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Journal articles on the topic 'Legitimacy of governments'
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1
Mattiacci, Eleonora, and Benjamin T. Jones. "Restoring Legitimacy: Public Diplomacy Campaigns during Civil Wars." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 4 (September 17, 2020): 867–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa065.
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Abstract Governments involved in civil wars often gain a strategic advantage from intentionally killing civilians. However, targeting civilians might also tarnish perceptions of the government’s legitimacy abroad, increasing the risk of foreign actors punishing the government. How can governments attempt to navigate this dilemma? Focusing on the United States as one of the most frequent interveners in civil wars after the Cold War, we examine one particular strategy governments might employ: public diplomacy campaigns (PDCs) targeting both the public and elites in the United States. PDCs can help governments restore perceptions of their legitimacy abroad in the face of civilian targeting by mobilizing coalitions of support and undermining critics. When governments can achieve plausible deniability for civilian deaths via militias, PDCs enable governments to reduce the damage to foreign perceptions of their legitimacy. When rebels engage in civilian targeting, PDCs allow governments to publicize these actions. We compile data PDCs in the United States by governments engaged in civil wars. Our results have important implications for current understandings of civil war combatant foreign policies, foreign interventions, and international human rights laws and norms.
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Olausson, Albin. "Legitimacy of uncertain policy work: Exploring values in local economic development projects." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 35, no. 5 (August 2020): 440–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269094220953199.
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This article takes the standpoint that, due to high levels of uncertainty, local economic development work suffers from both input- and output-based legitimacy. Nevertheless, local governments are active development agents and try to come up with economic development initiatives. In order to better understand the legitimate basis for uncertain economic development work, this article offers an unconventional analysis of economic development projects. Drawing on scholars of organization theory, legitimacy is defined as congruence in values between the studied projects and the stakeholders in the surrounding environment. The article examines what kinds of values pervade local governments’ economic development projects. The empirical material is based on thick interview and observation data derived from a study of eight local development projects in Sweden. The results show that values of professionalization and deliberation pervade the analysed projects. Taking the two sets of values together, the results indicate that local government administration seeks to legitimize its economic development work as being based on professional directed processes of public deliberation. Both these sets of values challenge the local representative democratic system of government as the prime source of the legitimacy of local governments’ interventions.
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Saugheh, Hamed Hasyemi, and Rohaida Nordin. "Legitimacy as a Precondition for the Recognition of New Governments: A Case of Libya." Sriwijaya Law Review 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2018): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.28946/slrev.vol2.iss1.111.pp69-81.
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Recognition of new Stets and governments is a political act with legal reverberations. Although the recognition of new States and governments is a traditional concept of international law but the challenging recognition of the transitional government of Libya proved that this traditional concept still can be highly exigent. Traditionally, the States in providing recognition to a new government follow their own benefits and privileges and rarely consider the structure, capacity and public support for the new government. If the rule of law and respecting democracy is going to be means of promoting peace and security is various areas of the world, is not it time to redefine the traditional concepts of international law (included of recognition of new States and government) from a new perspective? Considering the fact that, the existence of a legitimate authority in a group enhances the effective functioning of that group and reduces the internal conflicts, it seems that it is time to expand the political concept of legitimacy of the authorities into the international law. Is there any State practice to support the argument? In this article, the existence of norm creating forces and role of legitimacy in the recognition of the Libyan Transitional Government is going to be analysed. The After studying the role of legitimacy of the Libyan NTC in passing the sovereignty from the past regime to the new government by the international community, the effect of lack of legitimacy on the previous regime will be examined and the question of withdrawing of recognition of governments will be addressed.
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McQuarrie, Fiona A. E., Alex Kondra, and Kai Lamertz. "The impact of government's coercive power on the perceived legitimacy of Canadian post-secondary institutions." Canadian Journal of Higher Education 43, no. 2 (August 31, 2013): 149–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v43i2.2571.
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Governments regulate and control organizations, yet their role in determining organizational legitimacy is largely unexamined. In the changing Canadian post-secondary landscape, legitimacy is an increasingly important issue for post-secondary institutions as they compete amongst themselves for access to ever-shrinking resources. Using an institutional theory framework, we analyze two examples of government policy and legislation relating to the organizational legitimacy of Canadian post-secondary institutions. Based on this analysis, we suggest a more nuanced understanding of the effects of government’s coercive power on organizational legitimacy.
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Smith, Jennifer. "Intergovernmental Relations, Legitimacy, and the Atlantic Accords." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 17, no. 1, 2 & 3 (July 11, 2011): 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c91h3k.
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Are the Atlantic Accords regarded as legiti- mate agreements in Canada? If not, why not? And does it matter? The purpose of this article is to answer these questions. Legitimacy resides in the eyes of the be- holder. Who is the beholder? Initially, one thinks mainly of citizens in this respect. How- ever, another beholder is government — other governments. In federations, governments of- ten deal directly with one another, a sphere of activity called executive federalism. When the central government negotiates agreements with one or more (but not all) regional governments, the rest are relegated to the status of observ- ers. As observers, they might well have ideas on the legitimacy of the activity, including the process used and the resulting agreement that is reached.
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Gathii, James. "Introduction to the AJIL Unbound Symposium on Recognition of Governments and Customary International Law." AJIL Unbound 108 (2014): 199–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300002166.
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In the lead essay in this symposium, Professor Erika de Wet contends that notwithstanding all of the post-Cold War enthusiasm for a right to democratic governance and the non-recognition of governments resulting from coups and unconstitutional changes of government, a customary international law norm on the nonrecognition of governments established anti-democratically has not emerged. De Wet’s position, primarily based on state practice in Africa, is vigorously debated by six commentators.Jure Vidmar agrees with de Wet that the representative legitimacy of governments still lies primarily in effective control over the territory of the state. Vidmar, in his contribution, examines recent collective practice when neither the incumbent government nor the insurgents control the territory exclusively, arguing that in such cases states may apply human rights considerations. Like de Wet, however, Vidmar regards state practice as ambivalent and unamenable to ideal-type distinctions between coups (against a democratically legitimate government) and regime changes (to a democratically legitimate government).
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Hassfurther, Isabelle. "Transforming the “International Unsociety”: Towards Eutopia by Means of International Recognition of Peoples’ Representatives." Volume 60 · 2017 60, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 451–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/gyil.60.1.451.
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This paper proposes a criterion of legitimacy for recognition of governments as a contribution to the “revolution in the mind”, a procedural vehicle towards a transformed international society envisioned by Philip Allott in his latest work ‘Eutopia’. It is suggested that in order to promote a shift from mere State co-existence to Allott’s Eutopia – a unified and flourishing human society – the representatives participating in the international process of renegotiating common values and ideas must be chosen according to a criterion coinciding with this end, not based on effective territorial control. Against this background, different contemporary proposals for determining legitimacy of governments are discussed, none of which seem apt to designate those employing the central mediating function between inner-State societies and the international sphere. Neither constitutional legality nor imposing a system of democratic legitimation necessarily ensure adequate representation of the free choice of the peoples. By contrast, the right to political self-determination, understood as an entitlement to exercise public sovereignty and be represented by the chosen government, provides a point of departure for a criterion of legitimacy sufficiently respecting normative expectations of the distinct national societies. Beyond this relative component, however, the dual role of legitimacy on the international plane calls for certain additional criteria reflecting a prospective international society’s core values. Therefore, a regime’s commission of mass atrocities, violating ius cogens norms which prioritise human beings and their flourishing, invariably deprives it of legitimacy to participate in the international self-constituting. A criterion of legitimacy so understood – combining relative and absolute standards of legitimacy, thereby ensuring the representation of varying societies’ ideas while safeguarding certain international core standards – could facilitate a ‘transitory Eutopia’ of legitimate peoples’ representatives, ultimately serving as a catalyst towards Allott’s “shared humanity of all human beings”.
