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Axelrod, Paul Scott. "Political legitimacy and self-loss /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10710.
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Karlsson, Christer. "Democracy, legitimacy and the European Union /." Uppsala : Uppsala University Library, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/329961624.pdf.
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Chan, Yuk-kit, and 陳鋈傑. "Staging democracy: rethinking political legitimacy and the public sphere." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50534166.
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By now it has become a common observation that liberal and republican models of democracy are inadequate in making sense of the expansive political landscape in today’s complex and pluralistic societies. Deliberative democracy has become a new favorite amongst scholars in the attempt to reinvigorate democracy through normative frameworks that emphasize rationality, consensus and informed discussions. On the other hand, scholars have questioned whether the this model is effective with regards to present forms of political engagements that are often mediatized and staged in ways that fall short of deliberative ideals.
This research moves beyond these models in the attempt to better capture the complex power relations that underpin contemporary liberal democratic societies. This involves rethinking concepts of political legitimacy and the public sphere. Through interrogating Habermas’s discourse model of democracy and putting him in dialogue with the works of Lefort and Foucault, it will be demonstrated that it is useful to view political legitimacy not as a status but a process in which individuals legitimate or de-legitimate the power relations that they find themselves in. In addition, the public sphere should be conceptualized as the public stage, in which individuals must struggle with not only the state apparatuses, but also with oppressive or dominating forms of power, in the government of both themselves and others. By redefining these two important concepts in political philosophy, this research seeks to rethink modern democracy as constituting the very condition of indeterminacy.published_or_final_version
Philosophy
Master
Master of Philosophy
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Li, Chan-man Philip, and 李燦文. "The issue of dynastic legitimacy of the Three Kingdoms asseen in Zizhi Tongjian." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1989. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31949526.
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Depner, Wolfgang. "The effectiveness and legitimacy of federal minority governments in Canada since 1945." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/47034.
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Despite popular expectations and theoretical predictions, Canada’s first-past-the- post electoral system continues to produce minority governments, defined by Forsey “as government by a cabinet with less than half of the seats in the House of Commons.” Since 1945, almost half of all federal elections have produced this form of government. Drawing instruction from the most recent run of minority governments between 2004 and 2011, the dissertation scrutinizes the effectiveness and legitimacy of the nine federal minority governments that have governed Canada since 1945. Methodologically, it treats them as probationary majorities and retroactively judges their effectiveness by whether they shed this status. Effectiveness, so understood, can in turn be explained by a number of different factors best seen through the prism of the prevailing Canadian party system. Turning to the question of legitimacy, the dissertation adopts a dualistic view of legitimacy in judging the surveyed minority governments by their (i) constitutional legitimacy and (ii) input legitimacy. Concerning the former, it argues that federal minority governments have historically played fast and loose with the constitutional conventions that sustain them. Concerning the latter, it argues further that minority governments have generally failed to improve the input legitimacy of parliamentary government, contrary to the position of Russell and others scholars who claim that minority government has the capacity to improve the ‘deliberative’ nature of the Commons. The present study challenges the claim of Russell and others in finding that minority government actually increases partisanship in discouraging genuine deliberation, as defined by theorists of deliberative democracy. It finds minority government nonetheless to be legitimate, according to Canada’s constitutional conventions.
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Saward, M. "Co-option and legitimacy : The varieties and consequences of formal incorporation." Thesis, University of Essex, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384595.
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Zhu, Jiafeng, and 朱佳峰. "Farewell to political obligation : toward a new liberal theory of political legitimacy." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/196492.
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Is there a general moral duty to obey the law because it is the law? This is the question of political obligation. The issue of political obligation is allegedly a central topic of political philosophy, because political obligation is often assumed to be necessary for state legitimacy; that is to say, for a state to be legitimate, it must be capable of imposing political obligation on the governed. Nonetheless, the literature has indicated that it is enormously difficult, at least within the liberal doctrine that many find most attractive, to justify political obligation. Given that political obligation is viewed as an indispensable part of state legitimacy, skepticism about political obligation points to a seemingly inescapable yet disturbing conclusion: no existing liberal state is legitimate, no matter how just it is. This skeptical position is also known as philosophical anarchism.
This study aims to show that philosophical anarchism is not as irresistible as it appears. But I do not take the traditional approach of refuting philosophical anarchism by defending or developing theories of political obligation. On the contrary, I devote the first part of my thesis to consolidating the skepticism about political obligation.
The approach I favor is to argue that political obligation is not necessary for state legitimacy. If this point can be established, then even if political obligation is unjustified, it will not automatically lead to philosophical anarchism. This constitutes the second part of my thesis, where I develop a conception of “legitimacy without political obligation” and defend it against the objection that it is either conceptually or morally wrong to claim that a legitimate state need not impose political obligation on its subjects.published_or_final_version
Politics and Public Administration
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
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Lo, Wai-yan. "An analysis of the power of the Hong Kong government in education policy making." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1403475X.
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Morales, Diez de Ulzurrun Laura. "Institutions, mobilisation, and political participation political membership in western countries /." Madrid : Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales, Instituto Juan March de Estudios e Investigaciones, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=NNOGAAAAMAAJ.
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Li, Chan-man Philip. "The issue of dynastic legitimacy of the Three Kingdoms as seen in Zizhi Tongjian Lun "Zi zhi tong jian" dui San guo zheng run wen ti zhi chu li /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1989. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31949526.
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Kurnitzki-West, Vera. "Legitimation and legitimacy in Canadian federal communications policies and practices." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63240.
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Choudhury, Zahidul Arefin. "Politics of natural disaster : how governments maintain legitimacy in the wake of major disasters, 1990-2010." Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1566.
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This dissertation is about major natural disasters, and how they contribute to legitimacy crises of governments. Three major factors explain the emergence of a legitimacy crisis in a post-disaster context: the frequency of disaster occurrence, the quality of the government response to disasters, and the type of regime within which the government operates. Employing a large-N statistical analysis of data on major natural disasters and anti-government domestic political activities for the years between 1990 and 2010, I show that higher counts of disasters, as a rule, increase the risks of anti-government demonstrations, revolutions, riots, guerrilla warfare, and intrastate conflict. The disaster-political opposition relationship is conditional upon the characteristics of political regimes. No regime is entirely free from the political dangers of disasters. Consolidated autocracies and well established democracies are less likely than mixed regimes to observe political crises in the context of a higher frequency of natural disasters.
To evaluate the quality of government response and how it mediates the disaster-legitimacy relationship, I conduct a qualitative analysis of news reports on four major disaster events in South Asia - cyclone Sidr of 2007 and cyclone Aila of 2009 in Bangladesh and cyclone Aila and the Kashmir earthquake of 2005 in India. The case studies reveal that poor preparedness and inadequate immediate and long-term response of a government invite public criticism of the incumbent, antigovernment protest movements, and anti-incumbent voting in elections. When opposition parties translate this public frustration into broader political mobilization, the moral claim of the incumbent to remain in power diminishes substantially, sometimes causing a legitimacy crisis. As opposed to common expectations, democracy may not provide the best political environment for effective disaster response. The quality of government response is influenced rather by a regime's security concerns, the level of administrative efficacy and corruption, the military's role in the disaster response process, socio-economic conditions of the affected people, and leadership competition over the disaster management process.
This study has broader implications for understanding the kinds of political strains that disasters create in a society and how governments function in Bangladesh and India. Much of these governments' energy is devoted to managing disasters, which diminishes their capacity to govern. Political elites in Bangladesh and India use disaster events as opportunities to strengthen clientelism and exclude political opposition in the affected areas
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Szewczyk, Bart Michael Julius. "European citizenship and national democracy : sources of EU legitimacy in the common interest and in service of human dignity." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610301.
