process of ‘social closure’. The study concludes that scholars who focus exclusively on authority structures miss the fact that authority typically derives from other forms of stratification: although based on different logics of social stratification, class and status hierarchies often coalesce into (legitimate) authority.
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Pitcher, Anne, Mary H. Moran, and Michael Johnston. "Rethinking Patrimonialism and Neopatrimonialism in Africa." African Studies Review 52, no. 1 (April 2009): 125–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.0.0163.
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Abstract:Current usages of the terms patrimonial and neopatrimonial in the context of Africa are conceptually problematical and amount to a serious misreading of Weber. His use of the term patrimonial delineated a legitimate type of authority, not a type of regime, and included notions of reciprocity and voluntary compliance between rulers and the ruled. Those reciprocities enabled subjects to check the actions of rulers, which most analyses of (neo) patrimonialism overlook. We apply these insights to a case study of Botswana and suggest that scholars reconsider the application of Weber's concepts to African states.
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Varlamova, Natalia. "Public authority: attempt of conceptualization." Vestnik of the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia 2019, no. 4 (December 25, 2019): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35750/2071-8284-2019-4-18-25.
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The majority of interpretations of social authority is based upon its definition by M. Weber as an opportunity to exercise one’s will even against the will of other persons. In this context the authority constitutes a capacity of an individual or a community of people to force others (own members) to a certain type of conduct. In the primitive society the authority was natural, direct and detached neither from anindividual nor from a team, in general. The appropriation and xercise of authority was “interwoven” in daily activities of people and the observance (collective subordination to) of certain rules of conduct was ultimately essential for survival and thus natural and indisputable. The development of production activities of an individual and its sociality, in broad terms, led to the division of labor, inter alia, to segregation of the ruling and managerial activities and the consequent isolation of private and public areas of activity of an individual, attribution of the degree of publicity to social authority. Public authority is institutionalized authority; it is appropriated by artificial ways developed by the society and exercised through specially designated persons for these purposes (established entities) within the framework of the set procedures based on the territorial principle. Public authority is universal; it extends to all society members and to the entire area of their public activities. Once emerged in a socially stratified society, public authority inevitably acquires political nature – it is aimed at streamlining relationships between various groups and layers of the society and alignment (delineation, suppression) of their interests. This particular comprehension of public political authority underpins various definitions of the state which basically come down to the most efficient (sovereign) as well as (in a set of conceptions) proper (fair, legitimate, legal etc.) form of its organization.
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Bernasconi, Andres, and Paula Clasing. "Legitimidad en el Gobierno Universitario: Una Nueva Tipología." education policy analysis archives 23 (August 3, 2015): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v23.2001.
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We propose a typology of forms of legitimacy of authority in the university, based on the well-known classification by Max Weber of the forms of political authority based on the types to legitimacy typically invoked by those in a position of authority. This framework is adapted and expanded to the field of university governance taking into consideration the specialized literature on models of governance in higher education, and with the aid of data obtained from interviews of former university leaders with whom we discussed their experiences as university officials. Our typology consists of six forms of legitimacy: traditional, which distinguishes two forms, academic and administrative; rational-bureaucratic, which also has two modalities, managerial and legalistic, and finally, the political and charismatic forms. To stress the differences across these types of legitimacy, and try out a possible translation of them into designs amenable to empirical research, we also present an operationalization of the typology into variables and hypotheses.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Legitimate Authority (Weber)"
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Meite, Youssouf. "Théorie générale du charisme et de la crise de succession en régime charismatique." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30076/document.