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Flückiger, Matthias, Markus Ludwig, and Ali Sina Önder. "Ebola and State Legitimacy." Economic Journal 129, no. 621 (January 8, 2019): 2064–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ecoj.12638.
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Abstract We exploit the West African Ebola epidemic as an event that necessitated the provision of a common-interest public good, Ebola control measures, to empirically investigate the effect of public good provision on state legitimacy. Our results show that state legitimacy, measured by trust in government authorities, increased with exposure to the epidemic. We argue, supported by results from SMS-message-based surveys, that a potentially important channel underlying this finding is a greater valuation of control measures in regions with intense transmission. Evidence further indicates that the effects of Ebola exposure are more pronounced in areas where governments responded relatively robustly to the epidemic.
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Scharpf, Fritz W. "Legitimacy in the multilevel European polity." European Political Science Review 1, no. 2 (July 2009): 173–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773909000204.
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To be at the same time effective and liberal, governments must normally be able to count on voluntary compliance – which, in turn, depends on the support of socially shared legitimacy beliefs. In Western constitutional democracies, such beliefs are derived from the distinct, but coexistent traditions of ‘republican’ and ‘liberal’ political philosophy. Judged by these criteria, the European Union – when considered by itself – appears as a thoroughly liberal polity which, however, lacks all republican credentials. But this view (which seems to structure the debates about the ‘European democratic deficit’) ignores the multilevel nature of the European polity, where the compliance of citizens is requested, and needs to be legitimated, by member states, whereas the Union appears as a ‘government of governments’, which is entirely dependent on the voluntary compliance of its member states. What matters primarily, therefore, is the compliance–legitimacy relationship between the Union and its member states – which, however, is normatively constrained by the basic compliance–legitimacy relationship between member governments and their constituents. Given the high consensus requirements of European legislation, member governments could, and should, be able to assume political responsibility for European policies in which they had a voice, and to justify them in ‘communicative discourses’ in the national public space. That is not necessarily so for ‘non-political’ policy choices imposed by the European Court of Justice (ECJ). By enforcing its ‘liberal’ programme of liberalization and deregulation, the ECJ may presently be undermining the ‘republican’ bases of member-state legitimacy. Where that is the case, open non-compliance is a present danger, and political controls of judicial legislation may be called for.
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Li, Jinghan. "The Legitimacy Boundary of Government Intervention in Price." International Journal of Social Sciences and Public Administration 3, no. 2 (June 26, 2024): 463–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.62051/ijsspa.v3n2.56.
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The tourism market has become an important driving force for local economic growth, thus local governments have intensions to promote the development of local tourism industry by intervening in tourist hotel room prices during major holidays. Through four events, three modes of local government intervention in hotel prices can be summarized: first, the government takes administrating price replaces the market regulation price mechanisms; second, the government takes restrictions on the pricing rights of operators while maintaining market regulation price mechanisms; third, under the market regulation price mechanisms, the governments exhort operators to exercise price self-discipline. The second model contains potential risk of breaking price rule of law because price mechanism and pricing rights of operators are confirmed by constitution. The three modes have caused intuition chaos between regions and make a consequence in dividing the nationwide tourism hotel market into fragments. Under the requirement of constructing unified national market, the order of hotel price should be maintained from unified, legal, and diverse dimension.
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Schuit, Anne. "Recognition of Governments in International Law and the Recent Conflict in Libya." International Community Law Review 14, no. 4 (2012): 381–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341236.
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Abstract The meaning of recognition of governments varies in time and between individual States. At a minimum it entails that the recognising State wishes to be bound by the international legal consequences of recognition. How to recognise a government is not defined, as the decision whether or not to recognise a government is a unilateral act and at the discretion of each individual State. The most important criteria for recognising a government are the effective control and the legitimacy doctrine, although some States have decided to abolish the recognition of governments all together. Applying the criteria for recognition of governments to the conflict in Libya in 2011, it is concluded that the recognition of the Transitional National Council by some States while the Gadaffi regime was still in control over large parts of the territory is probably not supported by the effective control or legitimacy doctrine. This could invoke State responsibility.
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Mena, Sébastien, and Guido Palazzo. "Input and Output Legitimacy of Multi-Stakeholder Initiatives." Business Ethics Quarterly 22, no. 3 (July 2012): 527–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/beq201222333.
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ABSTRACT:In a globalizing world, governments are not always able or willing to regulate the social and environmental externalities of global business activities. Multi-stakeholder initiatives (MSI), defined as global institutions involving mainly corporations and civil society organizations, are one type of regulatory mechanism that tries to fill this gap by issuing soft law regulation. This conceptual paper examines the conditions of a legitimate transfer of regulatory power from traditional democratic nation-state processes to private regulatory schemes, such as MSIs. Democratic legitimacy is typically concerned with input legitimacy (rule credibility, or the extent to which the regulations are perceived as justified) and output legitimacy (rule effectiveness, or the extent to which the rules effectively solve the issues). In this study, we identify MSI input legitimacy criteria (inclusion, procedural fairness, consensual orientation, and transparency) and those of MSI output legitimacy (rule coverage, efficacy, and enforcement), and discuss their implications for MSI democratic legitimacy.
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Kahar, A., A. C. Furqan, and T. Tenripada. "The Effect of Budget, Audit and Government Performance: Empirical Evidence from Indonesian Regional Governments." Economy of Regions 19, no. 1 (2023): 289–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.17059/ekon.reg.2023-1-22.
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The development of public sector accounting was now propelled by stakeholder demands on bureaucratic performance, accountability and transparency, to pay close attention to tax revenues and expenditures with due regard to financial governance through positive auditing results. The Indonesian government enacted a new rule of Government Accounting Standard No. 71 of 2010 which fundamentally changed the form of government accounting books. The impact of these changes on budgeting, auditing and government performance in the early days of their implementation is crucial as a basis for reference for later reforms. This study aims to examine empirically the effect of audit opinion on the performance of Indonesian local governments by considering the mediating effect of revenue and expenditure realisation based on legitimacy and public choice theories. Data from 32 provinces in Indonesia during the 2010-2014 period with a total number of 150 observations (province-years) was analysed by least square regression. The research found that, in line with legitimacy theory, the previous year’s audit opinion had a significant and positive effect both directly and indirectly through the realisation of regional expenditure as a mediating variable on the performance of local governments. However, regarding public choice theory, the results must be carefully interpreted as the mediating effect of the realisation of expenditure on how audit opinions affect the performance of the provincial government depending on the measurements used. The result may be used by the government, provincial government, local parliament and the Audit Board of Indonesia in policy setting, supervision and inspection in improving the performance of the provincial government. Audit opinion, in relation to the realisation of government expenditure and its function, indirectly boosts the performance of local government in developing countries.