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Tennyson, Kristin M. "Establishing legitimacy and democratic rule of law in Latin America their impact on victimization in 12 countries /." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0024927.
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Olschewski, Boris. "Herrschaftswechsel, Legitimitätswechsel : die Mediatisierungen Biberachs und Friedbergs im europäischen Kontext (1802-1806) /." Trier : Kliomedia, 2009. http://d-nb.info/992915171/04.
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Garme, Cecilia. "Newcomers to power how to sit on someone else's throne : socialists conquer France in 1981, non-socialists conquer Sweden in 1976 /." Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/48621507.html.
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Tse, Yuk-how. "An exploration of the relationship between political legitimacy and control of corruption in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B36194967.
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Paskeviciute, Aida. "The role of political parties for political system support in established and new democracies." Online access via UMI:, 2005.
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MacDonald, Lindsey Te Ata o. Tu. "The political philosophy of property rights." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2270.
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This thesis argues that within political philosophy, property rights deserve closer attention than has been paid to them recently because the legitimacy of a state rests upon their definition and enforcement. In this way property rights differ from the right to liberty or equality. A state may or may not have liberty or equality, but it has no meaning at all if it does not enforce the rights of property. This is not to suggest that normative arguments for property rights are ‘nonsense upon stilts’. Morality may provide many reasons for an individual to exclude other members of a political community from a property. However, the function of property rights is to enforce that exclusion and this suggests that the normative legitimacy of a state is closely bound both to its ability to enforce whatever property rights it already has granted, and its justification of decisions taken when property rights are granted within its borders. My argument is that a proper political philosophy of property rights should acknowledge that a state depends upon its treatment of property rights for justification, not as a matter of justice, but as a matter of its existence.
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Allard-Tremblay, Yann. "Epistemic theories of democracy, constitutionalism and the procedural legitimacy of fundamental rights." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3465.
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The overall aim of this thesis is to assess the legitimacy of constitutional laws and bills of rights within the framework of procedural epistemic democracy. The thesis is divided into three sections. In the first section, I discuss the relevance of an epistemic argument for democracy under the circumstances of politics: I provide an account of reasonable disagreement and explain how usual approaches to the authority of decision-making procedures fail to take it seriously. In the second part of the thesis, I provide an account of the epistemic features of democracy and of the requirements of democratic legitimacy. I develop a revised pragmatist argument for democracy which relies on three presumptive aims of decision-making: justice, sustainability and concord. In the third and last section, I first argue for the desirability of constitutionalism. I then explain why constitutionalism, as it is usually understood, is incompatible with my procedural epistemic account of democratic legitimacy. In the last chapter, I offer a two-pronged solution to the apparent incompatibility of constitutionalism and epistemic democracy. I first argue for the appropriateness of political constitutionalism, as opposed to legal constitutionalism, in understanding the relationship between rights and democracy. I then provide an account of rights protection and judicial review compatible with epistemic democratic legitimacy. Finally, I use the notion of pragmatic encroachment to explain how constitutional laws can achieve normative supremacy through the increased epistemic credentials of the procedure.
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Schröder, Hinrich. "Die völkerrechtliche Verantwortlichkeit im Zusammenhang mit failed und failing States /." Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=015477608&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Lo, Wai-yan, and 羅維恩. "An analysis of the power of the Hong Kong government in education policy making." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31958072.
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Okafor, Obiora Chinedu. "Re-defining legitimacy : international law, multilateral institutions and the problem of socio-cultural fragmentation within established African states." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0010/NQ34602.pdf.
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Dagkas-Tsoukalas, Vladimiros. "Liberal trusteeship : preparatory work for an epistemic defence of non-egalitarian liberalism." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/10251.
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This thesis examines some epistemic defences of democracy put forward by David Estlund, Michael Fuerstein, Cheryl Misak, and Fabienne Peter, as well as a critique of democracy raised by Jason Brennan. It then develops an epistemic defence of a moderately non-egalitarian system, which it proposes to call liberal trusteeship. According to the proposed theory, the power to draft laws ought to be separated from the power to enact those drafts into law. The former power ought to be vested in trustees, who are essentially specialists that have inquired extensively into a given matter, and the latter power ought to be vested in a democratically elected parliament. Subsequently, this thesis argues that parliament should nevertheless have the prerogative to ultimately override trustees on ethics and pass its own legislation regulating moral matters; that the criteria for selecting trustees should be determined by jury courts; and that parliament and jury courts should be given some powers to influence the composition of trustee committees, so that the political process can guard against the risk that trustees might be biased or corrupt. The above proposal is grounded on three principal claims. Firstly, this thesis argues that moral authority and legitimacy ought to be reserved for the political system that strikes the best balance between competence and equality. Secondly, it argues that liberal trusteeship is more likely than democracy to determine correctly what ought to be done in light of the progress of open and vigorous inquiry into a given matter. Thirdly, and as a result, it argues that liberal trusteeship is likely to exercise power sufficiently more competently than democracy, such that its moderate deviation from political equality will be justified. In the light of this, the thesis concludes that liberal trusteeship would strike a better balance between competence and equality than democracy.
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Forman, Mark, and n/a. "The politics of inheritance? : the language of inheritance in Romans within its first-century Greco-Roman Imperial context." University of Otago. Department of Theology and Religious Studies, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080128.161919.
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This thesis is an exploration of the extent to which Paul�s terminology of Inheritance [(...)] in Romans, and its associated imagery, logic and arguments, functioned to evoke socio-political expectations that were alternative to those which prevailed in contemporary Roman imperial discourse.
There are two parts to this study. The first is to take seriously the context of Empire and the claims being made by the Roman Empire in the first century. In particular, what were some of the messages conveyed by the Roman Empire with regard to the structure and purpose, the hopes and expectations, of first-century society? The Christians in Rome were daily exposed to the images and message of Caesar and his successors and there is therefore a need to consider how Paul�s language of Inheritance would have sounded within this environment.
Second, this study gives attention to the content of Paul�s use of the word "inheritance" as it occurs in Romans. In order to address this question, three interrelated ideas are explored. First, for Paul, what does the inheritance consist of? The traditional understanding is that the concept is an entirely spiritualised or transcendent reality. This study proposes a more this-worldly, geographical nature to the word. Second, there is the closely related question of the political nature of inheritance. If it is the case that the language of inheritance has to do with the renewal of the land, then who inherits this land? These two questions raise a third issue-how will the inheritance transpire? Paul�s inheritance language contributes to notions of lordship, authority and universal sovereignty for the people of God. Conceivably, the path to this dominion could mirror the hegemonic intentions of imperial Rome which envisages the triumph of one group of people (the strong) over another (the weak). Is this the case with Paul�s inheritance language, or does it somehow undermine all claims to power and control?
There are five undisputed uses of [...] and its cognates in Romans-Rom 4:13, 14; Rom 8:17 (three times) and there is one textual variant in Rom 11:1 where the word [...] is used in place of [...]. This study finds that, to varying degrees in each of these texts, the inheritance concept is not only a direct confrontation to other claims to rule, it is also simultaneously a reversal of all other paths to lordship and rule.
This study then considers the use of the concept in the two other undisputed Pauline letters where it occurs (Galatians and 1 Corinthians) and also in the disputed letter to the Colossians. The overriding impression is that there is nothing in Galatians, 1 Corinthians or Colossians which significantly challenges the this-worldly, political nature of the language of inheritance in Romans. In these epistles and in Romans Paul employs the language and politics of inheritance in order to subvert the message of Empire.