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L’objet de cette thèse porte sur le charisme et la crise de succession en régime charismatique. À l’aide d’éléments théoriques puisés chez Max Weber et ses successeurs, on tente de faire un bilan, une synthèse des recherches passées et celles en cours, et de proposer notre propre compréhension du pouvoir charismatique et la question de son utilité. En effet, bien que le concept de charisme soit largement utilisé et discuté par les théoriciens du pouvoir et du leadership, il demeure encore une énigme majeure des sciences sociales, politiques et juridiques. Ainsi, persuadé de sa pertinence comme principe de légitimation du pouvoir politique, on tente d’explorer plus en avant certains de ses aspects négligés ou insuffisamment élaborés, afin de proposer une vue d’ensemble sur la question. L’illustration de ses grandes figures historiques les plus marquantes comme Mussolini, Hitler, Khomeiny, de Gaulle, Mao, Houphouët, Nkrumah nous permet d’entrevoir ses vertus et ses vices, mettant également en avant les crises de succession en régime charismatique avec leurs différentes solutionsThe purpose of this thesis deals with the charisma and the succession crisis in charismatic regime. With the help of theoretical elements drawn from Max Weber and his successors, we try to make an assessment, a summary of previous researches and those in progress, and propose our own understanding of charismatic power and the question of its usefulness. Indeed, although the concept of charisma is widely used and discussed by the theorists of power and leadership, it remains a major conundrum of social science, political and legal. So convinced of its relevance as a principle of legitimation of political power, we attempt to further explore some aspects neglected or insufficiently developed to provide an overview of the issue. The illustration of these great historical figures, the most significant, like Mussolini, Hitler, Khomeini, De Gaulle, Mao, Houphouët, and Nkrumah gives a glimpse of its virtues and its vices, thus highlighting the crises of succession in charismatic regime with their different solutions
Books on the topic "Legitimate Authority (Weber)"
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Breuer, Stefan. Max Webers Herrschaftssoziologie. Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 1991.
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J, Mommsen Wolfgang. Max Webers Herrschaftssoziologie. Studien zur Entstehung und Wirkung. Mohr, 2001.
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Emerson, Blake. The Public's Law. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190682873.001.0001.
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The Public’s Law is a theory and history of democracy in the American administrative state. The book describes how American Progressive thinkers—such as John Dewey, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Woodrow Wilson—developed a democratic understanding of the state from their study of Hegelian political thought. G.W.F. Hegel understood the state as an institution that regulated society in the interest of freedom. This normative account of the state distinguished his view from later German theorists, such as Max Weber, who adopted a technocratic conception of bureaucracy, and others, such as Carl Schmitt, who prioritized the will of the chief executive. The Progressives embraced Hegel’s view of the connection between bureaucracy and freedom, but sought to democratize his concept of the state. They agreed that welfare services, economic regulation, and official discretion were needed to guarantee conditions for self-determination. But they stressed that the people should participate deeply in administrative policymaking. This Progressive ideal influenced administrative programs during the New Deal. It also sheds light on interventions in the War on Poverty and the Second Reconstruction, as well as on the Administrative Procedure Act of 1946. The book develops a normative theory of the state on the basis of this intellectual and institutional history, with implications for deliberative democratic theory, constitutional theory, and administrative law. On this view, the administrative state should provide regulation and social services through deliberative procedures, rather than hinge its legitimacy on presidential authority or economistic reasoning.
Book chapters on the topic "Legitimate Authority (Weber)"
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McKean, Benjamin L. "Why Sovereignty Is Not the Solution." In Disorienting Neoliberalism, 179–211. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190087807.003.0007.
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Many critics of neoliberalism argue that resistance requires reasserting unconstrained state sovereignty, but this response effectively reinforces the neoliberal distinction between politics and the market rather than attending to the authority, coercion, and contestation that pervade the global economy. Such appeals to unconstrained sovereignty are found across the political spectrum; left egalitarian arguments for Brexit are illustrative. The chapter highlights contemporary philosophers like Thomas Nagel, who argue that distributive justice is only possible thanks to state coercion and that distributive justice is necessary to legitimate state coercion. Ultimately, by appealing to unconstrained state sovereignty as necessary for politics, this approach—and others which similarly draw on Weber—homogenizes state power and consequently overlooks the different ways people experience its force, such as racial disparities in the use of force by police. Such a theory is ill-suited for understanding what equal political status actually requires, even domestically.
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Tankebe, Justice. "Rightful Authority." In Crime, Justice, and Social Order, 335—C14.T3. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192859600.003.0014.
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Abstract Legitimacy is not conventionally viewed as embracing power-holders’ own need to believe in the moral validity of their authority. The main focus on legitimacy has been on its audience dimension; that is, legitimacy as perceived by those over whom power is exercised. However, legitimacy cannot be sufficiently understood from the perspective of power-audiences alone; a fuller analysis of legitimacy necessarily requires a focus on power-holders’ beliefs in the moral validity of their own claims to power. Max Weber argued that power-holder legitimacy was a precondition for any attempt at cultivating audience legitimacy. Yet in their empirical analysis of legitimacy, police scholars have not given power-holder legitimacy the importance Weber indicated it deserves. Tony Bottoms supervised the chapter author’s doctoral research, in which the author first explored the notion of self-legitimacy; this was subsequently developed in two joint publications. This chapter re-analyses the data collected in Ghana for the chapter author’s doctoral research to examine the conditions associated with police self-legitimacy.