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Beshenich, Caroline. "People, Government Legitimacy, and the Risk for Abuse: a Discussion." Language Culture Politics International Journal 1, no. 1/2023 (November 23, 2023): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.54515/lcp.2023.1.149-167.
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The article seeks to understand the relationship between government legitimacy and the citizens of a state. Specifically, it looks how the person’s ability to build a family and fulfill their purpose can be enabled or inhibited by their government’s actions. The article proposes building a framework based on the Personalism found in John Paul II’s work Love and Responsibility, as the basis for an approach that governments can look towards in the effort to take citizen-based actions internationally and domestically. This will ensure the State’s people are respected and their dignity upheld. Without considering the person in these processes, it is possible to overlook them in politics, and so put them at risk for abuse.
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Dieudonne, Nebane. "African Traditional Medicine: Improving its Legitimacy with Legality." EAS Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies 5, no. 02 (March 3, 2023): 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.36349/easjhcs.2023.v05i02.001.
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Traditional medicine is a part and parcel of African culture. In 2002, the WHO recognized that about 80% of Africans depended on traditional medicine for their health problems. Hence, WHO recommended that governments should incorporate traditional medicines into their NHS so as to improve on primary health care. Since then, the process of acceptance and integration of traditional medicine into the NHS by African governments has been done slowly with reluctance. They cited some issues with the practice of traditional medicine which prevent integration. However, with the legitimacy that traditional medicine enjoys, the public continues to use it for their health care challenges. Traditional medicine was also used to fight against covid-19. This article intends to examine how the legitimacy of traditional medicine can be improved by adding legality to it. Methodologically, it does a thematic study and a review of literature. Its analysis is qualitative in form. Traditional medicine is widely practiced in Africa. Having recognized the worth of traditional medicine, most African governments have allowed the public use of traditional medicine because of advocacy and its wide acceptance which gives it a legitimate status. The provision of higher quality services by traditional health care providers will be improved if legality is added to the legitimacy that it already has. Having proven its worth in the fight against covid-19, it should have a status that will make it more professional, productive and proactive in improving the health care of its users.
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Smith-Walter, Aaron, and Fatima Sparger Sharif. "is government (un)dead?: What apocalyptic fiction tells us about our view of public administration." International Journal of Organization Theory & Behavior 17, no. 3 (March 1, 2017): 336–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijotb-17-03-2014-b004.
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The zombie-plague apocalypse is a powerful social imaginary that focuses attention on the border between legitimate citizens and zombie “others.” The surge in the number of zombie apocalypse films provides an illuminating area for studying the role imagined for public administration by popular culture. The response to zombies in apocalyptic films brings to fore new realities with the re-conceptualization of the legitimacy and authority of government. This re-conceptualization provides content for analyzing the portrayal of existing governmental institutions overwhelmed by the apocalypse, including local governments, the military, public health agencies, emergency services, and public utilities,
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Akter, Kohenour, Yusra Ribhi Shawar, Anene Tesfa, Callie Daniels Howell, Gloria Seruwagi, Agnes Kyamulabi, Albert Dube, et al. "Influences on policy-formulation, decision-making, organisation and management for maternal, newborn and child health in Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Malawi and Uganda: The roles and legitimacy of a multi-country network." PLOS Global Public Health 3, no. 11 (November 21, 2023): e0001742. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0001742.
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The Network for Improving Quality of Care for Maternal, Newborn and Child Health (QCN) is intended to facilitate learning, action, leadership and accountability for improving quality of care in member countries. This requires legitimacy—a network’s right to exert power within national contexts. This is reflected, for example, in a government’s buy-in and perceived ownership of the work of the network. During 2019–2022 we conducted iterative rounds of stakeholder interviews, observations of meetings, document review, and hospital observations in Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Malawi, Uganda and at the global level. We developed a framework drawing on three models: Tallberg and Zurn which conceptualizes legitimacy of international organisations dependent on their features, the legitimation process and beliefs of audiences; Nasiritousi and Faber, which looks at legitimacy in terms of problem, purpose, procedure, and performance of institutions; Sanderink and Nasiritousi, to characterize networks in terms of political, normative and cognitive interactions. We used thematic analysis to characterize, compare and contrast institutional interactions in a cross-case synthesis to determine salient features. Political and normative interactions were favourable within and between countries and at global level since collective decisions, collaborative efforts, and commitment to QCN goals were observed at all levels. Sharing resources and common principles were not common between network countries, indicating limits of the network. Cognitive interactions—those related to information sharing and transfer of ideas—were more challenging, with the bi-directional transfer, synthesis and harmonization of concepts and methods, being largely absent among and within countries. These may be required for increasing government ownership of QCN work, the embeddedness of the network, and its legitimacy. While we find evidence supporting the legitimacy of QCN from the perspective of country governments, further work and time are required for governments to own and embed the work of QCN in routine care.
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Nyman-Metcalf, Katrin, and Ioannis Papageorgiou. "The Right for Regional Integration Organisations to Protect Democracy: Legitimacy at the Regional Level?" Baltic Journal of European Studies 6, no. 1 (February 1, 2016): 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2016-0002.
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AbstractRecently there have been several examples of different regional integration systems intervening to prevent unconstitutional events. The interventions can be based on explicit powers or be developed in response to events. This happens despite most regional integration systems having economic cooperation rather than explicit democratisation aims. Organs that issue laws or take constraining decisions must have a clear right to do this and a basis for exercising power-in other words, be legitimate. Where legitimacy comes from is debated, but as most countries today are democracies or purport to be, it somehow emanates from the people. National governments have a higher degree of legitimacy than regional integration organisations, possibly except the European Union. Regional integration organisations have to prove their legitimacy. The article examines if, to what extent, and on what basis regional integration systems have the right to exercise an independent role on the global stage. Legitimacy is a precondition for effective application of decisions of the organisation. Given the frequent lack of strong enforcement mechanisms, the question of legitimacy becomes even more important. With strong legitimacy, decisions taken by the regional integration organisation will be followed to a large extent even despite absence of effective enforcement mechanisms.
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Karpenko, Konstantin V. "Two Sovereignties for One State: C. de Gaulle and P. Pétain." History of state and law 3 (March 7, 2024): 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3805-2024-3-18-22.
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In 1940-1944, the Vichy government existed in France simultaneously with the government of C. de Gaulle. Contemporaries and successors expressed doubts concerning the legitimacy and legality of both governments. However, this historical and legal dispute was finally resolved with the help of justice.
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Metinsoy, Saliha. "“Selective Friendship at the Fund”: United States Allies, Labor Conditions, and the International Monetary Fund’s Legitimacy." Politics and Governance 10, no. 3 (August 23, 2022): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i3.5303.
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This article discusses the International Monetary Fund’s recent effort to garner legitimacy by incorporating the reduction of economic inequality in its lending programs. It argues that the impact of the US as a major shareholder on conditionality and geopolitical considerations beyond objective and measurable economic necessities detract from these efforts to expand legitimacy. Using a panel data analysis of International Monetary Fund programs between 1980 and 2013, the article shows that US-allied left-wing governments receive a larger number of labor conditions in their programs compared to non-allied and right-wing governments. The article argues that this is part of left-wing governments’ strategy of maintaining their alliance with the US and demonstrating ideological proximity. In exchange, the US uses its influence to secure fewer conditions in total for its allied governments. This not only shifts the burden of adjustment on labor groups but also harms the Fund’s procedural legitimacy, as conditions are not objectively determined. It also has adverse implications for outcome legitimacy by distorting economic policies and outcomes and increasing income inequality.