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Lubbe, Lesley. "Filling the political void : the mechanisms of coping in stateless Somalia." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17813.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Somalia continues to intrigue scholars and policy-makers around the world, due to the fact that it is enduring what few others have, total state collapse. Not only does the situation defy easy explanation, the degree of state failure is unprecedented. After more than two decades without a functioning central authority, Somalia is now the longest-running instance of state collapse in postcolonial history. While researching and understanding state weakness and state failure is critical, it is useless unless combined with devising ways to prevent state failure in the future. Somalia provides policy makers with a unique opportunity to study the consequences of state collapse. Understanding the complex dynamics of state weakness and state collapse could ultimately help save the lives of thousands of people on the African continent. This study focuses on the mechanisms of coping by analysing the actors who have stepped up to fill the political vacuum left behind by the collapsing state. The role played by both state and non-state actors will be explored throughout this study. As it is not possible to address every actor who has played a part in Somalia since the implosion of the state in 1991, only the three most important internal and external actors will be analysed. The role played by the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) will be discussed at length. The contributions made by neighbouring country Ethiopia, will also be investigated. Although the contributions and the impact of these external actors have in some instances led to undesired results, it does not change the fact that these actors attempted to fill the void in Somalia. Non-state actors positions within Somalia will also be examined in detailed. These actors include regional authorities, the role of Al-Shabaab, as well as the Islamic Courts Union. The study does not excuse the behaviour of these actors but rather discusses the rise of these organizations in light of the collapsing state and the position which they have taken up in Somalia to fill the political void. Lastly the role of the “Somali coast guards” also known as the Somali pirates, will be discussed.ipti
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Somalië bly die brandpunt van belangstelling vir geleerdes en beleidmakers dwarsoor die wêreld. Die hoofrede hiervoor is dat hierdie land ervaar het wat min ander lande het, naamlik algehele ineenstorting van die staat en bestuur. ‘n Maklike verduideliking of vereenvoudiging van die situasie is daar nie, want die ongeëwenaarde ineenstorting van stuktuur en staat, van Somalië is uniek. Twee dekades later is hierdie land nogsteeds sonder ‘n funksioneerende gesetelde staatsgesag. Hierdie tydperk is die langste voorbeeld van staatsineenstorting sonder herstel in post-koloniale geskiedenis. Navorsing en insig in elke staat se inherente swakhede en probleme help om mislukte bestuur te voorspel en te voorkom. Hierdie inligting moet korrek geimplimenteer en geinterpreteer word om krissise en mislukkings binne staatsbestel te verhoed. Somalië bied beleidmakers ‘n unieke geleentheid om die gevolge van totale staatsineenstorting te bestudeer en daaruit te leer. Net deur middel van begrip vir die komplekse dinamika van ‘n staat wat ineenstort en deur wanbestuur verswak word, sal daar uikoms vir duisende mense op hierdie vasteland kom. Sodoende sal ontelbare lewens in Afrika gered kan word. Hierdie studie analiseer die tegnieke van aanpassing, gebruik deur die rolspelers wat die politieke vakuum vul, wat deur die staatineenstorting nagelaat is. Die ondersoek fokus ook op die impak en effekte van beide interne en eksterne rolspelers. Aangesien dit onmoontlik is om die aandeel wat elke rolspeler sedert die ineenstorting van Somalië in 1991 gehad het te bestudeer, word net die drie belangrikste interne en eksterne rolspelers bespreek. Die Verenigde Nasies (VN), Afrika Unie (AU) en die buurland Ethiopië se bydraes sal ondersoek word. Alhoewel die bydraes en insette van hierdie eksterne rolspelers soms tot ongewenste resultate gelei het, bly die feit staan dat hulle probeer het om die leemtes in Somalië te vul. Ander belangrike rolspelers wat nie deel van die plaaslike regering is nie, sal ook in diepte bespreek word. Hierdie invloede binne Somalië sluit streeksowerhede in, asook die rol van Al Shabaab en die Islamitiese Howe Unie. Die studie verskoon nie die gedrag van die rolspelers nie, maar bespreek eerder die opkoms van hierdie organisasies. Dit word alles gesien in die lig van die ineenstorting van die staat en die posisie wat hulle in Somalië geneem het om mag te bekom en die politieke leemte te vul. Ten slotte word die omstrede rol van die "Somaliese kuswagte", anders bekend as Somaliese seerowers, bespreek.
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Silva, Aristóteles de Almeida 1978. "O capitalismo tardio e sua crise = estudo das interpretações de Ernest Mandel e a de Jürgen Habermas." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279454.
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Orientador: Silvio César CamargoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O objetivo desse trabalho é estudar a obra de Ernest Mandel O capitalismo tardio e Jürgen Habermas Problemas de legitimação no capitalismo tardio, onde analisam o capitalismo do pósguerra e sua crise. As transformações do capitalismo desde o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial desencadearam uma importante discussão sobre a explicação marxista do desenvolvimento capitalista, de sua crise e sobre as condições para superação desta formação social. A discussão evidencia que a confrontação com a obra de Marx é oportuna não só porque permite entender quanto o capitalismo se transformou desde Marx, mas também para discutir se ela ainda consegue oferecer uma explicação relevante para se compreender as modificações estruturais contemporâneas. Nesse sentido, os autores se relacionam de maneira distinta com o legado marxiano. A obra de Mandel se mostra como um esforço para explicar o período segundo o instrumental teórico marxiano, mantendo o papel central da teoria do valor-trabalho e a crise como manifestação das contradições imanentes do capital. Já a obra de Habermas aponta para uma mudança de forma e lógica da crise, consequentemente apontando para a ineficácia da teoria do valor-trabalho aplicada aos dias atuais, o legado de Marx só continuaria a ser útil caso fosse reconstruído. Por fim, discutiremos as consequências dessas distintas explicações para os projetos de emancipação
Abstract: The purpose of this research is to study the work of Ernest Mandel's Late Capitalism and Jürgen Habermas Legitimation crisis, whose works examine the capitalism in postwar and its crisis. The transformations of capitalism since the end of Second World War caused an important discussion on the Marxist explanation of capitalist development and of its crisis, and the conditions to overcome this social formation. The discussion shows that the confrontation with Marx's work is timely not only because it allows us to understand how capitalism has turned since Marx, but also to discuss whether it still is able to offer a relevant explanation to understand the contemporary structural changes. In this sense, the authors relate differently with the Marxian legacy. Mandel's work appears as an effort to explain the period according to the concepts of Marxian theory, maintaining the central role of the labor theory of value and the crisis as a manifestation of the immanent contradictions of capital. Already the work of Habermas points to a change of form and logic of the crisis, thus pointing to the ineffectiveness of the labor theory of value applied to the present day, the legacy of Marx would still only be useful if it were rebuilt. Finally, we discuss the consequences of these different explanations for the projects of emancipation
Mestrado
Sociologia
Mestre em Sociologia
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Cherem, Youssef Alvarenga. "Islã, legitimidade e cultura politica : o movimento estudantil no Irã durante o periodo Khatami (1997-2005)." [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281552.