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Woestenburg, Alexander, Erwin van der Krabben, and Tejo Spit. "Legitimacy Dilemmas in Direct Government Intervention: The Case of Public Land Development, an Example from the Netherlands." Land 8, no. 7 (July 9, 2019): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land8070110.
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The current paper examines the legitimacy dilemmas that rise from local governments’ direct policy instruments and market interventions. It takes the case of public land management strategies. The paper argues that current societal challenges—such as energy transition, climate change and inclusive urban innovation—require planning practices to be more effective. Direct government instruments such as direct market interventions have proven to significantly reduce the implementation gap of planning practice. Looking at significant urban challenges, municipalities worldwide could be urged to apply such direct government instruments on a larger scale in the future. However, although direct government intervention in markets can be very effective, it is also controversial in terms of legitimacy. It explicitly and inevitably introduces financial incentives to the organization of government. Balancing these incentives against spatial planning interests unavoidably causes dilemmas. Based on eight Dutch case studies, this paper develops a framework to systematically spell out the legitimacy dilemmas that stem from public market intervention. It facilitates an explicit discussion on varying instrumental rationalities and improving the legitimacy of public action.
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Taylor, Zack. "Pathways to legitimacy." Planning Theory 18, no. 2 (October 17, 2018): 214–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473095218806929.
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Planners are centrally concerned with the legitimacy of planning institutions and practices. In a democratic society, governments depend on the voluntary compliance of external actors for the implementation of their policies. Planning theorists have largely focused on the inclusiveness and quality of deliberation in goal-setting. This article expands this focus using Scharpf’s and Schmidt’s distinction between three domains of legitimation—input, throughput, and output—each of which affords a distinct pathway to legitimacy. These legitimation processes are examined through a comparison of the postwar development of American regional planning institutions in Minneapolis–St Paul, Minnesota, and Portland, Oregon. The input-throughput-output distinction can be used to interpret the operation and impacts of historical planning activities, or prospectively to evaluate the potential impacts of institutional reforms.
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de Wet, Erika. "The role of democratic legitimacy in the recognition of governments in Africa since the end of the Cold War." International Journal of Constitutional Law 17, no. 2 (April 2019): 470–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moz036.
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Abstract This article explores whether recent institutional reforms within Africa have modified the traditional criterion of effective control as the decisive requirement for recognition of de jure governments in the region. It examines in particular whether measures adopted by the African Union (AU) for outlawing unconstitutional changes of government have elevated democratic legitimacy to an (additional) criterion for governmental recognition. The article illustrates that on the whole, the practice of the AU has been neither consistent in the condemnation of coup regimes nor keen to support popular movements that oppose authoritarian rule, or scrutinize the democratic pedigree of governments for the purposes of (continued) recognition. In essence, the AU’s institutional commitments to oppose unconstitutional changes of government amount to guiding principles, rather than binding obligations. While at times decisive, democratic legitimacy has not yet replaced effective control as the point of departure for governmental recognition.
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Jafari, Mahtab. "The Relationship between Performance of the Administrative System and National Authority of Governments: An Islamic Point Of View." Public administration aspects 6, no. 4 (May 15, 2018): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/15201817.
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Each government consists of two dimensions: 1) a sructural dimension that involves policy- and decision-making bodies and, 2) a functional dimension that is a set of government institutions and administrations. Also, national authority in a country is an outcome of three components, including legitimacy, acceptance, and efficiency of its government. The authority of governments is not merely limited to their structural legitimacy and acceptance; but, their functional dimension and the performance of their administrations also play a crucial role in building and strengthening their legitimacy. Therefore, the aim of the present study is to investigate how the administrative system of a government affects its national authority, with an emphasis on the Islamic point of view. To do so, this research has been carried out within the framework of theoretical research with practical purpose. The research method of the current study was descriptive-analytical. In the present study, the relationship between two variables – namely, “administrative system” and “national authority”– has been investigated within the framework of causal research. Due to the theoretical nature of this study, the resources used mostly include documents and library resources. The results of this study indicate that there is a direct and causal relationship between the national authority of governments (effect) and the performance of their administrative system (cause). Also, this relationship reveals how the administrative system affects national authority.
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Canel, Maria-José, Evandro Samuel Oliveira, and Vilma Luoma-aho. "Exploring citizens’ judgments about the legitimacy of public policies on refugees." Journal of Communication Management 21, no. 4 (November 6, 2017): 355–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcom-02-2017-0025.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is threefold: to introduce a theoretical frame regarding the meaning of legitimacy as an intangible asset of the public sector; to test a way of operationalizing legitimacy typologies that allows exploring and comparing how citizens from two countries evaluate the legitimacy of public policies; and to suggest implications for governments’ legitimacy-building strategies in shared international crisis, such as the refugees coming from the Syrian region. Design/methodology/approach Building on Suchman’s typology, it was defined and categorized different types of legitimacy into concrete measurable, communication related statements concerning consequential, procedural, structural and personal. For the illustrative example, four focus groups were conducted in two different European societies as a mean to have two poles of comparison. Findings The paper reports current understanding of legitimacy by citizens, discusses how different legitimacy types might demand different communication and public diplomacy approaches. The basis for hypothesis for further research on how governments should build legitimacy during emerging societal issues such as immigration policies is set. Practical implications It proposes a typology and its operationalization, discusses how communication might shape legitimacy and profiles the challenge governments have in building it. Within a public diplomacy context, it brings clues for new strategies to the challenge of explaining policies on international crisis combining the tension of domestic with foreign publics. Originality/value There is little research so far in search for clues for communication strategies for the legitimacy of policies on the 2015 European refugee’s crisis. This contributes to the emerging area of intangible assets in the public sector and tests a focus-group research strategy with both hermeneutical and pragmatic aims. Combine public diplomacy theory with public sector intangible assets theory to respond to the tension of internal and external public demands.
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Hanley, Seán. "Legitimacy and the Paradox of Technocratic Government in Newer European Democracies: The Fischer Administration in the Czech Republic Revisited." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 1 (October 15, 2017): 78–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417734281.
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The creation of technocratic caretaker governments in several European countries in the wake of the Great Recession (2008–2009) and the Eurozone crisis led to renewed academic interest in such administrations. Although such governments are often assumed to be illegitimate and democratically dysfunctional, there has been little empirical consideration of if and how they legitimate themselves to mass publics. This question is particularly acute given that, empirically, caretaker technocrat-led administrations have been clustered in newer, more crisis-prone democracies in Southern and Eastern Europe where high levels of state exploitation by parties suggest a weak basis for any government claiming technocratic impartiality. This article uses Michael Saward’s “representative claims” framework to re-examine the case of one of Europe’s longer-lasting and most popular technocratic administrations, the 2009–2010 Fischer government in the Czech Republic. The article maps representative claims made for Fischer and his government, as well as counterclaims. Claims drew on the electoral mandate of sponsoring parties, the government’s claimed technocratic neutrality, and on Fischer’s “mirroring” of the values and lifestyle of ordinary Czechs (echoing some populist framings of politics). The article argues that the Fischer government benefited from multiple overlapping representative claims, but notes the need for robust methodology to assess the reception claims by their intended constituency. It concludes by considering the implications of actors’ ability to combine populist and technocratic claims, noting similarities in technocratic governments and some types of anti-establishment party.