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Orientador: Omar Ribeiro ThomazDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Durante os dois mandatos Mohammad Khatami como presidente da República Islâmica do Irã (1997-2001; 2001-2005), observou-se um debate intenso e violento na sociedade iraniana a respeito da concepção do espaço político e dos fundamentos da ação política. Uma parte essencial desse debate foi a participação dos estudantes numa incipiente (embora efêmera e limitada) abertura do espaço público. Mas essa política de reforma teve o resultado inesperado de trazer à tona as vozes de contestação da organização normativa autoritária do campo político, expondo as contradições constitutivas do sistema e seu funcionamento ambíguo, e ameaçando por um momento a dominação da elite política religiosa-revolucionária. Essa ameaça ocorreu porque os estudantes agiam segundo uma lógica republicana de igualdade jurídico-política e exigiam a instauração desse padrão, prometido por Khatami durante a campanha eleitoral. Em outras palavras, podemos perceber uma vontade de reformulação simbólico-institucional da divisão público-privado que regia as relações entre o estado e a sociedade do Irã desde o estabelecimento da República Islâmica. A participação de elementos anteriormente excluídos do espaço público e o fortalecimento da sociedade civil fizeram com que fossem contestados a estrutura de poder e o funcionamento enclausurado (privado) do sistema político iraniano, bem como regras não escritas da vida política iraniana. Assim, embora os estudantes tenham sido reprimidos, esse período de abertura relativa nos abre uma perspectiva frutífera para interpretar a pluralidade de concepções de governo, religião e sociedade presentes num país muçulmano, opondo-se a algumas visões do meio acadêmico que se destacam por uma leitura superficial e/ou unidimensional de fenômenos onde se entremeiam cultura e política
Abstract: Islam, legitimacy and political culture: the Iranian student movement in the Khatami government During his two terms as the president of the Islamic Republic of Iran (1997-2001; 2001- 2005), we have come to witness an intense and violent debate in Iranian society about the conception of the public space and the fundaments of political action. An essential element in this debate was the participation of the students in a fledgling (but ephemeral and limited) opening of the public space. But this policy of reform had the unexpected result of bringing into the open the dissenting voices against the normative, authoritarian framing of the public space, exposing the inherent contradictions of the system and its hazy functioning, and jeopardizing, even if for just one moment, the ascendancy of the religious revolutionary elites. The students¿ coming out in public was a threat because the students acted according to a republican logic of juridical and political equality and demanded the implementation, as promised by Khatami in his campaign of this pattern, and the abolition of the ¿unwritten rules¿ of Iranian political life. In other words, we can notice a will of symbolic and institutional reformulation of the separation between public and private spheres that ruled the relations between state and society in Iran since the establishment of the Islamic Republic. The participation of people who had been previously excluded from public space and the strengthening of civil society increased opposition to the power structure and the closed, private working of the political system. Thus, although the students have been repressed, this period of relative opening opens a promising path to interpret the plurality of conception of government, religion and society in a Muslim country ¿ an interpretation that engages critically some scholarly views of the interweaving of culture and politics that are remarkable for their shallow and/or one-dimensional reading of intrinsically multi-layered phenomena
Mestrado
Mestre em Antropologia Social
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Romero-Valderrama, Ana. "La coalición pedracista : elecciones y rebeliones para una re-definición de la participación política en México (1826-1828)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1905.
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The pedracista electoral coalition that was formed in Mexico during the 1828 presidential elections was deliberately ignored by the traditional historiography of the early national period. Instead it concentrated on the leaders of the liberal struggle, deeming this alliance unworthy of study. There were essentially two key reasons why this happened. On the one hand, General Manuel Gómez Pedraza (1789-1851) was not an archetypal liberal patriot in the mould of those heroes that were exalted and written about by Mexico’s Porfirian and PRIísta historians. His politics were associated with a certain ideological indeterminateness as a result of his moderate stance, proving problematic to historians who were intent on developing a liberal and subsequently post-revolutionary historia patria. On the other hand, the official historiography accepted, unquestioningly, the critical version of his actions that his opponents circulated at the time. As a result of this, the yorkino version of the events is the one that prevailed, casting Pedraza in the role of staunch anti-yorkino in a simplistic bipartisan vision of Mexican politics that depicted the political tensions of the time as a clear-cut confrontation between the pedracista aristocrats and the democratic yorkino followers of mulatto hero of the War of Independence, General Vicente Guerrero (1783-1831). This two-dimensional dichotomy has only recently started to be nuanced by the revisionist historiography of the last thirty years. This has been due, in great measure, to the fact that the traditional interpretation of the pedracista coalition posed a number of significant problems when attempting to understand the political behaviour of the people involved. Above all, it was an interpretation that proved incapable of explaining how such a variety of political tendencies, represented by those individuals who joined the alliance that backed Pedraza’s presidential candidacy, could have come together; i.e., anti-masonic groups, the imparciales, certain yorkinos and former escoceses. This thesis aims to explain what brought these individuals, whose political ideas were ostensibly incompatible, together, in what resulted in a particularly resourceful and successful electoral force. The pedracista coalition represented the first political formation in Mexico that came together specifically to win a presidential election. It was one which set out to bring an end to the political interference of Masonic societies in Mexico, and in particular, that of the Rite of York lodges. It also challenged the yorkinos’ electoral campaign by criticising their leader, Guerrero, and, by highlighting the negative aspects of their Masonic faction. It pointed out, moreover, the dangers inherent in a central administration led by guerrerista yorkinos and, in so doing, made clear the problems that were to be found in the political ideas these individuals stood for, depicting them as partisan, ignorant, and representative of the popular classes. The pedracista coalition argued that the presidency needed to go to someone who did not belong to any particular party, who was virtuous, who was renowned for being hard-working and energetic in government, and who belonged to the exclusive circles frequented by the “hombres de bien”. Given that Pedraza won the elections, it is evident that his coalition benefited from a constitutional structure that favoured his candidacy, gaining, at the same time, the public validation of the governmental authorities in place at the time. However, Pedraza’s candidacy was defeated by the armed mobilizations that ensued in the pronunciamientos pro-yorkino followers launched from October to November 1828, and was consequently eliminated from the political scene until late 1832 given that the leaders of the imparciales as well as Pedraza himself chose not to fight back or support a counter-revolution. During the electoral campaign, the pedracista coalition displayed, with astounding clarity, what it thought were the essential qualities a president needed to possess and, likewise presented a distinctive appreciation of how it thought the Mexican political class should behave. In this sense, the coalition’s views, captured in its votes, networks and press articles, offer a fascinating snapshot of what were the fundamental themes of the Mexican republic during its formative years as a nation-state, and how this ignored political grouping interpreted them. Of particular interest is the manner in which the pedracista coalition explored the ways in which political legitimacy, participation and representation were to be understood, defended, and systematised. By studying the pedracista coalition this thesis offers, for the first time, a detailed analysis of the nature and dynamics of Mexican politics in the mid-late 1820s, as experienced, discussed, and represented by the short-lasting yet effective alliance that was forged around the candidacy of Manuel Gómez Pedraza.
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Rosário, Luana Paixão Dantas do. "Uma teoria substantivo-dialógica de legitimidade democrática do poder judiciário para a concretização dos direitos fundamentais." Faculdade de Direito, 2014. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/15275.
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Esta tese resulta das pesquisas desenvolvidas ao longo do curso de doutoramento em Direito Público na Universidade Federal da Bahia, na linha de pesquisa Cidadania e Efetividade dos Direitos. O objetivo inicial desta tese era desenvolver uma teoria substantivo-procedimentalista de legitimidade democrática do Poder Judiciário. Resultou no desenvolvimento de uma teoria substantivo-dialógica. A conciliação entre as perspectivas substancialista e procedimentalista se deu pela hermenêutica fenomenológica. Inicialmente, esclarece a concepção multidimensional de Direitos Fundamentais na qual se firmará e insere o problema no domínio da moralidade prática. Aborda o tema da legitimidade democrática pela elucidação dos conceitos de democracia, república e soberania. Trata da relação entre Direito, democracia e legitimidade. Visita as doutrinas sobre a legitimidade da jurisdição constitucional pela tutela dos procedimentos democráticos. Faz referência ao ativismo judicial. Expõe a teoria substancialista de Ronald Dworkin dos direitos morais e da igualdade política como substrato de legitimidade. Analisa o juiz Hércules. Expõe a teoria de Jürgen Habermas, que, ao colocar o Direito e a moral na razão comunicativa, acaba por desenvolver uma perspectiva procedimentalista de legitimidade. Aborda o procedimentalismo de pretensão corretiva de Robert Alexy, a partir da análise de sua teoria dos Direitos Fundamentais, de sua Teoria da Argumentação Jurídica e do seu constitucionalismo discursivo. Questiona se sua teoria atinge o objetivo de fundir a perspectiva procedimentalista a pontos substantivos de partida e regulação. Expõe a hermenêutica fenomenológica de Heidegger e filosófica de Gadamer. Distingue o plano hermenêutico do plano apofântico da linguagem. Revisa a hermenêutica heterorreflexiva, seus conceitos de abertura compreensiva contratextual, de primazia do problema e abertura dialógica. Analisa a proposta do juiz Hermes. Desenvolve uma teoria substantivo-dialógica de legitimidade na qual cria a figura da juíza Maia. Determina a pressurização ontológica da dignidade como institucionalização prévia do espaço do jogo na ética da alteridade para o desvelamento da resposta correta.
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Gralha, Julio Cesar Mendonça. "A legitimidade do poder no Egito ptolomaico : cultura material e praticas magico-religiosas." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280830.
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Orientador: Pedro Paulo Abreu FunariTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: O presente trabalho visa compreender os processos que levaram a dinastia ptolomaica a estabelecer sua legitimidade no Egito por quase três séculos a partir de um projeto político-religioso que enfatizava a adoção de práticas mágico-religiosas egípcias e da adoção da monarquia divina egípcia tendo como expressão da materialidade o uso da arquitetura e da iconografia na titulatura em decretos e de forma diversa, e, sobretudo por um programa de construções de templos no Alto Egito, principalmente após a Rebelião Tebana de modo a estabelecer relações de poder, de cooperação e cooptação dos segmentos sociais afim de consolida a legitimidade dinástica. Outrossim, o presente trabalho visa desenvolver metodologias e grades de análises de modo a demonstrar o sentido da pesquisa. As fontes de caráter iconográfico e arquitetônico utilizadas em boa parte fazem parte do acervo fotográfico do autor.
Abstract: The intention of his thesis is to understand the Ptolemaic dynasty processes which allowed to establish his legitimacy almost three centuries based on politic-religious project that the main focus is the adoption of Egyptian magic-religious practices and the adoption of Egyptian divine monarch that the materiality expression is the architecture and iconography used in titles, decrees and other forms and especially developed by building program of temples in Upper Egypt, mainly after the end of Theban Rebellion, with an intention to establish power relation, cooperation and cooptation of social segments consolidating dynastic legitimacy. On the other hand this paper intend to developer methodologies and analyses grade to confirm this research. The architectural and iconographic resources were being used belong to author particular acquis.
Doutorado
Historia Cultural
Doutor em História
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Montin, Stig. "Swedish local government in transition a matter of rationality and legitimacy /." [Örebro?] : Stig Montin, 1993. http://books.google.com/books?id=j12NAAAAMAAJ.
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Scott, Leanne. "Legitimacy and decision making in developmental local government : participative MCDA in Stellenbosch." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/8589.
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Bibliography: p. 221-233.This thesis is concerned with the problem of how to effectively address the complex issue of poverty in the context of limited resources. Poverty is a multi-dimensional problem that affects different communities in different ways. In order to use the available resources in such a way as to most effectively tackle poverty, a means of measuring and benchmarking outcomes as well as evaluating choices of intervention is required. However, smart methods of allocating scarce resources are not in themselves sufficient, if they are not regarded as legitimate by the participants of the process. The imperative of legitimacy demands that we both address the issue of quantitative rigour in resource allocation methods and that we look beyond and explore too the mechanics of effective participatory methods. The approach of developmental local government adopted by the new South African government post apartheid, places this complex problem in the sphere of local government. The primary tool available to local administrators for addressing poverty, amongst other issues, is that of integrated development planning. This process draws together the stakeholders who fall broadly into three groups of participants, namely the communities that live in the municipality, the municipal officials and the elected politicians, and allocates them the task of identifying and prioritising community and municipal issues, and developing appropriate plans to address them. This package of plans or projects is compiled into a municipal budget that targets priority issues for the area, in an integrated and coherent manner. This thesis proposes a new method for tackling this specific group decision making problem, namely Participative Multi-Criteria Decision Analysis. This method was developed in an action research setting in the municipality of Stellenbosch, South Africa, and applied to their 2001/2002 integrated development planning process. The method is grounded in the principles of participative action research in which the participation of all interested and affected patties is valued, and in which there is a commitment to work for change to the fundamental fabric of knowledge and power, leading to a greater empowerment of ordinary people. This participative framework strengthens the legitimacy of the approach by promoting a stronger sense of ownership of process and products by all participants. Within this participative framework, tools of multi-criteria decision analysis are used to support the decision making process by quantifying difficult decisions that need to be addressed. It is the synthesis of these two approaches (action research and multi-criteria decision analysis) that provides both legitimacy and rigour for this method within a highly contested and complex public decision making arena. In the spirit of action research, the method is developed by drawing on theory about developmental local government and poverty, as well as multi-criteria decision analysis. In the process of the research, over forty community workshops were held throughout the Stellenbosch municipal area. Community representatives identified and prioritised the issues of their areas; and in conjunction with municipal officials, developed and evaluated projects in response to these issues. These evaluations assisted the local council to compile the final budget for 2001/2002 in Stellenbosch. In this process, the communities (divided into nine development areas) also developed community development measurement scales which formed the basis for the project evaluations and an ongoing basis for monitoring progress in these communities. It unfolded during the course of this research that a fundamental component of this proposed participative public decision making approach is the role of a central co-ordinating person, not connected to or answerable to any of the constituent groups, who can manage the process of participation, promote an awareness of effective and informative data; ensure the appropriate use of quantification tools and maintain a focus on sustainable poverty alleviation. The method developed in this thesis was successfully applied to the process of identifying, prioritising and making choices about community issues in Stellenbosch, under conditions of significant polarisation of the constituent decision making groups, conclude that this method can be used to implement key aspects of integrated development planning as it addresses the issues of legitimacy and rigour in participative public decision making.
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Peffer, Shelly L. "Tenuous Legitimacy: The Administrative State, the Anti-Government Movement and Constitutional Democracy." Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1210096963.
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Assad, Mussa Juma. "Accounting in non-governmental organisations : towards a theory of navigating legitimacy." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390587.
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Ho, Chiew-siang. "Legitimacy and participation in rural Post-Mao China : cases from Anhui /." View the Table of Contents & Abstract, 2005. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B32020260.