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Murphy, Sean D. "Democratic Legitimacy and the Recognition of States and Governments." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 48, no. 3 (July 1999): 545–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300063430.
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In a seminal 1992 article Thomas Franck postulated the emergence in international law of a right to democratic governance.1 Franck argued that, increasingly, the acceptance of a government by other States turns on whether the government governs with the consent of its people.In supporting this notion, Franck pointed to events such as the 1991 effort by Haitian military and police authorities to overthrow the elected President of Haiti, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Although those authorities exercised complete control over Haiti, the international community condemned the coup leaders, refused to engage in normal diplomatic relations with them or to seat their representatives at international organisations, and instead continued to recognise the exiled President Aristide as representing the legitimate government of Haiti. Severe economic and ultimately military sanctions were imposed on Haiti, and finally, in 1994, the coup leaders were forced to relinquish power. President Aristide then returned to Haiti to complete his term as president.
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Hutchison, Marc L., and Kristin Johnson. "Capacity to trust? Institutional capacity, conflict, and political trust in Africa, 2000–2005." Journal of Peace Research 48, no. 6 (November 2011): 737–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343311417981.
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Civil conflict and state failure has often been linked to breakdowns in regime legitimacy. Trust in government is a critical element of regime legitimacy and the state’s ability to mediate between the demands of competing groups within society. We contend that government capability is a primary factor in shaping individuals’ ascription of legitimacy to the state. Capable governments foster perceptions of legitimacy while poor institutional performance decreases the degree to which individuals trust their government. While some tests of this relationship exist in extant literature, much of the work fails to integrate both micro- and macro-level factors, is confined to regions with established state performance, or is based on single-country studies. Our approach avoids many of these deficiencies by using 32 Afrobarometer surveys collected across 16 different countries from 2000 to 2005 and employing hierarchical linear models to estimate the effects of temporal-specific, state-level variables on levels of individual trust. We find that higher institutional capacity is associated with increased levels of individual trust in government across African countries. Furthermore, we demonstrate that this effect on political trust is independent of other individual-level attitudes, socio-economic characteristics, and a state’s prior internal conflicts.
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Shang, Po P. "Myanmar's Foreign Policy: Shifting Legitimacy, Shifting Strategic Culture." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 41, no. 1 (October 22, 2021): 88–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/18681034211044481.
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Since 2011, while the principles of foreign policy “independent, active, and non-aligned” under the respective governments under the Union Solidarity and Development Party and the National League for Democracy have remained the same, the foreign policy approaches – including the concept of non-alignment – of the two leaders of these governments have been quite different. This article describes the survival and foreign policy of the small country of Myanmar beyond the great power lens, arguing that the impact of strategic culture on the two governments since 2011 has differed because of the different levels of legitimacy enjoyed by the two leaders. The cornerstones of Myanmar's strategic culture are (1) that it shall never tolerate foreign interference, (2) that it shall always pursue self-reliance in its diplomacy, and (3) that the very nature of Myanmar is to be independent.
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Wedell, George. "Here is the news, the BBC is tumbling down." Government and Opposition 32, no. 2 (April 1997): 275–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb00162.x.
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ALL GOVERNMENTS WHETHER OR NOT PARTICIPATIVE NEED TO KEEP an eye on public opinion if they are to maintain their legitimacy. Even autocratic governments have to provide some bread and circuses for their citizens if they are to stay in power. Autocratic governments throughout history have relied on achieving the acquiescence of their citizens first by convincing most of them that the status quo is the best available, given the constraints under which the government is operating at the time. Alternatively they have had to externalize their problems by convincing the citizens that there is external pressure which can be resisted only by the exercise of restraint and patriotic support for the government.
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Zamzani, Irsyad. "Dancing with Legitimacy: Globalisation, Educational Decentralisation, and the State in Indonesia." Masyarakat Indonesia 46, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jmi.v46i1.916.
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Decentralization has become a global norm that has changed the face of education governance in many countries since the late 1970s. This movement utterly swept up Indonesia in 2001 after the severe legitimacy crisis ended the three-decade-reigning centralist regime of the New Order. Using the analytical concepts of the new institutional theory and drawing upon data from documents and interviews with strategic informants, the thesis investigates how the institutional legitimacy of educational decentralization was garnered, manipulated, and then contested. The narrative of educational decentralization in Indonesia was initially scripted by multilateral actors with the neoliberal spirit of market supremacy. However, against the liberal and critical arguments that suggest the weakening of the central state or the rise of market institutions as the follow-up of educational decentralization, the findings show a somewhat contrasting reality. Decentralization has facilitated the proliferation of Weberian states in the local district arenas, which equally claim institutional legitimacy for governing the local educational system in their respective ways. From the comparative studies of two local district governments, Kupang and Surabaya, the thesis shows how the legitimacy of the central government authority continues to be challenged in the localities. Despite the central government’s pressures for national standards and their enforcement measures, local educational governance survives with different, illegitimate models and practices. Thus, rather than becoming a local 94 | Masyarakat Indonesia, Vol. 46 (1), JUNI 2020 INTRODUCTION Indonesia is one of the countries deeply affected by the global decentralisation movement. There had been several efforts by the country’s government to cope with such global pressure (Devas, 1997; Malo and Nas, 1991), but none had much effect until the 2001 decentralisation big bang (Bünte, 2004; Fealy and Aspinall, 2003). The post-2001 decentralisation was one of the major institutional reforms that ended the dictatorial Suharto’s New Order regime in the late 1990s. Before the reform, Indonesia education was highly centralised and fragmented. The management of education was shared between the Ministry of Education and Culture (MoEC) and the Ministry of Home Affairs (MoHA). The MoEC was responsible for the curriculum of all primary and secondary schools and the personnel of secondary schools: the MoHA was responsible for the personnel of primary and junior secondary schools. Both departments had their provincial and district or municipal offices and this made management highly bureaucratic. The 2001 decentralisation reform dissolved both departments’ organisational structures in the regions, which gave the district and municipal governments greater autonomy in running most public service sectors, including education. Adopting common decentralisation practices, some policy reforms were also enacted to give schools a degree of managerial autonomy and to provide the community with a participatory role in policymaking. Governance fragmentation and inefficiency were the problems that most concerned Indonesian reformers when they firstly discussed and formulated the reform program (Jalal and Supriadi, 2001). By removing the central government’s bureaucratic structure from local bureaucracies, it was expected that education delivery would become more efficient and the district government the only education authority in the regions (World Bank, 1998a). However, this has never been the case. On the one hand, decentralisation was welcomed by local élites as a big increase in power and authority. They do become dominant education authorities which control all public schools and teachers in their territories. On the other hand, despite the central-government structure’s removal, education decentralisation reform did not significantly reduce the MoEC’s influence. Two years after decentralisation, in 2003, a new education law was passed and the MoEC was given a new role: that is, setting the national education standards. With these standards, the ministry is authorised to inspect school performance through the school accreditation, student performance through the national examinations, and teacher performance through the teacher certification policy. In addition, to ensure those standards were maintained, the central government started to regulate almost all facets of education: from curriculum to school uniforms. There are hundreds of ministerial regulations and trillions of rupiah allocated from the central government budget to support the implementation of the standards. This makes the structure of Indonesian education governance so contradictory: it is radically decentralised but at the same time highly standardised. The demands of decentralisation and standardisation have become increasingly stronger from the two competing parties: the local and central governments. The MoEC keeps producing and revising regulations and policy strategies to enforce the standards only to find that they are too often neglected by the local governments. Many of the MoEC’s regulations of things like school fees, principals’ appointment, teacher management and classroom size were evaded because they were at odds with local interests. This practice has frustrated MoEC officials who frequently express their bitterness. They are helpless to deal with all the local noncompliance because the MoEC no longer has the power to apply basis for reinforcing the legitimating capacity of educational decentralization as a global institution, the different practices might become the local source of delegitimation. Some nation-states would rethink their conformity to the international pressure of decentralization if they were aware that the policy would potentially lead them to another crisis of legitimacy
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RIM, YEJOON. "Two Governments and One Legitimacy: International Responses to the Post-Election Crisis in Côte d'Ivoire." Leiden Journal of International Law 25, no. 3 (July 30, 2012): 683–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156512000349.