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Bosoga, Tebogo. "The Changing Levels of Diffuse and Specific Support in South Africa amongst ANC supporters: A longitudinal Study." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4029.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the so-called third wave of democratisation, South Africa experienced a transition from authoritarian rule to democratic rule in 1994. This transition was coupled with a transformation process, which saw the establishment and introduction of democratic principles and norms, as well as democratic institutions. All these make South Africa a democracy in theory but do not necessarily mean that it is a democracy in practice. Moreover, democracy, unlike authoritarian rule, depends on the support of the populace. Lack of support for democratic rule renders the regime illegitimate, since it does not have enough support to continue as the authority of the country. Against the theoretical point of departure (i.e. support for democracy is closely tied to legitimacy of the authority), it is imperative to evaluate these types of support for democracy as well as their changing levels in the country. This will shed some light on whether the populace in the country embrace democracy as a form of governance – that is, whether the populace perceive democracy as a political regime that is entrenched not only in theory, but also in practice. This will be highlighted by their level of support, which determines whether the regime is perceived as legitimate or illegitimate. It will further shed some light on the degree or level of support for the political system governing the country. Support for democracy may be evaluated by using two models or types of support, i.e. diffuse and specific support. Diffuse support consists of three levels of support, namely, political community, regime principles and regime performance, whilst specific support consists of two levels of support, namely regime institutions and political actors. For this study, these models and levels of support are evaluated amongst the supporters of the ruling party, namely the ANC. For comparative purposes, however, support patterns for democracy, as measured in the World Values Surveys from 1995 to 2006, amongst the ANC supporters will be evaluated in relation to non-ANC supporters. These patterns are crucial, since they will highlight whether support for democracy is support for democratic rules and norms, i.e. democracy per se, or whether support for democracy is closely tied to party support and position. The study reveals that there are relatively high levels of support for political community, regime principles and regime performance amongst both the ANC supporters and non-ANC supporters, when compared to levels of support for regime institutions and political actors, meaning that there are high levels of diffuse support when compared to specific support. Moreover, the ANC supporters have higher levels of both diffuse and specific support for democracy when compared to non-ANC supporters.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die 1990‟s gedurende die derde golf van demokratisering in die wêreld, het Suid Afrika ook „n transformasie van „n outoritêre stelsel na „n demokrasie ondergaan. Hierdie transformasie het op die vestiging van demokratiese beginsels en norme sowel as demokratiese instellings uitgeloop. Hoewel dit Suid-Afrika ‟n demokrasie in teorie gemaak het, het dit die stelsel nie noodwendig ‟n demokrasie in die praktyk gemaak nie. Dit is belangrik om in ag te neem dat „n demokrasie, anders as „n outokrasie, die ondersteuning van die bevolking moet geniet. ‟n Gebrek aan genoegsame steun kan daartoe lei dat ‟n regering gesag op ‟n onlegitieme wyse uitoefen. Teen hierdie teoretiese agtergrond is dit dus belangrik om die tipes sowel as die veranderende vlakke van ondersteuning vir demokrasie te evalueer. Sodoende word ‟n insig verkry of die bevolking demokrasie as ‟n vorm van regering nie net in teorie aanvaar nie, maar ook in die praktyk. Die vlak van ondersteuning sal bepaal of die regime as legitiem of onlegitiem beskou word. Dit kan ook verder lig werp op die vlak van ondersteuning vir die politieke selsel wat in plek is. Ondersteuning vir demokrasie kan bepaal word deur gebruik te maak van twee modelle of tipes van ondersteuning, naamlik, verspreide (“diffuse”) en spesifieke (“specific”) ondersteuning. Verspreide ondersteuning bestaan uit drie vlakke van ondersteuning, naamlik, steun vir die politieke gemeenskap, regime beginsels en regime optrede. Spesifieke ondersteuning in teenstelling, bestaan uit twee vlakke van ondersteuning, naamlik steun vir regime instellings en vir die politieke akteurs. Vir hierdie studie is die modelle en vlakke van ondersteuning ge-evalueer met spesifieke verwysing na die ondersteuners van die ANC - die regerende party. Vir ‟n vergelykingsbasis is hierdie ondersteuningspatrone met die nie-ANC ondersteuners soos dit voorkom in die World Values opnames van 1995 tot 2006 gebruik. Hierdie patrone is van kardinale belang omdat dit vir ons ‟n aanduiding gee of ondersteuning vir demokrasie ook die ondersteuning vir demokratiese reëls en norme behels. Die bevindinge dui op relatiewe hoër vlakke van ondersteuning vir die politieke gemeenskap, regime beginsels en regime werkverrigting onder ANC ondersteuners sowel as nie-ondersteuners as dit vergelyk word met vlakke van ondersteuning vir regime instellings en politieke akteurs. Dit beteken dat daar hoër vlakke van verspreide ondersteuning bestaan in vergelyking met spesifieke ondersteuning. Verder is bevind dat ANC ondersteuners hoër vlakke van verspreide sowel as spesifiek ondersteuning vir demokrasie vertoon in vergelyking met nie-ondersteuners van die ANC.
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Krehoff, Bernd Michael. "The legitimacy of international legal institutions." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ab3cf53c-bc7e-4140-a532-bb0696d2e44a.
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This thesis is about the legitimacy of political authority in general and international legal institutions (ILIs) in particular. It is divided into two parts with three chapters corresponding to each part. The first part presents an account of legitimate political authority that is based on Joseph Raz's service conception of authority but also makes some important modifications to it. The central claim of the first part is that the legitimacy of political authorities in general, as measured by the standard of Raz's Normal Justification Thesis, depends in a crucial way on the ability of the subjects to get involved –more so than Raz is prepared to admit– in the activities that are relevant in the political domain. The thesis offers a general account of legitimate political authority, i.e. one that is valid for any type of political authority. The second part, however, examines the implications of this account for the legitimacy of ILIs. These are non-state authorities, such as the World Trade Organisation or the International Criminal Court, that deal with problems of global political relevance. Because of this global approach, the subjects of ILIs (i.e. those whose reasons are to be served by the ILI) are not confined to the boundaries of regions or states, but distributed across the world. ILIs operate by creating, interpreting, and applying public international law. Despite some striking differences between ILIs and other types of political authority (particularly states), I argue that they all ought to be measured by the same standard of legitimacy, namely the Normal Justification Thesis. But I also argue that the requirements for meeting this standard of legitimacy may vary according to the type of political authority (especially with regard to the requirement of democracy).
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Sundström, Agneta. "Globalization, CSR and business legitimacy in local relationships /." Uppsala : Dept. of Economics, Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences, 2009. http://epsilon.slu.se/200923.pdf.
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Yang, Aaron. "Mandate of Heaven: An Analysis of China's Government Disaster Response and CCP Performance Legitimacy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1614.
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The aim of this thesis is to investigate the Chinese government’s disaster response over the past two decades, analyze any patterns or recurring management behaviors, and understand the government’s overall emergency response capability. Disaster response is one area that reflects the Chinese Communist Party’s ability to govern and exhibit performance legitimacy. As an authoritarian regime, the CCP relies on repression and performance to maintain its authority, especially so when national disasters occur. During times of crisis, the CCP is expected to maintain control and minimize potentially negative consequences. Not doing so results in a potential image crisis and loss of legitimacy. The cases studied in this thesis were the 2005 Songhua River benzene spill, the 2008 winter storms, the 2008 Wenchuan earthquake, the 2015 Tianjin warehouse explosions, and the 2016 June and July floods. The 2008 Wenchuan earthquake was the deadliest disaster in a generation and provides the most thorough example to investigate China’s government disaster response capabilities. Two of these crises were industrial chemical accidents near or in major Chinese cities. The remaining two were weather disasters spread over a large area that required a far-reaching and coordinated government response across multiple provinces. Each of these sets displays a type of national disaster that China experiences regularly.