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AbstractThis article examines international responses to the post-election crisis in Côte d'Ivoire, where two distinct governments were established due to contradiction between the election results proclaimed domestically and those certified by the internationally entrusted authority observing the election. Between two competing authorities, the international community stood firmly in favour of the internationally recognized president-elect as ‘legitimate authority’ while acting against the opponent whom they considered to hold ‘illegitimate authority’. Considering the principle of democracy as the underlying rationale grounding the international responses, this article identifies three mechanisms that incorporate and thus promote the principle of democracy: international election monitoring as setting mechanism, international representation as consolidating mechanism, and international intervention as enforcing mechanism. In accordance with these analyses, the current stage of democracy in international legal discourse is queried, particularly the democratic entitlement of a government in relation to determination of its international legitimacy.
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Liu, Xiao-xiao, Lai Si Tsui-Auch, Jun Jie Yang, Xueli Wang, Aihua Chen, and Kai Wang. "The Color of Faults Depends on the Lens: MNCs’ Legitimacy Repair in Response to Framing by Local Governments in China." Management and Organization Review 15, no. 02 (June 2019): 429–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mor.2019.29.
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ABSTRACTConcerns over food safety in China not only direct public attention to negative incidents, but also trigger the government's scrutiny of implicated firms, particularly MNCs. The question of how to repair legitimacy after media coverage of negative incidents has become a critical issue for MNCs. Although the factors for MNCs’ public crises have been identified, how local contexts and mechanisms shape repair approaches remain unclear. To address this research gap, we conducted a study of Walmart China's approaches associated with two negative incidents across two regions. We found that the negative incidents can be framed differently depending on the local environment's unfavorability for MNCs. Specifically, the negative framing gave rise to varying degrees of legitimacy loss and offered different leeway for MNCs to repair their legitimacy. We also identified the varied outcomes of different repair approaches. By revealing the linkages among local context, framing, legitimacy repair, and its outcomes, our study contributes to research on MNCs’ legitimacy management under institutional complexity and underscores the China context for legitimacy maintenance. We also offer insights that advance the institutional approach to legitimacy repair in this context. Last, we reflect on the techniques for conducting qualitative research in China.
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LANDIS, JOEL E. "Whither Parties? Hume on Partisanship and Political Legitimacy." American Political Science Review 112, no. 2 (December 12, 2017): 219–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055417000545.
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Recent work by party scholars reveals a widening gap between the normative ideals we set out for political parties and the empirical evidence that reveals their deep and perhaps insurmountable shortcomings in realizing these ideals. This disjunction invites us to consider the perspective of David Hume, who offers a theory of the value and proper function of parties that is resilient to the pessimistic findings of recent empirical scholarship. I analyze Hume's writings to show that the psychological experience of party informs the opinions by which governments can be considered legitimate. Hume thus invites us to consider the essential role parties might play in securing legitimacy as that ideal is practiced or understood by citizens, independent of the ideal understandings of legitimacy currently being articulated by theorists. My analysis contributes to both recent party scholarship and to our understanding of the role of parties in Hume's theory of allegiance.
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Levin, Benjamin. "Review of Governments and Higher Education: The Legitimacy of Intervention." Canadian Journal of Higher Education 17, no. 3 (December 31, 1987): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v17i3.183024.
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Lieven, Anatol. "Realist Internationalism and the Issue of Legitimacy." Rossiya v globalnoi politike 22, no. 2 (2024): 54–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6439-2024-22-2-54-84.
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To try to square this circle leads to the identification of the domestic threats to democracy with an alleged “alliance of authoritarianisms”, and therefore to the dangerous implication that democracy in America can only be saved by the overthrow of other governments and states.
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Smith, Jessica C. "Where Are the Women? Descriptive Representation and COVID-19 in U.K. Daily Press Briefings." Politics & Gender 16, no. 4 (July 30, 2020): 991–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x20000513.
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AbstractAs governments tackle the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, both the role of women in governments and the specific effect of the pandemic on women have come under scrutiny. This research note examines the descriptive representation of women in the U.K. government's response to the coronavirus. It finds that 43% of the government's daily press briefings featured an all-male lineup with no female politician or expert present. In particular, female politicians are missing, with only one female cabinet member ever leading the briefing. Women's (in)visibility raises concerns about the legitimacy of democratic decisions and likely has policy consequences: women's absence may exacerbate gendered inequalities resulting from the crisis.
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Mojtahedi, Mohammad, and Bee Lan Oo. "Built Infrastructure Conditions Mediate the Relationship between Stakeholders Attributes and Flood Damage: An Empirical Case Study." Sustainability 13, no. 17 (August 30, 2021): 9739. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13179739.
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Most of the previous research has tended to focus on the impact of flood characteristics on built infrastructure damage rather than to investigate the condition of the infrastructure and stakeholders’ capacity to manage flood risks. The role of stakeholder attributes, such as the power, legitimacy, and urgency of local governments, in reducing the impact of disasters on built infrastructure remains ambiguous. Stakeholders’ organizational attributes, together with socio-economic and built infrastructure conditions, need to be considered to provide a better understanding of how to reduce disaster risk. The main aim of this research was to empirically investigate the mediating role of socio-economic and infrastructure conditions in the direct relationship between stakeholders’ attributes and economic damage to road infrastructure from flooding. Survey data collected from local governments in New South Wales, Australia and historical data for over 20 years from archive databases were analyzed using structural equation modeling with the partial least squares estimation approach. The results showed that socio-economic and infrastructure conditions have significant mediating effects on the direct relationship between stakeholders’ attributes and flood damage. Engaging stakeholders proactively empowers legitimate stakeholders in urgent conditions, and this is essential to reduce the economic impact of flood disasters and to better manage road infrastructure. Finally, to better manage flood risks, local governments need to improve their capacity of power, legitimacy, and urgency; state and federal governments need to improve the socio-economic conditions of the communities; and the transport infrastructure authorities need to develop long-term solutions for resilient roads and bridges.