In conclusion, the investigation makes two conclusions about the government’s disaster response capabilities. First, the central government is able to make extensive use of its overall authority and hierarchical structure to mobilize state resources on a massive scale. This includes the CCP’s control of the People’s Liberation Army and state emergency personnel, the government’s economic authority to impose immediate regulatory measures, and ability to gather and distribute physical resources. Second, the CCP seeks to avert an image crisis to maintain a veneer of performance legitimacy. Two common tactics are repressing investigative journalism and jailing critics while molding an image of a paternalistic and protecting state through compassionate moral performance. However, the necessity for this last conclusions hints at why such practices are necessary in the first place. The CCP’s rush for economic growth, lack of accountability, and propensity for corruption among other things are the very factors that have allowed disasters to become crises. Extreme measures are necessitated because the system the Party has built is prone to crisis. Without fundamental change, the CCP will continue facing such crises in the foreseeable future.
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López-Portillo, García-López José-Juan. "'Another Jerusalem' : political legitimacy and courtly government in the Kingdom of New Spain (1535-1568)." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2012. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8545.
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My research focused on understanding how viceregal authority was accepted in Mesoamerica. Rather than approaching the problems from the perspective of institutional history, I drew on prosopographical techniques and the court-studies tradition to focus on the practice of government and the affinities that bound indigenous and non-indigenous political communities. In Chapters two and three I investigate how particular notions of nobility informed the ‘ideals of life’ of the Spanish and indigenous elites in New Spain and how these evolved up to 1535. The chapters also serve to establish a general context to the political situation that Mendoza faced on his arrival. Chapters four to seven explore how the viceroys sought to increase their authority in New Spain by appropriating means of direct distribution of patronage and how this allowed them personally to satisfy many of the demands of the Spanish and indigenous elites. This helped them impose their supremacy over New Spain’s magnates and serve the crown by ruling more effectively. Viceregal supremacy was justified in a ‘language of legitimacy’ that became increasingly peculiar to New Spain as a community of interests developed between the local elites and the viceroys who guaranteed the local political arrangements on which their status and wealth increasingly depended. I conclude by suggesting that New Spain was governed on the basis of internal arrangements guaranteed by the viceroys. This led to the development of what I define as a ‘parasitic civic-nobility’ which benefitted from the perpetuation of the viceregal system along with the crown. The internal political logic of most decision making and a defined local identity accompanied by increasingly ‘sui generis’ ‘ideals of life’ qualify New Spain to be considered not as a ‘colony’ run by an alien bureaucracy that perpetuated Spanish ‘domination’ but as Mexico City’s sub-empire within the Habsburg ‘composite monarchy.
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Mzenzi, Siasa. "Accounting practices in the Tanzanian Local Government Authorities (LGAs): the grounded theory of manipulating legitimacy." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2013. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/348343/.
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This research investigates accounting practices in four Tanzanian Local Government Authorities (LGAs). It seeks to understand how accounting is practiced and the situations which sustain its undertaking. The peculiar role of local governments in the delivery of public services and the influence of accounting on the same has motivated this study (Lapsley & Mussari, 2008). It has also been driven by the inadequacy of interpretive theoretically based informed studies into public sector entities, and the limited accounting research in the emerging economies (Goddard, 2010). The study applies an interpretive approach to investigate accounting in the organisations in which it operates (Ahrens & Mollona, 2007), and executes a grounded theory method to develop a theory systematically from the raw data (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). In order to ensure the general application of the emergent theory beyond the case studies, the development of a formal grounded theory was sought. This research revealed that the operations of the Tanzanian LGAs were constrained by factors such as deficient regulatory systems, political interference, donors’ influences, and funding uncertainties. These conditions forced the technocrats to use important accounting practices, such as budgeting, auditing, financial reporting, and performance measurement to manipulate the organisational legitimacy. The process of legitimacy manipulation ensured the availability of resources for the LGAs and the attainment of the individual interests of the Councils’ officials. This study contributes to the interpretive approach in emerging economies. Also, meta-coding, intra-relationships of categories, and development of formal grounded theory, add new insights to the grounded theory analysis. It is also worth noting that the study integrates the emergent theory within the New Institutional Sociology (NIS) framework. It was not intended to test NIS, but rather, to adopt it as a theoretical lens that assisted interpretation of the research findings. In the NIS framework, the study establishes the simultaneous achievement of legitimacy and efficiency, recognises multiple sources of loose coupling, and the influence of performance management on shaping accounting practices in the public sector organisations. It also offers the micro reactions of the Councils’ officials, and recognises the different patterns of the officials’ responses across Councils and service deliveries. The study argues that in emerging economies considerations of a country’s local contexts has the potential to minimise any counter-productivity of reform programs. Moreover, this research appeals for a holistic approach to the reform programs, harmonization of laws and regulations, the institution of efficient financial management and reporting mechanisms, and the improvement of employee welfare in the Tanzanian Councils.
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Ho, Chiew-siang, and 何秋祥. "Legitimacy and participation in rural Post-Mao China: cases from Anhui." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2005. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45015417.
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Lopez, Victor S. "Electing State Court Judges| Harmonizing Democracy with Judicial Review in Pursuing Balanced State Government and Legitimacy." Thesis, University of Nevada, Reno, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10809285.
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Traditional democratic political theorists promote the idea that Supreme Court exercises of judicial review create a counter-majoritarian difficulty , theoretically threatening the foundation of American democracy. Nevertheless, Alexander M. Bickel and other writers, while accepting this premise, seek to reconcile the judicial review power with democratic principles. This thesis rejects the existence of a difficulty. It proposes a historically-based approach for studying democratic theory which considers the elective reality among state judiciaries, and then including these judges’ decision making in theoretical discussions. The fact that state court judges are subject to popular vote earns them a substantial degree of democratic legitimacy because they are closer to people than appointed federal counterparts. They more frequently adjudicate common issues affecting peoples’ everyday lives, and they far outnumber U.S. Supreme Court Justices. These predominantly elected judges also interact with the public when they periodically step into the political arena to engage in campaign activities (i.e., election, re-election, or retention).
The pervasive nature of the state judicial role and judge elections acquaint the populace with who these judges are and what they do in ways that are unimaginable for the few and remote Supreme Court appointees. As a result, the thesis questions theorists’ proclivity to analyze the counter-majoritarian issue by considering only the Supreme Court’s potential impact on the public sentiment. The Supreme Court lens, it will be argued, is too narrow and unrepresentative of the many and complex state court decisions that result in social control and regularly impact the public mind. This thesis remedies the omission of state court decisions from the analysis.
As a part of this investigation, the thesis reviews the nineteenth century transformation of the state judicial office from a legislatively-appointed position to one that became subject to popular vote. During the post-Jacksonian era of democratization, state constitution makers committed to remake state governments by rescuing their political institutions from the claws of the ill-fated experiment of legislatively dominant state governments. Recurrent economic depression, poverty, and instances of government corruption early in the century, led voters to demand fundamental reform. Leading into the 1850s, reformers accepted the important truth that the dominant-legislative model lacked needed checks and balances against public abuse. They slowly recognized that a balanced tripartite system was essential for effective governance.
Judiciaries needed to be strengthened if judges were going to assist in securing roughly balanced state government. Abandoning appointments and embracing judicial review and elections led to needed separation and independence of judiciaries from adjoining branches. These reforms also empowered judges to oversee and maintain adjoining branches within newly defined constitutional spending and lawmaking limits. This also bolstered the ability of judges to protect individual rights against government intrusion. Newly empowered judiciaries thus promoted governmental equilibrium against legislatures and executives whose powers were also more clearly defined. Understanding these reforms holds a key to recognizing the taming of formerly dominant legislatures. Considering this combination of changes also reveals how apparently divergent elements (i.e., elections and review power) may be reasonably credited with saving state governments from ruinous corruption and promoting democratic legitimacy. The proposed state-centric analytic model requires theorists to reconsider prior approaches to democratic political theory, including the federal Supreme Court view. The refocus on state court decision making and elections permits more precise consideration of crucial questions. For example, it is important to see, and document, the extent to which American courts exercise consequential judicial review, and to appreciate whether the public actually sees such exercises as problematic, as the Supreme Court view asserts. This approach also helps to illuminate how judges’ participation in campaigns affects public views of legitimacy. The proposed approach offers a richer evidence-base (i.e., state court exercises of the power) on which to base assertions about whether judicial review (and elections)—rather than being a deviant force—actually harmonizes democracy with the American system for the fair administration of justice.
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Hedmo, Lovisa, and Ebba Lind. "Legitimacy of Accounting Regulation Processes : The Case of Swedish Municipalities and Regions." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Företagsekonomiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-388796.
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Accounting regulation, like any other institution, must be legitimate in order to be complied with. A key component for the legitimacy achievement is a legitimate regulation process. Consequently, the legitimacy of the accounting regulation process has real economic consequences for society as a whole. By building on a framework of prerequisites for a legitimate standard-setting process, the study develops a theoretical model for the analysis of an accounting regulation process’ legitimacy. The empirical setting of the study is distinct from the empirical setting of the literature included in the literature review, as it captures the regulation process of the new municipal accounting act in Sweden. By analyzing all the official documents corresponding to the regulation process of the new municipal accounting act, the study analyses the legitimacy achievement of the accounting regulation process. The results of the study showcase a heavily politically influenced regulation process, where there were deficiencies with the legitimacy achievement. Based on the results of the study, avenues for further research are suggested.
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Leitch, Simon Andrew. "The Power of Rhetoric: China's Search for Legitimacy, 1989-2009." Thesis, Griffith University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366824.
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Rising powers face the threat of containment by wary established powers, and must build legitimacy in order to forestall balancing. China’s clever use of norms, rules, and diplomatic rhetoric in international society stand as excellent examples of how a rising state cultivates a positive identity, defends its actions, and legitimises its rising power. Between 1989 and 2009 China attempted to prevent its rising power from provoking containment by selectively utilising liberal images, norms and international law to undermine other states’ ability to justify balancing operations.
This thesis refines a theoretical framework known as a realist-constructivism and applies it to the study of China’s post-Cold War rise. Whereas many liberals, sinologists and constructivists believe that China’s engagement with the international community has altered its behaviour through socialisation and the penetration of international norms, this study claims no such independent role for norms. Instead, norms are products of the ideological preferences of the dominant international powers, but these norms can be manipulated by other motivated actors to constrain the behaviour of potential opponents. China was able to undermine resistance to its rise by manipulating the deeply held foreign policy ideals and norms of other states, and Beijing used liberal rhetoric to defend its own policies and attributes.
By using appropriate rhetoric China was able to gain legitimacy as an actor and overturn the regional balance of power without facing containment, triggering a major war, or joining an alliance block. To develop this argument the thesis contains multiple case studies of China’s rhetoric, along with an analysis of international responses to Beijing’s policies. A coherent structure to Beijing’s rhetoric can be seen in disputes over territory, trade, China’s military programs, Taiwan’s status, human rights and many other issues. This leads to the conclusion that certain styles of rhetorical action are effective, and that it might be possible to predict when, how and why rhetoric will be effective legitimising a certain actor or foreign policy decision.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
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Harrison, Regina. "Rhetorical use of the Great Law of Peace at Kahnawake : a measure of political legitimacy in a Mohawk community." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26276.
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The past is often used by political figures in the present in order to achieve political goals by manipulating a feeling of identity, based upon a shared history, among their followers. The extent to which a political leader may alter narratives of the past to meet his or her own needs is governed by certain constraints and laws of structure, as Appadurai and Sahlins have argued (Appadurai 1981; Sahlins 1985). However, the credibility of a leader is affected by such factors as how well that leader fills the cultural construct of a leader's role and adheres to the community's expectations. At Kahnawake, a Mohawk community near Montreal, I found that the amount of authority granted to individual factional leaders in their interpretation of the Iroquois Confederacy's Great Law of Peace reflected the degree to which each leader behaved as a Confederacy chief or orator should, and also reflected the degree to which the leader obeyed social norms, particularly that of not advocating violence against fellow Mohawks. My findings add to the growing body of anthropological literature on the uses of the past by demonstrating in a specific case study how interpersonal relationships between leaders and a community affect the leaders' credibility and authority over the past.
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Loomis, Andrew Joseph. "Leveraging legitimacy in securing U.S. leadership normative dimensions of hegemonic authority /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest) Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2008. http://worldcat.org/oclc/436297268/viewonline.
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Lin, Ling, and 林灵. "The effectiveness and legitimacy of investment incentive regime in China: dilemmas of state intervention." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50533757.
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While investment incentives are increasingly employed by the developing economies, the vast amount of literature has failed to reach a consensus on the role of incentive regimes. A fundamental problem with the previous econometric studies is that they assume a mature market condition, under which the government should remain outside FDI competition. However, in reality, most developing countries lack a mature market and market-oriented regulatory institutions. This thesis adds to the conventional wisdom by examining whether and how Chinese investment incentive regimes have been successful in harnessing FDI during the last three decades. Like many developing economies, China is still in the process of building a market economy. The striking ability of China to attract FDI with numerous incentives presents a meaningful laboratory for examining the role of investment incentives.
In contrast to most previous economic studies, this thesis does not attempt to examine the economic mechanisms of investment incentives. The basic presumption of this thesis is that incentive measures are instrument of state intervention with designed policy goals. A policy-oriented approach has thus been adopted, under which the role of investment incentives is examined against precisely defined policy objectives in a particular policy context. In China’s case, the efficacy of investment incentives is shown by a strategic and dynamic correlation between the investment incentive regime and its achieved development goals. In the given policy context, their functions cannot be replaced by more desirable instruments due to the political and economic constraints.
Besides the economic evaluation, the study adds the legal dimension of evaluation on investment incentives. From a legal perspective, the regulatory space for developing countries is increasingly defined by the international legal regime. Investment incentives should be framed in a way to balance national interests and the level of protection required for foreign investment. The evolution of China’s incentive regime presents a good example to integrate global consensus with domestic imperatives. By unifying its income tax system, China adopted an incentive regime generally consistent with its WTO commitments and could be utilized to its advantages.
However, serious problems inherent in the incentive system have already emerged in China, which may hamper its economic development in the long run. The thesis shows that the state’s capacity to channel FDI towards development goals is declining, as its intrusiveness has given way to arbitrariness. A top-down approach deprives foreign investors of their channels to communicate their opinions to the policymakers. The local arbitrariness and corruption in incentive implementation will compound the problem and hinder the inflows of high quality foreign investment.
The thesis then proposes that the investment incentive regime in China needs to be upgraded into a more legalized system with non-discrimination, transparency, coherence and an effective monitoring mechanism as its central features. The legalization process would help to alleviate the negative effects of investment incentives. In the absence of a political infrastructure compatible with a rules-based system, the Chinese government needs to start with redefining the government-business relationship with a legal framework and reinforcing an independent judicial system.published_or_final_version
Law
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
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PAOLINI, Giulia. "The legitimacy deficit of the European Union and the role of national parliaments." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10445.
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Defence date: 17 September 2007Examining Board: Prof. Morten Kelstrup, (University of Copenhagen) ; Prof. Peter Mair, (European University Institute) ; Prof. Gianfranco Pasquino, (University of Bologna) ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter, (EUI Professional Fellow)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available