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Harsono, Dwi. "PERFORMANCE LEGITIMACY: THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITIONS UNDER THE SULTAN’S ADMINISTRATION IN YOGYAKARTA." NATAPRAJA 8, no. 1 (May 1, 2020): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/jnp.v8i1.31277.
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In his capacity as governor, Hamengkubuwono has a coordinating role to play between the provincial, municipal and district governments in Yogyakarta. Though most policy responsibility lies with the districts and city of Yogyakarta, the sultan still has an important function to fulfil as effective cooperation between different tiers of government is a crucial factor in facilitating successful policy outcomes at the local level. For the sultan, his role as mediator and coordinator works well because it reinforces public perceptions of him as a neutral arbiter who stays aloof from the bickering of day-to-day politics. Over the years, he has cultivated this image of a paternalistic figure by making regular appeals to district heads and the mayor of Yogyakarta to serve the people better. In the rare events where conflicts arise over public policy (for example over land), Hamengkubuwono successfully deflected the blame for controversial policies to the lower-level governments, even though the royal palace often has a direct stake in these policy decisions.
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Efremova, K. "ASEAN and the Myanmar Dilemma." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 3 (2023): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-3-79-89.
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The article deals with the legitimacy of claims for power of the two Myanmar contesting political forces: the current government, formed by the State Administration Council and led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and the government in exile (National Unity Government) formed by the self-established Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw and led by Mahn Winn Khaing Thann. It is argued that both governments have limited legitimacy due to incorrect procedures of their formation, though the current government is the only de facto ruling body (and should be treated as such). It has been found that both sides mobilize their supporters inside Myanmar who use practically identical methods such as positioning themselves as the only saviours for the nation, daemonising and de-humanising political opponents, intimidating local population who supports the opposite side, murdering political opponents (sometimes with their families), mass killing of civilians during terrorist attacks / antiterrorist raids, destroying critically important infrastructure, and seeking for international political recognition. All these findings lead us to conclude that ASEAN would not openly recognize any of these governments in order not to legitimize them, but will take steps towards holding a fair competitive parliamentary election in Myanmar, with both sides having the opportunity to secure people’s support and gain their votes.
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Okumu, Charles Onjumi, and Anthony Fee. "Understanding the impacts of Chinese business activity in Kenya from the perspective of locals." critical perspectives on international business 15, no. 4 (October 7, 2019): 361–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cpoib-06-2019-0037.
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Purpose The authors report a field study examining the perceptions of Kenyan host-country stakeholders toward activities of Chinese businesses in their country, and the consequences of this on the legitimacy that they bestow on pertinent entities. Design/methodology/approach Interviews and observations across an eight-week period of field research revealed generally negative attitudes toward Chinese businesses, with issues pertinent to moral legitimacy prominent, notably, perceptions of corrupt practices, environmental neglect and profit expatriation. Findings The authors also find evidence that these negative attitudes spilled over to contaminate Kenyans’ perceptions of their own government, which respondents associated closely with the activities of Chinese entities. Originality/value The authors extend understanding of legitimacy theory and the implications of foreign business activity by highlighting that businesses may be mistaken to believe that their international business activities are politically neutral, and while host governments may believe that the economic benefits arising from attracting foreign business activity can buttress their legitimacy, the perceived activities of these businesses, in the absence of supporting institutional frameworks, may render this counterproductive.
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McDonough, Peter, Samuel H. Barnes, and Antonio López Pina. "The Growth of Democratic Legitimacy in Spain." American Political Science Review 80, no. 3 (September 1986): 735–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960536.
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The political transition in Spain provides a rare opportunity to monitor popular attitudes toward alternative regimes. Through the analysis of national surveys conducted in 1978, 1979–80, and 1984, we first establish that the Spanish public distinguishes not only between successive governments—the Franquist and the center-right and socialist governments of the post-Franco period—but also between Francoism and democracy as political systems. Second, we show that during the post-Franco era the criteria of legitimacy have begun to shift from formal political to social democratic values. These analytical results are achieved by comparing standard with less orthodox measures of political legitimacy and performance, and by revising conventional theories of system support. Third, we estimate the determinants of support for and opposition to the two regimes. The Franquist system remains more polarizing than does the democratic system; the constituencies of the democratic regime are considerably broader and more heterogeneous. However, while the new democratic state is comparatively inclusive and autonomous, low rates of political participation and changes in traditional socialist ideology have made the institutional bases of legitimacy ambiguous.
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Dwi Pradnyani, Ni Made, and Ni Putu Sri Harta Mimba. "Opini Audit dan Kinerja Keuangan Pemerintah Daerah dengan Realisasi PAD sebagai Pemediasi." E-Jurnal Akuntansi 30, no. 12 (December 14, 2020): 3150. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/eja.2020.v30.i12.p12.
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The purpose this study was determine effect of audit opinion on the financial performance District / City Governments in Bali Province with local revenue as mediator based on legitimacy theory. This research was conducted at Provincial Government of Bali in 2013-2017 using the saturated sample method. Data analysis technique used path analysis. Analysis found that audit opinion had a positive effect on local own-source revenue. Shows that good audit opinion tends to increase the resources provided by local community specifically regional original income. Audit opinion has positive effect on the financial performance of District / City Governments in Bali Province in 2013-2017. Realization PAD has positive effect on financial performance of District / City Governments in Bali Province in 2013-2017. The realization of regional own-source revenue mediating variable in the relationship between audit opinion and local government financial performance.
Keywords: Audit Opinion; Local Revenue; Local Government Financial Performance.
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Aguirre Ochoa, Jerjes, and Casimiro Leco Tomas. "Political legitimacy in Mexico and police in high-conflict areas." Revista Cimexus 15, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.33110/cimexus150207.
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This paper analyzes the importance of political legitimacy in police actions in Mexico, especially in regions where criminal cartels build strategies that seek to justify their criminal activities through social and political actions that give them the legitimacy that the police lack on local and sub-national governments. The article observes aspects of legitimacy of the National Police of Colombia that can be applied to the Mexican case, specifically to the recently created Mexican National Guard. The analysis focuses on the municipalities of the so-called Tierra Caliente, Michoacana that exemplify the problems of political legitimacy and the difficulties that this implies for police activity.
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Hanson, Claudia, Susanne Luedtke, Neil Spicer, Jens Stilhoff Sörensen, Susannah Mayhew, and Sandra Mounier-Jack. "National health governance, science and the media: drivers of COVID-19 responses in Germany, Sweden and the UK in 2020." BMJ Global Health 6, no. 12 (November 2021): e006691. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2021-006691.
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The COVID-19 pandemic is an unprecedented global crisis in which governments had to act in a situation of rapid change and substantial uncertainty. The governments of Germany, Sweden and the UK have taken different paths allowing learning for future pandemic preparedness. To help inform discussions on preparedness, inspired by resilience frameworks, this paper reviews governance structures, and the role of science and the media in the COVID-19 response of Germany, Sweden and the UK in 2020. We mapped legitimacy, interdependence, knowledge generation and the capacity to deal with uncertainty.Our analysis revealed stark differences which were linked to pre-existing governing structures, the traditional role of academia, experience of crisis management and the communication of uncertainty—all of which impacted on how much people trusted their government. Germany leveraged diversity and inclusiveness, a ‘patchwork quilt’, for which it was heavily criticised during the second wave. The Swedish approach avoided plurality and largely excluded academia, while in the UK’s academia played an important role in knowledge generation and in forcing the government to review its strategies. However, the vivant debate left the public with confusing and rapidly changing public health messages. Uncertainty and the lack of evidence on how best to manage the COVID-19 pandemic—the main feature during the first wave—was only communicated explicitly in Germany. All country governments lost trust of their populations during the epidemic due to a mix of communication and transparency failures, and increased questioning of government legitimacy and technical capacity by the public.
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Byham, Jack, Viviana Martinez-Gomez, John Kilburn, and Andrew Hilburn. "When Government Is Not the Solution: The Role of Community Organizations in Outreach." Journal of Public and Nonprofit Affairs 9, no. 1 (January 30, 2023): 4–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.20899/jpna.9.1.4-27.
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Trust between government entities and the public is critical; without it, communities become paralyzed in their ability to act collectively and for the greater good. Establishing and maintaining this trust, however, can be difficult. The outreach and coproduction performed by the coalition of organizations described in this article provide examples of how to address several interrelated problems of public distrust in the government. When viewed in their proper light, these examples enrich the theoretical understanding of contract failure theory. Rather than take advantage of their advantages in power, governments increasingly leverage the power of reciprocity to accomplish their goals by relying on preexisting community trust in nonprofits. Self-interest well understood is a critical component of this reciprocal relationship: it works best when government secures resources, funding, and access to policy processes, in return for nonprofit resources such as service delivery, political support, buy-in, and legitimacy. In this indirect way, nonprofit coproduction can help to foster perceptions of legitimacy and trust in government.
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Wahyu Kridasakti, Sri, Purwaningdyah Purwaningdyah, and Eko Nuriyatman. "Pola Legitimasi “Criminal-Policy” Pada Pembentukan Peraturan Daerah." Recital Review 5, no. 1 (January 16, 2023): 40–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22437/rr.v5i1.23157.
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In the absence of standards regarding the establishment of existing regional regulations in Indonesia related to public order by local governments which contain criminal sanctions, this creates deviations in terms of the principles of legal certainty for the community. This scientific article discusses the formation of criminal policies by regional governments that have the same cultural similarities and have the same basis for legitimacy. The research approach used is socio-legal, the related issue is regarding the study of criminal-policy legal issues and the locus of government of the Special Region of Yogyakarta. With the same cultural group, namely Mataraman in the formation of criminal policies. Based on the results of the research, it was found that the formation of the Tibum Regional Regulation in Yogyakarta shows the use of different legitimacy bases in the formation of its criminal policy. Differences in the determination of criminal sanctions for the object of the same regulation, for selling in prohibited areas, environmental pollution, erection of illegal buildings and others, the threat of administrative fines and imprisonment varies, with fines ranging from IDR 50,000,000 to imprisonment for around 6 month. The acceptance in complexiu of the living-law values with their local wisdom in the formation of regional regulations in the field of public order was apparently nowhere to be found, so that the basis for the legitimacy of criminal-policy norms was built only on technocratic uptake. Abstrak Dengan tidak adanya standar mengenai pembentukan peraturan daerah yang ada di Indonesia terkait dengan tertib umum oleh pemerintah daerah yang bermuatan sanksi pidana, menimbulkan penyimpangan dalam hal asas-asa kepastian hukum bagi masyarakat. Artikel ilmiah ini membahas mengenai pembentukan criminal policy oleh pemerintahan daerah yang memiliki keserupaan kultur budaya yang sama memiliki dasar ukuran legitimasi yang sama. Pendekatan penelitian yang digunakan adalah socio-legal, isu terkai adalah mengenai kajian isu hukum criminal-policy dan lokus pemeritahan Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. Dengan keserumpunan budaya yang sama yaitu Mataraman dalam pembentukan criminal-policy. Berdasarkan kepada hasil penelitian didapat data bahwa pembentukan Peraturan Daerah Tibum di Yogyakarta menunjukkan penggunaan dasar legitimasi berbeda-beda dalam pembentukan criminal policy-nya. Perbedaan penetapan sanksi pidana pada obyek pengaturan yang sama, terhadap berjualan pada area terlarang, pencemaran lingkungan, pendirian bangunan liar dan lain-lainnya, ancaman denda administrasi maupun pidana kurungannya ternyata berbeda-beda dengan denda berkisar Rp50.000.000,- dengan pidana kurungan sekitar 6 bulan. Receptio in complexiu atas nilai-nilai the living-law dengan local wisdom-nya dalam pembentukan peraturan daerah bidang ketertiban umum ternyata tidak ada ditemukan, sehingga dasar legitimasi norma criminal-policy dibangun berdasarkan serapan teknokratis saja.
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Tambunan, Derwin. "POLITICS AND POWER: A CRITICAL PERSPECTIVE ON LEGITIMACY." Journal of Social Political Sciences 2, no. 4 (November 27, 2021): 328–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/jsps.v2i4.82.
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We know from research into politics and power that these two variables are widely discussed as interrelated concepts. However, what remains poorly understood is that politics is not only interrelated with the concept of power, but politics itself is about how power is exercised legitimately. This research aims to ascertain whether politics can be reduced to power and, if so, what precisely the concept of power can explain the essence of politics. A literature study was deployed in order to answer these questions. The findings showed that power is the essence of politics; politics are enterprises sharing and shaping power. However, politics can be adequately understood if power is viewed as a legitimate capacity to act. Approaching politics outside of this definition cannot be said as a proper definition of politics because legitimacy is the heart and essential to power, and only by applying this definition politics can be adequately interpreted. If politics is seen as a right to govern and power is understood as the legitimate capacity to act, thus, these two elements will create a political obligation that is vital in a political concept. Consent and legitimacy are the two aspects necessary to achieve the right to exercise governments' political authority. If power is exercised legitimately, then it will draw people trust. People trust is the precondition in political concepts and political legitimacy, which indicates the rightfulness to govern conferred by people to political regimes or political sovereignty established in the collective advantage or common good.
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Soderlund, Walter C. "A Comparison of Press Coverage in Canada and the United States of the 1982 and 1984 Salvadoran Elections." Canadian Journal of Political Science 23, no. 1 (March 1990): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900011628.
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AbstractThis article investigates press coverage in Canada and the United States of the 1982 and 1984 Salvadoran elections employing the concept of the “demonstration election,” which posits that some elections occur not to select governments and solve problems but rather to confer international legitimacy on the government holding the election. The press plays a vital role in creating this aura of legitimacy. There is some evidence that the American press played a legitimizing role in the elections. While the elections received twice as much coverage in the American press as they did in the Canadian press, with the exception of some differences in leader evaluation and emphasis on issues, Canadians received essentially the same media portrayal of the elections as did Americans.
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Earl, Anna, and Snejina Michailova. "Home governments and MNEs in Russia: Relationships and MNE external legitimacy." Journal of International Management 27, no. 2 (June 2021): 100847. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.intman.2021.100847.
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